THE 


CONQUEST  OF  KANSAS, 


BY 


MISSOURI  AND   HER  ALLIES. 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE   TROUBLES  IN   KANSAS,  FROM  THE  PASSAGE 
OF  THE  ORGANIC  ACT  UNTIL  THE  CLOSE  OF  JULY,  1856. 


BY    WILLIAM    PHILLIPS, 

SPECIAL  CORRESPONDENT   OP  THE   NEW   YORK   TRIBUNE,   FOR  KANSAS. 


"  Come  on,  then,  gentlemen  of  the  slave  States  ;  since  there  is  no  escaping  your  challenge, 
I  accept  it  in  behalf  of  Freedom.  We  will  engage  in  competition  for  the  virgin  soil  of 
Kansas,  and  God  give  the  victory  to  the  side  that  is  stronger  in  numbers  as  it  is  in  right !  " 
—  Speech,  O/WM.  H.  SEWARD,  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  1854. 


BOSTON. 

PHILLIPS,  SAMPSON    AND    COMPANY. 
1856. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1856,  by 

PHILLIPS,   SAMPSON  &  CO., 
la  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


HOBART    A-    BOBBINS, 
New  England  Type  and  Stereotype  Foundery, 


PREFACE. 


THE  writer  deems  no  apology  necessary  in  submitting 
the  early  and  unhappy  history  of  Kansas  to  the  public.  A 
conviction  of  its  importance  impelled  him  to  the  task,  and 
he  assumed  the  duty  of  historian  under  the  belief  that  his 
opportunities  for  observation,  and  participation  in  much  of 
what  has  occurred,  gave  him  advantages  over  other  writers 
less  conversant  with  the  subject. 

It  is  not  the  intention  of  this  preface  to  make  an  elabo 
rate  assertion  of  impartiality.  What  is  written  is  offered 
to  the  public  as  the  simple  TRUTH,  and  a  fair  record  of  the 
events  it  chronicles.  The  writer  does  not  claim  to  be  impar 
tial  on  the  cause  of  quarrel,  nor  would  he  regard  such  a 
profession  as  very  creditable  in  any  other  person  ;  yet  he 
believes  that  his  convictions  could  neither  induce  him  to 
wrong  an  enemy,  nor  do  a  friend  more  than  justice.  The 
future  will  fully  vindicate  the  truth  of  all  that  is  written  ; 
and,  if  there  is  one  generous  mind  which,  with  the  lights 
now  before  it,  would  incline  to  charge  the  author  with  per 
version,  let  such  a  doubter  know  that  the  author,  while  he 
values  the  good  opinion  of  all  good  men,  would  rather  thus 
be  suspected,  than  purchase  a  doubtful  reputation  for  impar 
tiality  at  the  sacrifice  of  a  truthful  record.  The  common 

235589 


IV  PREFACE. 

trick  of  authors  who  lack  independence,  is,  to  compound 
between  "God  and  mammon,"  and,  in  steering  exactly  be 
tween  two  opinions,  to  claim  all  the  virtues,  and  exemption 
from  all  the  vices,  of  both.  Such  a  course  the  author  does 
not  desire  to  imitate. 

In  this  narrative  there  is  a  faithful  record  of  all  the  im 
portant  documents,  and  the  opinions  of  both  sides  have 
been  given  on  many  important  points,  although  the  design 
was  to  have  a  connected  narrative,  rather  than  a  collection 
of  statements.  In  the  biographical  sketches  contained 
in  the  work  the  writer  has  treated  the  leaders  on  both 
sides  with  that  close  scrutiny  which  is  the  public  right  as 
regards  public  men.  A  perusal  will  probably  exonerate 
from  the  charge  of  "puffing  ;  "  and  if  some  friends  regard 
their  handling  as  rather  "candid,"  let  them  know  that  it 
was,  at  least,  without  malice. 

In  descriptions  of  the  battles,  skirmishes,  and  other  strik 
ing  incidents,  great  pains  has  been  taken  to  have  the  out 
lines  and  the  facts  correct,  and  to  make  the  picture  as 
true  to  nature  as  possible.  As  it  was  the  design  to  give 
a  history  of  the  struggle,  rather  than  a  condensation  or 
collection  of  outrages,  very  many  important  and  outrageous 
occurrences  have  been  necessarily  omitted. 

Finally,  reader,  after  having  perused  it,  criticize,  and 
censure  it  as  much  as  you  think  you  conscientiously  can. 
In  the  history  thus  submitted,  the  privilege  of  judging  men 
and  things  has  been  too  freely  exercised  to  be  grudged 
to  any  careful  reader  by 

THE  AUTHOR. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

Kansas  before  the  Passage  of  the  Organic  Act  —  Indians  and  Indian  Reserves 

—  Santa  Fe  and  California   Roads — Religious   Missions — Slavery  Intro 
duced —  Kansas  Nebraska  Bill  —  Emigration  —  Federal   Appointments  — 
Indian  Treaties  —  Rival  Interests, 11 

CHAPTER    II. 

THE   FIRST   INVASION. 

Eastern   Emigration  —  Threatened  Attack — Border  Ruffians  —  A  Warning 

—  Another  —  Prudent  Valor — A  Retreat  —  A  Sharp  Joke — Bogus    "  Nig 
ger  Hunter  "  —  "Right  on  the  Records," 27 

CHAPTER    III. 

GOV.    REEDER FIRST   ELECTION BLUE   LODGE. 

Federal   Appointees  —  A   Missouri  View  of  Reeder  —  Flenniken  —  Whitfield 

—  Wakefield  —  Fall  Election  —  Blue    Lodge  operates  in  Missouri  as  well 
as  Kansas — Mr.   Prince  —  Having  Friends  in  Missouri  —  A  Cross  Exam 
ination,       37 

CHAPTER   IV. 

SMART   ELECTIONEERING    TRICK. 

A  Resolve — Abstract    Democracy  —  Simon   Pure    Know-Nothing  —  Another 

—  How  Electioneering  with  Indians  goes  —  Slavery  Established  by  Missouri 
and  Territorial  Judges  —  Slavery  Vindicated, 53 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE   MARCH    ELECTION. 

Kind  of  Population  —  Old-fashioned  Pioneers  —  Modern  Pioneers  —  Squatter 
Sovereignty  — The  Census  — The  Election  — The  Men  Elected  — The  Fraud 

as  certified  to, G3 

1* 


VI  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    VI. 

WHAT   KANSAS   AND   MISSOURI    THOUGHT   OF  IT PROTEST MAY 

ELECTION. 

Kansas  to  be  "kept  Conquered"  —  Lynching  of  Phillips  —  Death  of  Clark  — 
Proceedings  in  Missouri  —  Free  Press  and  Speech  Tabooed  —  The  Pulpit 
under  Censorship  —  An  Original  Specimen  on  the  Stand  —  Parkville  Press 
thrown  into  the  Missouri, 83 

CHAPTER    VII. 

THE   BOGUS   LEGISLATURE. 

Missouri  Wars  on  Reeder —  Legislature  Meets  —  Legal  Members  Ejected, 
July  4th  —  Legislation — Laws  relative  to  Slave  Property  —  Election  of 
Local  Officers — Bogus  Legislature  help  Themselves — Federal  Courts  pro 
nounce  in  Favor  of  Bogus  Laws  in  Advance  —  A  Memorial  —  An  Office-seeker 
on  the  Stool  of  Repentance, 98 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

REEDER    DISMISSED SHANNON   APPOINTED BIG     SPRINGS   CONVEN 
TION. 

The  Excuse  —  Shannon —  His  Reception  and  Speech  —  The  People  Murmur — 
The  State  Movement  —  Reeder  nominated  for  Delegate  —  His  Acceptance 
and  Speech  —  Resolutions  —  The  Platform, 114 

CHAPTER   IX. 

THE   TOPEKA    CONSTITUTION. 

The  First  Topeka  Convention  —  A  County  Seat  Election  —  October  Election  — 
The  Constitutional  Convention  —  The  Constitution  —  Sketches  of  the  Topeka 
Delegates, 125 

CHAPTER    X. 

PAT     LAUGHLIN PARDEE    THE    MARTYR LAW    AND    ORDER    CON 
TENTION. 

Pat's  Conversion  —  His  Zeal  —  His  Repentance  —  Death  of  Collins — Atchison 
—  Border  Ruffian  Story  —  Law  and  Order  in  Leavenworth- — The  Governor 
as  a  Popular  Delegate  —  Law  and  Order  Speeches — Bogus  Laws  to  bo 
Enforced, 141 

CHAPTER    XI. 

RESCUE    OF    BRANSON. 

Origin  of  the  Difficulty  —  Murder  of  Dow  —  Flight  of  the  Murderer  —  Meeting 
at  Hickory  Point  —  A  Plot  —  Jones  enters  the  Territory  with  Coleman  —  A 


CONTENTS.  VII 

Justice  Manufactured  —  Branson  Arrested  —  Big  Threats  —  The  Rescue  — 
Impending  War, 151 

CHAPTER    XII. 

WAKARUSA    WAR PREPARATIONS. 

Jones  Fulminates  —  The  Governor  Assists  —  Military  Orders  —  Proclamation 

—  Secret  Orders  —  Col.  Boone's  Despatches  —  Missouri  in  the  Field,  .   .  162 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

WAKARUSA    WAR INCIDENTS    OF  THE  SIEGE. 

The  First  Impulse  —  A  more  Prudent  Position  —  Organized  Defence  —  An 
Alarm  —  An  Expedition  —  The  Invaders  —  Queries  about  "Sharpe's"  Rifles 

—  The  Fillibuster  Flag  — An  Effort  to  prevent  the  "Effusion  of  Blood"  — 
The  Demand  for  Arms, 174 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

ADVENTURES   WITH   THE   BORDER   RUFFIAN    CHIEFS. 

Expedition  —  A  Free  and  Easy  Guard  —  A  Ruffian  Chief — Careful  Guard  and 
a  Capture  —  Wakarusa  Camp  again  —  A  Vermonter  —  A  Journey  —  Another 
Arrest  —  An  Odd-Fellow  —  Gen.  Pomeroy  —  The  Return  —  How  we  swam 
the  River 187 

CHAPTER    XV. 

WAKARUSA    WAR DEATH   OF   BARBER. 

Preparations  for  Defence  —  A  Patrol  Incident  —  A  Spy —Indians  offer  their 
Services  —  The  Brass  Howitzer  —  The  Ladies  of  Lawrence  —  Jones  as  a 
Scribe  —  A  Threatening  Letter  —  The  Murder  of  Barber, 203 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

THE    "  PEACE-MAKERS." 

The  Deputation  —  Shannon  comes  up  —  In  Trouble  —  A  Cautious  Colonel  — 
The  Governor  and  his  Friends  —  The  Ghost  of  Banquo  —  Negotiations  — 
Speeches  —  The  Treaty  —  What  they  treated  about—  "  Militia  "  Disbanded 

—  A  Row  —  A  Storm  —  Breaking  up  of  the  Invading  Camp  —  The  Governor 
"when  you  know  him," 216 

CHAPTER    XVII. 

MOBBING   THE   BALLOT-BOXES. 

Prisoners  of  War  —  Fruits  of  the  War  —  The  Peace  Banquet  —  Volunteers 
Disbanded  —  Vote  on  the  State  Constitution  —  "Emigration"  on  the 
"Squatter  Sovereignty"  Plan  —  Two  Heroes — An  Attack  —  Successful  — 
Further  Threats  —  "Militia"  Disbanded  —  Law  and  Order  Speeches  —  Fears 
for  a  Night  Attack, 229 


VIII  CONTENTS. 

I 

CHAPTER    XVIII. 

SKIRMISH   AT   EASTON. 

Election  Forbidden  in  Leavenworth —  Held  at  Easton —  Voters  Molested  and 
Polls  Threatened  —  An  Attack  —  A  Rescue  —  A  Fight  —  Taken  Prisoner  — 
Death  of  Capt.  Brown  —  Nominating  Convention  Election, 240 

CHAPTER    XIX. 

STATE   LEGISLATURE DRAGOONS SHERIFF   JONES    SHOT. 

Treason  —  President's  Poclaniation  —  Response  to  it  —  Assemblage  of  the  Leg 
islature  —  Governor's  Speech  —  Committee  of  Congress  —  Attempted  Arrests 
— Dragoons  under  Orders  of  Jones  —  Military  Correspondence — Arrests  — 
The  "  Assassin  "  —  "  Passin'  Resolutions  "  —  A  Trick  Suspected  —  Missouri 
Indignant  —  Outrages  not  mentioned  by  Authority  —  The  War  Begun,  .  248 

CHAPTER    XX. 

MARSHAL    DONALDSON    DECLARES   WAR. 

Missouri  receives  Allies  —  A  Couple  of  Deputies  —  A  Marshal  —  A  Federal 
Court  in  Kansas  —  An  Indictment  against  Mortar,  Iron,  and  Paper  —  At 
tempt  to  arrest  Reeder — Gov.  Robinson  starts  for  the  East  —  His  Capture 

—  Reeder's  Flight  —  Committee  leave  Lawrence  —  Proclamation  —  Protests 

—  Proposals  for  Defence  Overruled  —  A   New  Committee  of  Safety  —  A 
Threatening  Letter  —  Adventures  of  Free-State  Men  —  Further  Correspond 
ence  —  Arms  Taken  —  Murder  of  Jones  —  Death  of  Stewart,       ....  2G4 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

SACKING   OF   LAWRENCE. 

The  Advanced  Guard  —  Arrests  —  Reinforcements  —  Another  Appeal  —  A 
Demand  —  A  Surrender  —  Law  and  Order  Speeches  —  The  Allied  Army  enter 
Lawrence — Printing  Offices  Destroyed  —  Hotel  Bombarded  and  Burned  — 
Wholesale  Plunder  —  Pro-slavery  Version, 289 

CHAPTER    XXII. 

GUERILLA  WAR  —  THE   DRAGOONS LAW  AND    ORDER   IN   LEA  YEN- 
WORTH. 

Atchison  passes  through  Lawrence  —  The  Box  Hoax  — Pro-slavery  Testimony 

—  Guerilla  War  —  " Burning"  of  Bernhardt  —  The  Governor  Victimized  — 
Dragoons  called  out  —  Potawattomie_A  {fairs —  A  Notice  —  Law  and  Order 
Arrests, 310 

CHAPTER    XXIII. 

CAPT.    WALKER THE    GOVERNOR    ON   SHARPED   RIFLES. 

Price  on  a  Free-State  Man's  Head  — The  Alarm  — The  Muster  — The  Attack 


CONTENTS.  IX 

—  The  Repulse  — A  Peace-Maker  — The  "Right  of  Search"  — A  "Law  aud 
Order"  Governor  —  A  Brave  Little  Girl—  The  Gallant  Dragoons  get  in  Trou 
ble  by  Mistake  —  Another  Alarm  —  A  Capture  —  Prisoners  Liberated,  .  320 

CHAPTER    XXIV. 

BATTLE    OF   BLACK    JACK. 

Capt.  Pate's  Expedition  —  Houses  Burned  and  Prisoners  Taken  —  Alliance  be 
tween  the  Ruffians  and  Dragoons  —  Brutal  Treatment  of  the  Prisoners  — 
Palmyra  Plundered  —  A  Preacher  Outraged  —  Prisoners  —  Attack  on  Prairie 
City— Religion  and  War— A  Boy  Hero  — The  Reconnoitre  —  The  Battle 

—  The  Surrender, 331 

CHAPTER    XXV. 

BATTLE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

State  Prisoners  —  Franklin  a  Military  Point  —  The  Plan,  or  the  Want  of  One  — 
The  Attack  —  Major  Redpath —  The  "Music  of  the  Spheres"  —  Evacuation 
of  the  Guard  House  —  The  Wakarusa  Boys  —  The  Retreat —  Lawless  Arrests 

—  Indictments, 343 

CHAPTER    XXVI. 

NIMROD    WHITFIELD DEATH    OF    CANTRAL CAMPAIGNING   IN   THE 

WAR   OF   FREEDOM. 

A  New  Proclamation  —  The  Troops  after  Capt.  Brown  —  Whitfield's  Invasion 

—  The  Free-State  Forces  —  The  Young  Guerillas  —  The  March  on  Hickory 
Point  —  The  Troops  enter  Brown's  Camp  —  Pate  and  his  Fellow-prisoners 
Released  —  The  Border  Ruffians  Dispersed  "upon  their  honor" — Cantral 
taken  Prisoner  —  Reconnoitring  —  A  Capture  —  The  Dragoons  —  The   To- 
peka  Boys  at  Willow  Springs  —  Death  of  Cantral, 356 

CHAPTER    XXVII. 

SACKING   OF    OSAWATTOMIE. 

An  Appeal  —  A  Visit  to  the  Dragoons  —  What  the  Dragoons  Did  —  Attack  on 
Osawattomio  —  A  Masterly  Retreat  —  "  Holding  Out "  against  the  Abolition 
ists,  370 

CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

A    CHAPTER    OF   OUTRAGES. 

The  Governor  gets  Alarmed  —  A  Warning  —  Law  and  Order  Operations  on  the 
Indians  —  A  Letter  of  Invitation  —  Mr.  Bailey's  Statement  —  C.  H.  Barlow's 
Statement  —  Mr.  Baldwin's  Statement  —  A  Fearful  Letter  —  Missouri  River 
Piracy,  377 


X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

DISPERSION    OF   THE    LEGISLATURE. 

Preparations  for  the  Fourth  —  Federal  Troops  supersede  the  Ruffians  —  A 
Proclamation  —  Legislature  Convenes  —  Military  Correspondence  —  A  Reso 
lution  —  A  String  of  Proclamations  —  Troops  enter  Topeka  —  Both  Branches 
of  the  Legislature  Dispersed  —  Troops  Retire, 392 

CHAPTER    XXX. 

CLOSING    CHAPTER   ON    THE  STATE   OF   CONQUERED   KANSAS. 


THE   CONQUEST    OF  KANSAS. 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

LITTLE  more  than  two  years  ago  Kansas  was  closed  to  emigra 
tion..  The  remnants  of  numerous  and  powerful  tribes  were 
scattered  over  the  eastern  portion  of  the  territory,  on  reserves 
given  to  them  by  government.  These  reserves  embraced  a  con 
siderable  portion  of  the  country  adjacent  to  the  Missouri  river, 
and  -one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  west  of  it.  This  is  the  richest 
and  most  available  portion  of  the  territory.  Besides  bordering 
on  the  Missouri,  it  includes  the  Kaw  and  its  numerous  tributaries  ; 
the  head  waters  of  the  Osage  and  Arkansas  rivers,  and  the  many 
rivulets  and  streams  which  flow  into  them.  It  is  prairie  country, 
the  timber  being  chiefly  confined  to  the  banks  of  the  creeks  and 
rivers.  These  are  so  abundant,  that,  in  the  portion  to  which  I 
allude,  the  prairies  are  rarely  more  than  four  or  five  miles  across. 
The  soil  is  rich  and  deep ;  a  black  loam,  for  two  or  three  feet,  on 
a  porous  clay  subsoil.  The  prairies  are  all  rolling,  and  in  some 
spots  even  hilly.  The  soil  rests  on  a  limestone  basis.  A  coarse, 
gray,  carboniferous  limestone  rock  constitutes  the  upper  strata. 
This  dips  out  on  the  face  and  crests  of  the  hills  and  prairie  knolls, 
and  the  broken  and  detached  fragments  of  rock  mark  them  with 
a  rocky  belt  at  certain  elevations.  Beneath  this  limestone  lies  a 
blue  sandstone,  compact,  even,  and  easily  worked  ;  beneath  that,  a 
finer  quality  of  limestone.  The  western  and  southern  parts  of  the 
country  I  am  describing  rest  on  beds  of  the  yellow  and  red 
sandstone.  On  many  of  the  rivers  and  small  creeks  coal  has 
already  been  found  ;  from  the  indications,  it  is  probably  abundant 
throughout  the  territory.  The  soil  is  loose  and  deep,  and  emi- 


12    ,''''         e'cct«  *THiK&Oj|(Jtfite'"'OE    KANSAS. 


nently  calculated  to  sustain  cro-.s  in  dry  weather.  The  climate 
resembles  that  of  Southern  Illinois  and  Indiana,  only  it  is  much 
more  salubrious  and  dry.  The  breeze  blows  fresh  from  the  moun 
tains,  meeting  no  obstructions  on  the  plains.  There  is  always  a 
breeze,  often  high  winds. 

When  the  traveller  is  ascending  the  Missouri  river,  as  he  ap 
proaches  the  mouth  of  the  Kaw,  he  is  travelling  west  ;  at  that 
point  he  first  sees  Kansas  soil.  The  Kaw  or  Kansas  river  flows 
from  the  west.  From  its  mouth  the  Missouri  river  takes  a  bend, 
arid  runs  nearly  due  north  for  a  considerable  distance.  From  the 
mouth  of  the  Kaw  river,  on  the  right  bank,  the  boundary  line 
between  Kansas  and  Missouri  runs  directly  south.  The  Kaw  river 
thus  runs  diagonally  through  the  eastern  part  of  the  territory. 
Immediately  at  the  point  of  confluence  between  the  Kaw  and 
Missouri  lies  the  Wyandot  reserve.  It  is  small,  extending  six 
miles  from  the  mouth.  It  is  densely  timbered.  The  tribe  is  not 
numerous,  but  they  are  comparatively  civilized.  They  have  mostly 
good  farms  and  good  houses  for  the  West.  They  are  wealthy, 
many  of  them  having  intermarried  with  the  whites. 

Immediately  above  the  Wyandot  begins  the  Delaware  reserva 
tion.  The  Wyandot  was  a  purchase  from  the  Delaware.  The 
Delaware  reserve  is  a  large  tract  of  country,  chiefly  prairie,  but 
well  timbered.  It  borders  the  Kaw  on  the  north  side,  and  runs 
up  for  forty  miles.  Ten  miles  wide  of  the  northern  part  has  been 
ceded,  and  will  be  sold  to  the  highest  bidder,  under  treaty.  This 
is  now  covered  with  the  settlements  and  claims  of  white  men. 
Towns  and  future  cities  have  been  located  upon  it.  The  Delawares 
have  been  a  powerful  tribe,  and  several  thousands  of  them  are 
still  on  the  reserve.  They  cultivate  but  little  land.  A  few  good 
farms  are  scattered  along  the  military  road,  and  a  few  patches  and 
small  farms  may  be  seen  elsewhere;  but  they  are  indolent,  semi- 
barbarous,  and  depend  chiefly  on  their  annuities.  They  are  un 
willing  to  sell  the  remainder  of  their  land.  I  do  not  think  they 
can  successfully  mix  with  the  whites.  Their  reserve  is  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  tracts  of  prairie  and  woodland,  and  lies  in  position 
to  give  it  eminent  commercial  value.  Immediately  above  the 
Delaware  reserve  is  a  strip  of  land  belonging  to  the  Kaw  half- 


INTRODUCTORY    CHAPTER.  13 

breeds.  Above  that,  and  on  both  sides  of  the  Kaw,  lies  the  Potawat- 
tomie  reserve.  It  is  a  large,  square  tract,  consisting  of  the  finest 
land  and  timber,  and  the  greater  part  of  it  lies,  to  all  intents  and 
purposes,  a  wilderness.  A  wilderness  I  fear  it  will  remain,  if  the 
blossoms  and  fruit  of  civilization  are  to  spring  from  the  efforts  of 
these  Indians.  They  are  like  the*Delawares,  only  "  much  more  so." 
The  Dela wares  are  better  familiarized  with  the  whites,  and  possess 
in  more  eminent  degree  the  marks  of  whiskey  civilization.  The 
Potawattomies,  Kaws,  Sacs,  and  Foxes,  and  several  other  lesser 
tribes,  are  of  the  Indians,  Indianish.  They  are  only  one  remove 
from  the  tomahawk  and  wigwam,  and,  take  it  all  in  all,  I  do  not 
know  if  that  remove  is  for  the  better. 

The  Kickapoo  reserve  lies  between  the  Kaw  and  the  Missouri. 
It  is  a  tract  of  some  ten  by  twenty  miles.  It  touches  the  head 
waters  of  the  Grasshopper  and  the  Stranger  Creek.  This  is  a 
fine  prairie  country,  resembling  in  all  essential  points  the  Dela 
ware  reserve.  The  Kickapoos,  unlike  the  "  Rangers  "  of  the  same 
name,  are  comparatively  civilized ;  but  it  is  Indian  civilization  at 
best.  Further  north,  and  close  to  the'  Nebraska  line,  which  is  the 
base  line  of  the  surveys,  there  are  a  few  small  tribes  scattered  on 
petty  reserves,  some  of  them  on  the  Missouri  river,  and  some  back 
of  it. 

To  the  south  of  the  Kaw,  and  stretching  upwards  of  thirty 
miles  to  the  west  from  the  Missouri  frontier,  lies  the  Shawnee  re 
serve.  The  reserve  borders  the  Kaw  from  a  point  near  its  mouth, 
and  stretches  far  enough  to  the  southward  to  be  nearly  square. 
This  reserve  consists  mostly  of  high-rolling  prairies.  The  timber 
is  not  so  plentiful  here  as  on  some  other  parts,  but  those  most 
familiar  with  it  think  there  is  enough.  Limestone  rocks  on  the 
prairie  hills  are  very  plenty,  although  confined,  as  in  all  such  cases, 
to  narrow  strips  and  belts.  These  rocky  belts  are  more  common 
and  striking  on  the  prairie  hills  along  the  valley  of  the  Kaw 
than  in  other  parts  of  the  territory.  The  Shawnee  reserve  is 
very  fine  land.  I  do  not  consider  it  the  finest  in  the  territory ; 
but  its  contiguity  to  the  richest  and  most  thickly-settled  part  of 
Missouri  gives  it  a  value.  The  Shawnees  are  semi-civilized,  and 
are,  I  think,  more  industrious  than  the  majority  of  the  Indians. 
2 


14  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Many  of  them  are  farmers,  and,  in  their  houses,  property,  and 
management,  resemble  the  poorer  class  of  settlers  in  the  West. 
They  are  half-educated,  half-evangelized,  half-labored,  half-whis- 
keyfied,  half- white  man,  and  half-Indian.  As  no  white  man  has 
been  allowed  to  settle  on  these  reserved  lands,  there  are,  of  course, 
no  legal  preemptions  upon  them ;  yet  they  have  all  been  staked 
off.  Scarcely  a  merchant  or  storekeeper's  clerk  —  in  fact,  scarce 
ly  any  one  about  Westport  and  Independence  —  but  has  a  "claim 
staked  out"  thereabouts.  These  claims  rest  on  a  bowie-knife-and- 
revolver  basis,  and  may  prove  good  if  the  Indian  and  land  agents 
are  sufficiently  rascally,  and  those  who  may  incline  to  be  contest 
ants  are  sufficiently  timid.  These  claims  have  mostly  been  taken 
during  the  various  warlike  and  election  raids  on  the  free-state 
settlers ;  for  the  Shawnee  reserve  lies  out  from  Westport,  and  is 
between  the  Missouri  frontier  and  the  New  England  settlements  in 
the  valley  of  the  Kaw. 

There  is  a  great  road,  leading  out  from  Independence  and  West- 
port  into  the  territory,  which  has  hitherto  been  an  important  thor 
oughfare.  After  it  has  entered  the  territory  for  a  few  miles  it 
forks.  One  fork,  bending  up  through  the  territory  to  the  south 
west,  is  the  Santa  Fe  trail ;  the  other,  after  crossing  the  Shaw- 
nee  reserve,  runs  up  between  the  Kaw  and  Wakarusa,  cross 
ing  the  former  below  Fort  Riley,  and  leading  out  towards  Fort 
Laramie.-  It  is  the  California  road.  On  the  first  of  these  roads 
the  commerce  with  New  Mexico  has  passed.  Along  the  other,  for 
years  back,  there  has  been  a  stream  of  human  life  pouring  out 
from  the  States,  carrying  with  it  the  elements  for  a  new  empire  on 
the  Pacific.  Besides  these  roads,  there  are  other  two  main  roads  or 
trails  starting  from  Leavenworth,  which,  in  business,  are  super 
seding  the  others ;  one  a  California  road  from  Leavenworth  to 
Laramie,  the  other  by  Fort  Riley  to  Santa  Fe.  The  travellers 
from  every  portion  of  the  United  States,  who  have  passed  over 
these  roads  for  the  last  few  years,  have  noted  Eastern  Kansas. 
As  they  crossed  its  streams,  and  looked  down  from  the  high  prai 
rie  knolls  upon  the  scene  of  fertility  and  beauty,  marked  the 
feathery  outlines  of  timber  which  fringe  the  numerous  streams, 
and  observed  the  deep  black  prairie  loam,  not  flat,  but  beautifully 


INTRODUCTORY    CHAPTER.  15 

picturesque  and  rolling,  they  saw,  in  these  indications  of  natural 
wealth  and  beauty,  the  seat  of  a  future  empire,  a  glorious  state, 
lying  at  the  feet  of  a  Western  commerce,  long  neglected,  but  great 
in  the  future.  As  they  passed  on  through  these  rich  valleys,  and 
finally  struck  the  coarse  sandy  soil,  covered  by  a  sparse  buffalo- 
grass,  they  halted,  ere  they  entered  the  regions  of  plain  and  bar 
renness,  to  fix  on  their  memories  a  more  definite  picture  to  carry 
with  them,  and  make  this  a  future  El  Dorado  to  their  wandering 
thoughts  and  wandering  footsteps,  which,  in%  all  their  weary  pere 
grinations,  are  never  fated  to  press  a  rival  of  this  "  Italy  of  Amer 
ica  and  garden-spot  of  the  world." 

Many  of  these  California  emigrants  are  now  in  Kansas. 
Amongst  others,  Dr.  Charles  Robinson,  while  on  his  overland  route 
some  years  ago,  left  the  train,  while  the  oxen  and  mules  were  pick 
ing  their  supper  from  the  slopes  that  fall  towards  the  Wakarusa, 
and  took  a  stroll  to  look  at  the  country,  so  new  and  full  of  in 
terest.  Amidst  the  tall  prairie-grass,  he  traversed  Mt.  Oread. 
He  stood  on  the  spot  where  his  house  subsequently  stood,  and 
where  its  ashes  now  mark  the  footsteps  of  border  ruffians,  and 
looked  down  on  the  beautiful  prairie  knoll  close  to  the  river,  sloping 
so  gently  in  all  directions.  Before  him  was  the  site  of  the  future 
LAWRENCE,  then  a  beautiful  wild,  the  tall  trees  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  river  throwing  their  dark  shadows  in  the  winding  Kaw, 
which  here  murmured  over  a  petty  rapid. 

Before  the  California  emigration  this  territory  was  regarded  as 
an  Indian  wild  —  a  trackless  and  worthless  waste.  The  frontier  of 
Missouri  was  considered  the  outpost  of  civilization,  and  all  beyond 
set  down  as  a  region  of  inhospitable  barrenness,  where  the 
remnants  of  the  once  powerful  Indian  tribes  could  be  gathered, 
and  where  they  could  be  left  until  whiskey  civilization,  or  the 
inexorable  hand  of  fate,  should  effect  their  annihilation.  Tribe 
after  tribe  was  here  located,  and  land  set  apart  to  them,  with  the 
promise  that  here  they  might  permanently  reside.  A  careful 
examination  of  this  policy,  and  of  the  political  record  to  trace 
the  hands  to  which  the  country  is  indebted  for  it,  will  show  that 
to  the  existence  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  it  must  be  attrib 
uted.  By  that  restriction  Kansas  was  shut  to  slavery.  Western 


16  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

Missouri  is  the  seat  of  slavery  in  mat  state.  It  is  chiefly  confined 
to  the  few  counties  that  border  it.  Western  Missouri  looked  with 
an  envious  eye  upon  Kansas.  It  acted  as  if  Kansas  really  be 
longed  to  it.  Years  before  the  American  people  heard  a  syllable 
about  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise,  it  was  contemplated 
and  discussed  in  Western  Missouri.  The  propagandists,  who,  act 
ing  under  the  conviction  that  Kansas  was  lost  to  slavery,  had  tied 
it  up  with  Indian  treaties  that  would  effectually  prevent  any 
attempted  settlement,  began  to  plan  a  double  villany,  a  breach  of 
faith  with  the  aborigines,  and  a  breach  of  the  sacred  compromise 
by  which  it  had  been  hoped  the  vexed  question  was  amicably  set 
tled.  With  covert  and  cunning  movement  the  plot  progressed ;  a 
plot  that  was  not  only  to  give  Kansas  to  slavery,  but  to  throw  open 
the  whole  national  territory  to  its  embrace.  But,  even  while  Kan 
sas  was  guaranteed  to  freedom,  slavery  was  introduced.  Nearly 
all  of  the  Indian  agents  were  slavery  propagandists,  and  many  of 
them  owned  slaves.  The  first  slavery  in  the  territory,  however, 
was  introduced  by  one  who  came  professedly  to  preach  the  Gospel. 
Through  all  of  the  Indian  tribes  missionary  stations  and  schools 
were  scattered.  These  represented  different  denominations,  some 
supported  exclusively  by  the  body  that  sent  them,  others  in  part 
by  a  per  centage  from  the  Indian  payments,  their  chance  for  the 
latter  being  to  some  degree  dependent  on  the  esteem  in  which 
their  "  faith"  and  "  practice  "  were  held  by  the  Indian  agents. 

Close  to  the  frontier  of  Missouri,  and  within  a  few  miles  of 
Westport,  stands  one  of  the  oldest  missions  in  the  territory,  —  the 
celebrated  "  Shawnee  Mission,"  of  the  Methodist  Church  South. 
Three  sections  of  the  very  finest  land  were  granted  by  the  Shaw- 
nees  to  this  mission ;  besides  which,  no  inconsiderable  portion  of 
government  money  and  per  centage  on  the  Indian  annuities  have 
been  expended  in  erecting  three  or  four  massive  and  extensive, 
but  tasteless  and  filthy-looking,  brick  buildings,  and  in  converting 
those  three  sections  of  fertile  Indian  land  into  a  well-improved  and 
beautiful  farm,  which  I  have  heard  estimated  worth  sixty  thousand 
dollars.  In  the  progress  of  events,  and  by  a  system  of  manage 
ment  which  I  cannot  comprehend,  much  less  explain,  two  sections 
of  this  farm,  containing  many  of  the  best  improvements,  have  fallen 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER.  17 

into  the  hands  of  the  present  head  of  the  mission,  the  Rev.  Tom 
Johnson. 

Some  twenty  years  ago,  when  this  worthy  came  to  Kansas,  he 
was,  as  I  have  been  emphatically  told,  "  not  worth  a  blanket." 
By  "  breaking  the  bread  of  life  "  to  others,  he  seems  haply  to  have 
acquired  a  reasonable  portion  of  the  baser,  or  "  of  the  earth 
earthy,"  bread  himself.  The  "  laborer  "  was  doubtless  "  worthy 
of  his  hire ;  "  but  whether  it  was  hire  for  preaching  the  great 
Christian  doctrine,  "  Whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do 
unto  you,  do  ye  even  so  unto  them,"  or  in  the  vigorous  inculca 
tion  of  more  critically  orthodox  doctrines  on  the  relative  duties 
of  "  servants  "  and  "  masters,"  is  a  point  worth  considering. 

The  Rev.  Tom  Johnson  is  a  western  man.  •  Vulgar,  illiterate, 
and  coarse,  I  have  heard  his  voice  ring  through  the  dingy  brick 
wall  of  the  Shawnee  Mission  in  prayer,  his  style  being  char 
acterized  chiefly  by  extreme  western  provincialisms  and  very 
bad  grammar.  A  violent  pro-slavery  partisan,  he  has  been  a 
useful  tool  in  his  way.  His  name  may  be  found  figuring  in  some 
of  the  most  violent  of  the  pro-slavery  partisan  meetings,  and  he 
was  President  of  the  Council  of  the  Bogus  Legislature  which, 
within  the  walls  of  his  mission,  in  the  rooms  dedicated  to'  the 
service  of  Him  who  is  the  God  of  justice  and  truth,  perpetrated 
one  of  the  most  flagrant  outrages  on  right  and  justice  recorded  on 
the  page  of  history.  The  Rev.  Tom  was  elected  in  a  district  in 
which  white  men  were  not  allowed  to  reside,  with  the  exception  of 
the  few  religious  missions,  and  federal  officers  in  the  shape  of 
Indian  agents;  his  constituency  coming  chiefly  from  Westport, 
Mo.  This  worthy  is  said  to  have  first  introduced  slavery  into 
Kansas.  He  introduced  and  held  slaves  at  the  time  when  the 
existence  of  the  restriction  rendered  it  a  violation  of  the  spirit  of 
the  temporal  law. 

I  conversed  with  one  of  the  most  intelligent  of  the  Delaware 
chiefs  on  the  political  sentiments  of  his  tribe.  He  told  me  they 
were  nearly  all  free-state  men,  except  a  few  on  the  south  side  of 
the  reserve,  close  to  the  Shawnee  country.  On  inquiry  why 
these  were  pro-slavery,  he  shook  his  head,  and  said, 

"  There  is  no  sense  in  it ;  for  not  one  of  them  will  ever  be  rich 
2* 


18  THE   CONQUEST    OP   KANSAS, 

enough  to  own  a  nigger,  or  take  care  of  him  if  they  had  him.  It 
is  these  preachers  who  tamper  with  them.  They  believe  every 
thing  they  say." 

Does  not  this  out- Jesuit  Jesuitism  ?  I  only  mention  these  facts 
in  this  connection  to  show  the  means  used  to  rob  Kansas  from 
freedom,  and  that  the  first  step  in  the  conquest  was  done  under 
the  shadow  of  the  banner  of  the  Prince  of  Peace.  I  would  merely 
exhibit  the  point  of  all  this  by  stating  that  when  the  treaties  were 
arranged,  a  year  and  a  half  ago,  the  portion  of  the  funds  dedi 
cated  to  religious  uses  fell  into  the  hands  of  this  Methodist  Mis 
sion;  the  Quaker  and  Baptist  Missions,  in  the  same  locality, 
which  had  also  labored  long  in  the  field  of  Shawriee  heathenism, 
were  left  out.  Perhaps  this  was  because  it  was  conceived  that 
the  positions  of  these  bodies  would  sustain  the  more  republican 
theory  of  religious  support,  —  on  the  voluntary  principle ;  perhaps, 
because  the  agent  was  a  pro-slavery  man,  and,  in  point  of  fact,  a 
Missourian. 

In  the  fall  of  1853  the  plot  for  the  conquest  of  Kansas  ma 
tured.  In  the  struggle  which  ensued,  the  breach  of  faith  with  the 
Indians  was  comparatively  lost  sight  of.  It  required  no  spirit  of 
divination  to  foresee  that,  in  opening  the  territory  to  a  white  pop 
ulation,  the  semi-barbarous  occupancy  of  the  finest  lands  by  the' 
Indians  would  inevitably  terminate  in  some  manner.  I  do  not 
know  whether  the  originators  of  the  Kansas  Nebraska  Bill  con 
templated  an  amalgamation  of  the  whites  and  Indians,  to  vin 
dicate  the  faith  of  treaties  and  the  progress  of  American  civ 
ilization  westward.  If  so,  it  was  a  blunder.  Some  few  of 
the  more  intelligent  and  industrious  Indians  may  be  absorbed 
in  the  population  of  Kansas,  but  the  great  mass  can  neither 
use  nor  be  used  by  civilization.  There  is  no  honorable  escape 
from  the  dilemma  in  which  the  Kansas  Bill  places  these  matters. 
To  leave  the  tribes  on  closely-guarded  reserves  would  be  a  step 
eminently  prejudicial  to  the  best  interests  of  a  civilized  commu 
nity,  and  would  be  unjust  and  inhumane  to  the  Indians  them 
selves.  To  permit  them  to  hold  farms  in  individual  occupancy, 
and  thus  merge  and  sink  their  tribe  in  the  community,  although 
the  most  just  arrangement,  would  soon,  in  the  progress  of  whiskey 


INTRODUCTORY    CHAPTER.  19 

civilization,  reduce  them  to  a  fraction  of  what  they  are,  beggars 
and  plagues  to  society.  To  deprive  them  of  the  power  of  selling 
these  farms  would  only  reduce  them  to  the  acute  point  of  misery 
at  an  earlier  date,  and  be  a  nuisance  in  the  society  they  thus  ob 
structed.  A  more  humane  policy  would  contemplate  the  extradition 
of  the  tribes  —  the  less  civilized  portion  —  to  wilds  further  west, 
where  their  nomadic  and  indolent  habits  would  not  expose  them  so 
surely  to  starvation,  and  where  they  would  not  be  thrown  in  con 
tact  with  a  civilization  with  which  they  were  not  prepared  to 
grapple. 

Such  are  the  Indian  aspects  of  the  Kansas  question  ;  grave  and 
important  considerations,  which  the  din  of  political  strife  has 
caused  to  be  too  much  overlooked,  but  which  appeal  to  the  intel 
ligent  statesman  and  the  humane  citizen. 

That  the  design  of  the  law  organizing  the  Territory  of  Kansas 
was  to  make  it  a  slave  state,  has  since  been  conclusively  shown  by 
the  agencies  since  set  to  work  to  remove  the  unforeseen  obstacles 
which  have  arisen  in  the  path  of  such  a  scheme.  If  further  evi 
dence  were  wanting,  it  could  be  obtained  from  the  testimony  of 
the  actors  themselves.  Dr.  Stringfellow,  while  under  oath  before 
the  committee  of  Congress,  stated  that  such  "  was  the  design  of 
the  Kansas  Nebraska  Bill ;  "  and,  when  reminded  of  the  polit 
ical  theories  by  which  the  northern  supporters  of  that  measure 
attempted  to  vindicate  this  position,  rejoined,  "  That  was  all 
Buncombe  —  who  believes  that  ?  "  He  stated  that  such  were  not 
only  the  objects  of  the  organic  law,  but  that  the  executive,  and 
those  who  carried  it  through,  so  understood  it,  and  added,  that  it 
was  the  expectation  that  the  emigration  from  Western  Missouri 
would  quickly  settle  the  question.  He  also  states  that  it  was  the 
Eastern  Emigrant  Aid  Societies  that  first  threw  doubt  upon  the 
success  of  this  scheme,  thereby  causing  trouble.  But,  to  a  question 
from  Mr.  Sherman,  he  admitted  that  the  influx  of  any  free-state 
settlers,  sufficient  to  produce  the  same  result,  let  them  come  in 
uny  way,  would  have  caused  trouble. 

There  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  but  such  is  the  true  state  of  the 
case.  The  two  policies  of  the  free  and  slave  states  are  so  opposite 
ind  hostile,  and  they  could  only  triumph  over  each  other  to  the  so 


20  THE  CONQUEST  OE  KANSAS. 

serious  detriment  of  the  defeated  party,  that  the  expedient  of  in 
viting  them  to  settle  their  respective  claims  on  the  soil  of  a  future 
empire,  in  dispute,  is  madness,  and  preeminently  stupid.  It  is 
simply  a  reference  of  the  case  to  fraud  and  violence ;  for  intel 
ligent  and  impartial  popular  voting  can  no  more  decide  on  the 
claims  of  these  two  interests,  than  they  could  decide  on  the  claims 
of  republicanism  and  absolute  despotism,  or  decide  for  the  delicate 
sentiment  we  call  "  religion  of  the  heart." 

The  Kansas  Nebraska  Bill,  or  Organic  Law  of  the  territory, 
failed  to  define  with  sufficient  clearness  the  rights  of  the  settlers  to 
the  soil  they  were  thus  invited  to  occupy.  It  failed  to  secure  the 
purity  of  the  elective  franchise.  The  federal  courts  it  provided 
for  referred  the  adjudication  of  cases  involving  the  lives  and  dear 
est  rights  of  the  settlers  to  a  set  of  men,  the  appointees  of  the 
executive,  and  the  tools  of  the  faction  that  used  him.  These  and 
many  other  minor  defects  were  designed,  and  have  played  an  emi 
nent  part  in  the  conquest  of  Kansas. 

The  startling  feature  of  the  organic  law  of  the  Territory  of 
Kansas,  and  one  the  fierce  discussion  of  which  caused  many  of 
its  other  dangerous  features  to  be  overlooked,  is  contained  in  the 
following : 

"  That  the  constitution,  and  all  laws  of  the  United  States  not 
locally  inapplicable,  shall  have  the  same  force  and  effect  within 
the  Territory  of  Kansas  as  elsewhere  within  the  United  States, 
except  the  eighth  section  of  the  act  preparatory  to  the  admission 
of  Missouri  into  the  Union,  approved  March  6th,  1820,  which, 
being  inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  non-intervention  by  Con 
gress  with  slavery  in  the  states  AND  TERRITORIES,  as  recognized  by 
the  legislation  of  1850,  commonly  called  the  compromise  measures, 
is  hereby  declared  INOPERATIVE  AND  VOID,  it  being  the  true  intent 
and  meaning  of  the  act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  state  or 
territory,  or  exclude  it  therefrom ;  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof 
perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions' In 
their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States:  Provided,  that  nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  con 
strued  to  revive  or  put  in  force  any  law  or  regulation  which  may 


INTRODUCTORY    CHAPTER.  21 

have  existed  prior  to  the  act  of  the  6th  of  March,  1820,  either 
protecting,  establishing,  prohibiting,  or  abolishing  slavery." 

Such  was  the  repealing  clause.  And  in  section  nineteenth  there 
occurs  the  following : 

"  And  when  admitted  as  a  state  or  states,  the  said  territory,  or 
any  portion  of  the  same,  shall  be  received  into  the  Union  with  or 
without  slavery,  as  their  constitutions  may  prescribe  at  the  time 
of  their  admission." 

The  organic  law  passed  the  houses  of  Congress  after  a  protracted 
and  memorable  struggle.  It  niched  northern  votes  from  northern 
interests  by  means  of  a  political  theory  styled  "  squatter  sover 
eignty."  It  dealt  a  fearful  blow  at  the  prosperity  of  republican 
institutions  everywhere,  under  the  specious  plea  of  "  saving  the 
Union."  No  sooner  was  it  passed  than  the  struggle  began.  The 
following  is  from  the  report  of  the  committee  of  Congress 
founded  on  the  testimony  before  them : 

**  Within  a  few  days  after  the  organic  law  passed,  and  as  soon 
as  its  passage  could  be  known  on  the  border,  leading  citizens  of 
Missouri  crossed  into  the  territory,  held  squatter  meetings,  and 
then  returned  to  their  homes.  Among  the  resolutions  are  the 
following  : 

"  That  we  will  afford  protection  to  no  abolitionist  as  a  settler 
of  this  territory. 

"  That  we  recognize  the  institution  of  slavery  as  already  exist 
ing  in  this  territory,  and  advise  slaveholders  to  introduce  their 
property  as  early  as  possible." 

The  leaders  of  the  pro-slavery  propaganda  telegraphed  to  their 
friends  in  Missouri,  who  took  steps  at  the  earliest  moment  to  secure 
many  of  the  best  locations,  which  they  had  looked  out  before. 
Treaties  were  secretly  made  with  the  Indians,  the  chiefs  being 
taken  to  Washington  for  the  purpose ;  and,  as  soon  as  certain 
tracts  of  land  were  ceded,  the  information  was  telegraphed  by  the 
slavery  extensionists,  who  held  the  executive  ear,  to  those  in  Mis 
souri,  who  were  prepared  to  take  possession  of  the  best  localities 
before  others  could  know  that  they  were  open  to  settlement. 
Other  tracts  of  ceded  land,  which  by  terms  of  the  treaty  were  not 
properly  open  to  squatters,  were  taken  possession  of  by  Mis- 


22  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

sourians,  and  the  executive  has  winked  at  such  infractions.  The 
invasions  of  the  Delaware  lands  were  first  made  by  Missourians ; 
but  settlers  from  other  localities,  seeing  that  this  was  done  with 
impunity,  and  that  the  whole  of  the  land  would  be  secured  and 
closed  against  them  in  this  way,  went  on  to  these  lands  also ;  and, 
after  they  began  to  do  so,  went  on  in  far  greater  numbers.  I 
subjoin  the  protest  of  the  Delaware  chiefs : 

"  We,  the  chiefs,  head  men  and  counsellors  of  the  Delaware 
nation,  hereby  notify  our  white  brethren  that  all  settlements  on 
the  lands  ceded  by  the  Delaware  Indians,  by  treaty  at  Washing 
ton,  dated  6th  May,  1854,  are  in  violation  of  said  treaty ;  and 
that  we  in  no  wise  give  our  will  or  consent  to  such  settlement ; 
and  if  persisted  in  by  our  white  brethren,  we  shall  appeal  to  our 
great  father,  the  President  of  the  United  States,  for  protection." 

The  following  are  the  outlines  of  the  treaties  made  with  the 
different  tribes  in  Kansas,  and  the  dates  of  such  treaties.  They 
indicate  the  amount  still  reserved  for  the  use  of  the  Indians  : 

On  the  25th  March,  1854,  a  treaty  was  concluded  with  the 
Otoes  and  Missourias,  by  which  they  ceded  all  their  land  in 
the  territory,  except  a  tract  on  the  Big  Blue,  ten  by  twenty-five 
miles. 

By  treaty,  dated  March  25th,  1854,  the  Kickapoos  ceded  all 
their  lands,  except  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  acres,  which 
were  set  apart  for  the  western  portion  of  their  cession,  and  lie  on 
the  head  waters  of  the  Grasshopper,  towards  the  Nebraska  line. 

On  the  30th  March,  1854,  the  Kaskaskias,  Weasteorias,  and 
Pinckashaws,  ceded  all  their  lands,  except  one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres  for  each  soul  in  their  united  tribes.  The  tribe  to  have 
ninety  days  for  selection  after  the  surveys  are  approved. 

On  the  6th  May,  1854,  the  Delawares  concluded  a  treaty,  by 
which  all  their  lands  were  ceded,  except  a  strip  along  the  north 
side  of  the  Kansas  river,  ten  miles  wide,  and  running  forty  miles 
west.  The  ceded  lands  to  be  set  up  at  auction  after  they  were 
surveyed,  and  sold  to  the  highest  bidder,  for  behoof  of  the  tribe ; 
deducting  the  expense  of  survey  and  sale. 

By  treaty  with  the  Shawnees,  dated  May  10th,  1854,  all  of  their 
land  was  ceded,  except  two  hundred  thousand  acres,  to  be  selected 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER.  23 

between  the  Missouri  state  line  and  a  parallel  thirty  miles  west 
of  it.  The  Shawnee  families  located  throughout  the  reserve  are 
to  be  allowed  ninety  days  from  the  approval  of  the  surveys  to 
locate  two  hundred  acres  for  each  member.  These  locations  to  be 
deducted  from  the  two  hundred  thousand  acres. 

By  treaty,  dated  18th  May,  1854,  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  ceded  their 
lands,  except  fifty  sections  of  six  hundred  and  forty  acres  each. 
This  is  to  be  located  in  a  suitable  place,  and  in  a  body. 

By  these  treaties  many  thousand  acres  of  land  were  thrown 
open,  or  will  be  speedily  thrown  open,  to  settlement.  Claims 
began  to  dot  the  surface  of  the  country.  In  spite  of  a  systematic 
and  preconcerted  effort  on  the  part  of  Missouri  to  get  possession 
of  the  territory,  such  was  the  enterprising  character  of  citizens 
from  other  states,  and  the  wide  notice  given  of  the  opening  of 
Kansas  by  the  fierce  discussion  on  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  that  ere  long  free-state  settlers  began  to  preponder 
ate.  Still,  all  the  political  influence,  the  federal  oflices  and  pat 
ronage,  were  thrown  into  the  hands  of  the  slavery  extensionists. 
One  or  two  mistakes  in  these  appointments  were  made ;  but  they 
were  promptly  and  villanously  remedied.  The  following  editorial 
from  the  Washington  Union,  the  executive  organ,  on  this  point,  is 
deeply  significant  : 

"  A  gentleman  in  Virginia  calls  our  attention  to  the  fact  that 
the  enemies  of  President  Pierce  in  the  South  lay  peculiar  stress 
upon  his  appointment  of  Governor  Reeder  as  proof  of  his  willing 
ness  to  favor  free-soilers,  and  asks  us  whether,  at  the  time  of  his 
appointment,  Governor  Reeder  was  regarded  as  a  sound  national 
Democrat.  It  is  in  our  power  to  answer  this  question  with  entire 
confidence,  and  to  say  that  down  to  the  time  that  Governor  Reeder 
went  to  Kansas  to  assume  the  duties  of  governor  of  the  territory, 
there  had  not  been,  as  far  as  we  ever  heard,  or  as  far  as  the  Pres 
ident  ever  heard,  a  breath  of  suspicion  as  to  his  entertaining  free- 
soil  sentiments.  He  was  appointed  under  the  strongest  assurances 
that  he  was  strictly  and  honestly  a  national  man.  We  are  able 
to  state,  further,  on  very  reliable  authority,  that  ivhilst  Governor 
Reeder  was  in  Washington,  at  the  time  of  his  appointment,  he 
conversed  with  Southern  gentlemen  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and 


24  THE   CONQUEST   OP  KANSAS. 

assured  them  that  he  had  no  more  scruples  in  buying  a  slave  than 
a  horse,  and  he  regretted  that  he  had  not  money  to  purchase  a 
number  to  carry  with  him  to  Kansas.  We  have  understood  that 
he  repeated  the  same  sentiments  on  his  way  to  Kansas.  We  will 
repeat,  what  we  have  had  occasion  to  say  more  than  once  hereto 
fore  —  that  no  man  has  ever  been  appointed  by  President  Pierce 
to  office  who  was  not  at  the  time  understood  by  him  to  be  a  faith 
ful  adherent  of  the  Baltimore  platform  of  1852,  on  the  subject  of 
slavery.  If  any  appointment  were  made  contrary  to  this  rule, 
it  was  done  under  a  misapprehension  as  to  the  appointees.  We 
may  add  that  the  evidences  of  Gov.  Reeder's  soundness  were  so 
strong  that  President  Pierce  was  slower  than  many  others  to 
believe  him  a  free-soiler  after  he  had  gone  to  Kansas.  It  is,  there 
fore,  the  grossest  injustice  to  refer  to  Gov.  Reeder's  appointment 
as  proof  of  the  President's  willingness  to  favor  free-soilers." 

While  such  were  the  preparations,  on  the  part  of  Missouri  and 
the  pro-slavery  propagandists,  to  seize  Kansas  and  make  it  a  slave 
state,  they  were  met  by  conflicting  elements.  It  is  a  fact,  which 
all  subsequent  developments  will  prove,  that  the  free-state  cause 
has,  during  the  struggles,  rested  mainly  on  individual  enterprises. 
Societies  have  been  formed  to  settle  the  territory,  and,  while  these 
had  strictly  no  political  cast,  their  tendencies  were  to  send  in  a 
population  favorable  to  a  free-state  policy.  The  following  com 
panies  have  been,  and  now  are,  in  active  operation. 

AMERICAN  SETTLEMENT  COMPANY,  NEW  YORK  CITY.  This  com 
pany  founded  the  Council  City  settlement.  The  secretary  is 
Theodore  D  wight,  110  Broadway,  New  York. 

THE  N.  ENGLAND  EMIGRANT  AID  COMPANY,  MASSACHUSETTS. 
This  company  has  been  more  instrumental  than  all  others  in  facil 
itating  emigration,  and  in  introducing  capital  and  useful  improve 
ments  into  the  territory.  Near  one  half  of  the  saw-mills  in  the 
territory  were  brought  there  by  its  capital.  Towns  have  been  laid 
off,  and  the  process  of  settling  a  new  country  facilitated  in  an 
eminent  degree.  Never,  until  this  and  other  kindred  companies 
led  the  way,  has  capital  gone  ahead  of  labor,  as  a  pioneer  in  the 
work  of  employing  rich  natural  resources.  It  has  also  aided  emi 
grants  in  getting  to  the  territory,  by  carrying  on  emigration  at 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER.  25 

"wholesale  prices."  On  account  of  its  activity,  and  the  important 
results  flowing  from  it,  it  has  been  intensely  hated  and  misrepre 
sented  by  the  pro-slavery  propagandists.  It  is  conducted  by  Messrs. 
William  B.  Spooner,  J.  M.  S.  Williams,  Eli  Thayer,  S.  Cabot,  Jr., 
M.  D.,  R.  P.  Waters,  Le  Baron  Russell,  M.  D.,  Charles  J.  Hig- 
ginson,  and  E.  E.  Hale.  Its  secretary  is  Thomas  H.  Webb  ;  and 
its  agents  are  Gen.  S.  C.  Pomeroy  and  Gen.  C.  Robinson. 

Then  there  were  the  VEGETARIAN  SETTLEMENT  COMPANY,  the  NEW 
YORK  KANSAS  LEAGUE,  the  OCTAGON  SETTLEMENT  COMPANY,  and 
some  other  minor  organizations  to  facilitate  and  unite  emigration. 

By  these  means  more  good  blood  has  been  poured  into  the  "  body 
politic  "  of  Kansas  than  has  ever  flowed  into  any  other  new  terri 
tory  in  its  youth.  Not  only  has  capital  preceded  labor,  but  a  high 
degree  of  intelligence  and  refinement  has  been  introduced  among 
the  pioneers.  The  settlers  from  the  Western  States,  also,  have 
generally  been  of  the  better  class.  The  coon-hunting,  soft-soap- 
currency  tribe  of  squatters,  who  have  usually  officiated  as  pioneers, 
have  been  superseded  by  a  class  who  had  to  keep  improvement  on 
the  gallop  in  order  to  retain  their  former  habits. 

The  entrance  of  this  class  of  settlers  was  regarded  with  the 
utmost  jealousy  and  hatred  by  the  Missouri  slavery  propagan 
dists.  They  viewed  it  as  an  infraction  of  their  rights,  and,  well 
knowing  that  this  class  of  settlers  were,  and  would  be,  hostile 
to  slavery,  considered  their  extradition  from  the  territory  essen 
tial  to  securing  their  ends.  Early  in  July,  1854,  about  the  time 
the  first  Eastern  emigration  came  to  the  territory,  the  following 
resolutions  were  adopted  at  a  meeting  in  Wcstport,  Missouri.  They 
fairly  indicate  a  sentiment  extensively  prevalent  in  that  state,  and 
from  which  much  of  the  disturbance  has  arisen. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  association  will,  whenever  called  upon  by 
any  of  the  citizens  of  Kansas  Territory,  hold  itself  in  readiness 
together  to  assist  and  remove  any  and  all  emigrants  who  go  there 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Northern  Emigrant  Aid  Societies. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  recommend  to  the  citizens  of  other  counties, 
particularly  those  bordering  on  Kansas  Territory,  to  adopt  regula 
tions  similar  to  those  of  this  association,  and  to  indicate  their 
readiness  to  operate  in  the  objects  of  this  first  resolution," 
3 


26  THE   CONQUEST   OIT  KANSAS. 

These  were  no  Buncombe,  effervescing  resolutions ;  they  were 
the  fearful  index  of  what  has  proved  a  fearful  state  of  affairs. 
They  were,  also,  prone  to  regard  all  settlers  from  Eastern  or 
Northern  States  —  in  fact  all  who  were  not  in  favor  of  slavery  — 
as  "Emigrant  Aid  people."  Nor  have  they  treated  free-state 
people,  whom  they  have  learned  to  have  no  connection  with  any 
society,  a  whit  better  than  the  others. 

The  amenities  of  life,  the  hospitality  for  which  Southern  people 
are  justly  reputed,  were  forgotten  in  the  bitterness  of  the  feud. 
When  one  stranger  met  another  the  question  was  where  the  other 
"  came  from,"  and  his  politics  on  the  slavery  question.  Such  was 
the  aspect  of  affairs  when  the  struggle  began,  and  what  we  have 
been  describing  the  preliminary  steps.  Then  began  the  strife 
provoked  by  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  which 
left  no  alternative  but  a  struggle  or  submission ;  —  a  warfare 
predicted  by  William  H.  Seward,  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
in  those  memorable  words  : 

"  Come  on,  then,  gentlemen  of  the  slave  states  !  Since  there  is 
no  escaping  your  challenge,  I  accept  it  on  the  behalf  of  Freedom. 
We  will  engage  in  competition  for  the  virgin  soil  of  Kansas,  and 
God  give  the  victory  to  the  side  that  is  stronger  in  numbers,  as 
it  is  in  right." 


CHAPTER    II. 

THE   FIRST   INVASION. 

THE  cabins  of  squatters  had  begun  to  dot  the  face  of  the  country, 
and  the  music  of  the  pioneer's  axe  was  ringing  amongst  the  timber 
that  shaded-  the  water-courses  of  Kansas.  A  code  of  "  Squatter 
Laws  "  was  adopted,  which  had  application  to  the  valley  of  the 
Kaw,  and  in  which  mutual  assistance  was  pledged  to  sustain  the 
"claims"  taken,  in  the  absence  of  other  means  of  legalizing  these 
inchoate  titles. 

It  was  in  July,  1854,  that  the  first  company  of  Eastern  emi 
grants  arrived  in  Kansas*  They  were  some  thirty  in  number, 
and  came  under  the  guidance  of  Mr.  Charles  Branscomb.  They 
located  on  the  present  site  of  Lawrence.  It  is  a  fine  prairie 
knoll,  close  on  the  Kaw  river,  and  the  first  point  at  which  the 
prairie  touches  the  river.  It  stands  some  six  miles  north  of  the 
mouth  of  the  "Wakarusa,  which  flows  four  miles  behind  Lawrence, 
directly  to  the  south.  Immediately  behind  Lawrence,  about  half  a 
mile  from  the  river,  a  bold  hill,  or  prairie  promontory,  rises  abruptly 
to  the  altitude  of  some  eighty  or  a  hundred  feet.  This  is  Mount 
Oread.  When  the  first  Eastern  settlers  reached  Lawrence  they  found 
that  some  two  or  three  Missourians  laid  claim  to  the  spot.  One 
of  these  had  thrown  a  few  logs  together,  but  was  living  in  Missouri. 
The  settlers  succeeded  in  "  buying  out "  those  who  appeared  to 
have  any  feasible  claim.  They  pitched  their  tents  on  the  knoll, 
close  to  the  river,  and  the  members  of  the  party  immediately  scattered 
out,  locating  claims.  In  two  weeks  more  they  were  joined  by  a 
second  and  larger  company,  numbering  sixty  or  seventy,  with  whom 
came  Dr.  Charles  Robinson  and  Mr.  S.  C.  Pomeroy.  It  was  at  this 


28  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

time  that  the  Lawrence  Association  was  formed.  Several  Wyan- 
dot  "  floats  "  were  located  on  the  site,  the  city  being  laid  out  two 
miles  square.  These  Wyandot  floats  are  transferable  rights,  by 
which  each  of  the  Wyandot  Indians  could  locate  a  section  of  land, 
six  hundred  and  forty  acres,  on  any  unoccupied  public  land,  and 
hold  it  in  fee  simple. 

Immediately  all  claims  near  or  adjoining  Lawrence  were  taken. 
A  saw-mill  had  been  brought,  but  was  still  at  Kansas  city.  Some 
of  the  emigrants,  homesick,  and  unused  to  the  privations  of  a 
pioneer  life,  returned  after  but  a  few  days'  experience.  Several 
tents  were  scattered  on  the  knoll  that  overlooks  the  Kaw,  and  a 
large  tent  was  a  public  or  general  rendezvous.  Preparations  were 
made  for  more  durable  residence;  but  Lawrence  was  in  this 
embryo  stage  of  nomadic  simplicity  when  the  first  border  ruffian 
expedition  came  against  it. 

Rumors  of  "  Yankee  settlements  "  in  the  valley  of  the  Kaw 
had  been  received  along  the  border  counties  of  Missouri,  and  had 
awakened  a  bloodthirsty  wish  to  exterminate  them.  These  Mis- 
sourians  regarded  Kansas  as  delivered  over  to  them  by  the  Kan 
sas-Nebraska  bill ;  hence  their  fury  against  any  interlopers  who 
might  jeopardize  the  chances  of  making  it  a  slave  state.  The 
Yankees  heard  of  the  storm  that  was  brewing,  but  had  not 
travelled  all  the  way  to  Kansas  to  be  frightened  off  by  a  rumor. 

Header,  did  you  ever  see  a  border  ruffian?  A  bona  fide, 
Simon  pure,  unadulterated  "  Puke  "?*  After  all,  they  are  a  good 
deal  like  the  ordinary  run  of  men,  or  rather  like  the  ordinary  run 
of "  hard  cases."  What  I  mean  is,  they  are  neither  one-eyed 
ogres  nor  "  three-fingered  Jacks."  Still,  they  are  decided  char 
acters.  Most  of  them  have  been  over  the  plains  several  times,  — 
if  they  have  not  been  over  the  plains,  the  probability  is,  they 
have  served  through  the  war  in  Mexico,  or  seen  a  "  deal  of 
trouble  in  Texas ;  "  or,  at  least,  run  up  and  down  the  Missouri 
river  often  enough  to  catch  imitative  inspiration  from  the  cat 
fish  aristocracy,  and  penetrate  the  sublime  mysteries  of  euchre  or 
poker.  I  have  often  wondered  where  all  the  hard  customers  on 

*  The  Puke  is  the  indignant  term  applied  to  the  native  of  Missouri,  as  Hoo- 
sicr  belongs  to  Indiana,  Sucker  to  Illinois,  &c.  &c. 


THE  FIRST   INVASION.  29 

the  Missouri  frontier  come  from.  They  seem  to  have  congregated 
here  by  some  law  of  gravity  unexplainable.  Perhaps  the  easy 
exercise  of  judicial  authority  in  frontier  countries  may  explain 
their  fancy  for  them.  Amongst  these  worthies  a  man  is  estimated 
by  the  amount  of  whiskey  he  can  drink  ;  and  if  he  is  so  indiscreet 
as  to  admit  he  "  drinks  no  liquor,"  he  is  set  down  as  a  dangerous 
character,  and  shunned  accordingly.  Imagine  a  fellow,  tall,  slim, 
but  athletic,  with  yellow  complexion,  hairy  faced,  with  a  dirty 
flannel  shirt,  or  red,  or  blue,  or  green,  a  pair  of  common-place, 
but  dark-colored  pants,  tucked  into  an  uncertain  altitude  by  a 
leather  belt,  in  which  a  dirty-handled  bowie-knife  is  stuck  rather 
ostentatiously,  an  eye  slightly  whiskey-red,  and  teeth  the  color  of 
a  walnut.  Such  is  your  border  ruffian  of  the  lowest  type.  His 
body  might  be  a  compound  of  gutta  percha,  Johnny-cake,  and 
badly-smoked  bacon  ;  his  spirit,  the  refined  part,  old  Bourbon, 
"double  rectified;"  but  there  is  every  shade  of  the  border  ruffian. 

Your  judicial  ruffian,  for  instance,  is  a  gentleman ;  that  is,  as 
much  of  a  gentleman  as  he  can  be  without  transgressing  on  his 
more  purely  legitimate  character  of  border  ruffian.  He  is  of  the 
Judge  Leonard,  or  Colonel  Woodson,  or  Hon.  M.  Oliver  class. 
As  "  occasional  imbibing  "  is  not  a  sin,  his  character  at  home  is 
irreproachable ;  and  when  he  goes  abroad  into  the  territory,  for 
instance,  he  does  not  commit  any  act  of  outrage,  or  vote  himself, 
but,  after  "  aiding  and  comforting  "  those  who  do,  returns,  feeling 
every  inch  a  gentleman. 

Then  there  is  your  less  conservative  border  ruffian  gcntle?nan, 
of  the  Sheriff  Jones,  or  Col.  Boone,  or  Gen.  Richardson  type. 
They  are  not  so  nice  in  distinctions,  and,  so  far  from  objecting, 
rather  like  to  take  a  hand  themselves ;  but  they  dress  like  gentle 
men,  and  are  so,  after  a  fashion.  Between  these  and  the  first- 
mentioned  large  class  there  is  every  shade  and  variety ;  but  it 
takes  the  whole  of  them  to  make  an  effective  brigade ;  and  then 
it  is  not  perfect  without  a  barrel  of  whiskey.  The  two  gentle 
manly  classes  of  ruffians  are  so  for  political  effect,  or  because  they 
fancy  it  is  their  interest.  The  lower  class  are  pro-slavery  ruffi 
ans,  merely  because  it  is  the  prevalent  kind  of  rascality ;  the  in 
ference  is,  that  they  would  engage  in  any  other  affair  in  which  an 
3* 


30  THE    CONQUEST    OE   KANSAS. 

equal  amount  of  whiskey  might  be  drunk,  or  as  great  an  aggre 
gate  of  rascality  be  perpetrated. 

Such  was  the  kind  of  customers  who  presented  themselves  to 
the  astonished  gaze  of  the  early  citizens  of  Lawrence,  while  it 
spread  its  tent-like,  butterfly  wings,  just  emerging  from  its  chrys 
alis  state,  on  the  banks  of  the  Kaw. 

They  came  in  wagons,  and  were  truly  an  "  army  with  banners." 
Every  wagon  appeared  to  be  supplied  with  a  piece  of  cloth, 
which  was  patched  something  to  represent  a  star,  or  other  more 
mysterious  border  ruffian  symbols,  and  also  a  jug  o£  whiskey. 
They  had  a  fiddler  or  two  with  them,  their  nearest  approximation 
to  "  martial  music."  They  might  be  styled  the  shot-gun,  or  back 
woods'  rifle,  brigade.  In  a  representation  of  "  The  Forty 
Thieves  "  they  would  have  been  invaluable,  with  their  grim  vis 
ages,  their  tipsy  expression,  and,  above  all,  their  oaths  and  un 
approachable  swagger.  As  the  first  detachment  only  numbered 
eighty  men,  they  took  to  the  north  side  of  the  ravine,  which  runs 
through  town,  this  being  the  Rubicon  between  them  and  the 
Yankees.  When  there  they  proceeded  to  swagger  and  drink,  and 
shoot  at  marks,  and  swear  by  all  that  was  good  and  bad  that  they 
would  exterminate  all  the  d — d  Yankee  abolitionists  that  dare 
come  to  Kansas.  Towards  the  evening  of  the  day  they  came  a 
reinforcement  of  some  twenty-five  more  arrived ;  but  they  either 
did  not  deem  themselves  strong  enough  yet,  or  had  adopted  some 
plan  of  operations  requiring  delay. 

Night  came  on.  The  belligerents  were  within  gunshot.  The 
free-state  settlers  had  watched  the  enemy  with  the  utmost  care, 
but  had  abstained  from  warlike  demonstrations  until  they  knew 
what  these  men  intended  to  do.  And  yet  it  was  with  a  feeling 
of  deep  'anxiety  that  Dr.  Robinson  stood  by  the  tent  and  looked 
across  the  ravine  towards  the  camp-fires  of  the  border  ruffians. 
When  these  had  first  taken  up  their  position  across  the  ravine, 
three  of  the  free-state  settlers  went  over  to  request  their  busi 
ness,  and  the  meaning  of  the  warlike  demonstrations.  To  this  a 
message  was  sent  back  that  the  "  abolitionists  "  must  take  away 
their  tents  and  leave  the  territory,  or  they  would  be  "  cleared 
out ; "  and  that  they  might  have  until  morning  to  do  it  peaceably. 


THE   FIRST   INVASION.  31 

There  was  no  disguising  the  fact ;  the  "  tug  of  war  "  was  before 
them. 

All  night  long  the  sentries  paced  around  the  tents  of  young 
Lawrence.  Sleepless  and  watchful,  the  leaders  listened  to  every 
loud  cricket-chirp,  or  watched  each  dancing  fire-fly  that  flitted 
between  them  and  the  enemy.  The  brave  indignantly  watched, 
and  carefully  examined  their  guns,  with  clenched  teeth,  and  cool 
determination.  The  timid  and  fearful  shrank  in  horror  from 
monstrous  bowie-knife  visions  and  dreams  of  gaping  wounds; 
and  a  very  few  of  the  conservatives,  who  wished  to  be  "  right  on 
the  record,"  suggested  that,  "  after  all,  some  of  the  free-state 
men  did  talk  too  freely,  and,  upon  the  whole,  it  might  be  better  to 
go  back  till  the  thing  was  settled  ;  "  but  such  counsels  were,  with 
few  dissenting  voices,  voted  down.  Midnight  came,  and  the  noisy 
bivouac  of  the  drunken  ruffians  was  hushed.  The  sentinels  paced 
their  rounds.  The  stars  twinkled  away  up  in  the  heaven  of  God, 
like  so  many  pure  eyes  looking  down  on  this  beautiful  spot  which 
the  murderous  hand  of  man  threatened  to  disfigure  with  his  broth 
er's  blood.  Not  a  sound  broke  on  the  ear  of  the  brave  or  timid 
listener,  save  the  murmuring  of  the  Kaw  over  its  rocky  rapid,  or 
the  buzz  and  hum  of  insects. 

Day  at  last  dawned  on  that  weary  summer's  night.  With'  the 
daylight  the  ruffians  bestirred  themselves,  and,  by  the  time  they 
got  breakfast,  they  were  reinforced  by  another  party,  which  in 
creased  their  numbers  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  men.  This  last 
accession  made  their  arrival  with  shrieks  and  yells,  and  the  border 
ruffians  being  now  in  force,  sent  over  a  formal  notification  that,  "  the 
tent  must  be  taken  down,  and  all  their  effects  gathered  together, 
preparatory  to  leave  by  ten  o'clock,"  and  that  the  "abolitionists 
must  leave  the  territory,  never  more  to  return  to  it ;"  all  of  which 
was  of  course  "  respectfully  submitted,"  and  just  as  respectfully 
and  firmly  declined. 

As  the  Missourians  had  said  they  were  coming  over  the  ravine 
at  ten  o'clock,  and  as  a  general  scrimmage  about  that  time  was 
to  be  expected,  about  sixty  of  the  free-state  men  (the  greater 
part  of  them),  all  who  could  get  arms,  formed  into  a  military  com 
pany,  and  were  put  on  drill  parade  in  front  of  the  tent. 


32  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

Ten  o'clock  came,  but  the  enemy  came  not.  About  half  an 
hour  afterwards  another  ultimatum  came.  "  They  could  have 
another  half-hour  to  remove  that  tent,  and  get  ready  to  leave." 
After  that,  if  they  refused  to  comply,  they  were  coming,  and  every 
d — d  one  of  them  would  be  "  put  to  the  bowie-knife,"  or  shot. 
"  This  was  in  earnest." 

The  half-hour  passed  away,  and  the  free-state  squatters  kept 
going  through  their  "  drill  "  by  the  tent.  Again  the  ruffians  sent 
a  message,  but  not  until  they  had  some  fierce  discussion  amongst 
themselves.  It  was  now  when  this  "  finality "  was  delivered. 
The  border  ruffians  "  would  give  them  exactly  till  one  o'clock 
to  take  away  that  tent  and  leave.  Nothing  but  a  desire  to  pre 
vent  the  effusion  of  blood  induced  them  to  make  this  final  prop 
osition.  If  not  complied  with,  they  were  coming  over  exactly 
at  that  hour  —  they  were  —  and  they  would  not  hold  themselves 
responsible  for  what  might  happen."  Conscientious  border 
ruffians  ! 

The  "  wee  short  hour  "  went  by.  A  summer's  sun  blazed  down 
on  the  trodden  grass,  and  the  tents,  and  the  squatter  soldiers. 
The  latter  were  beginning  to  appreciate  the  joke.  The  timid 
began  to  grow  courageous.  The  hearty  laugh  of  Dr.  Ilobinson, 
as  he  said,  "  They  are  not  going  to  come  over,  I  will  guarantee," 
acted  as  an  additional  sedative. 

By  half-past  twelve  the  enemy  had  formed  in  martial  array. 
They  were  drawn  up  in  line  over  the  ravine,  in  situations  where 
the  free-state  men  could  see  they  were  all  ready  to  march. 
One  o'clock  came  and  passed,  and  again  a  messenger  came  over. 

"  Just  ten  minutes  to  move  that  tent." 

He  was  received  with  a  shout  of  laughter. 

Meanwhile  the  border  ruffians  kept  going  through  their  evolu 
tions.  They  paraded,  and  marched,  and  countermarched,  and 
threatened,  and  swore.  After  noon  they  drank  none,  for  their 
liquor  was  out ;  but  how  they  did  swear  !  "  The  army  in  Flan 
ders  "  never  swore  "  more  terribly."  They  first  d — d  the  "  aboli 
tionists  "  for  cowards,  and  then  for  "  fools,  who  did  not  know 
their  danger." 

At  two  o'clock  p.  M.,one  valiant  man  proposed  that  "  we  should 


THE   FIRST   INVASION.  33 

have  no  more  mercy  on  'em ;  but  go  over  and  pitch  into  'em."  — 
"  That 's  the  talk  !  "  cried  another;  "  give  'em  h— 1,  d — m  'em  !  " 
"  That 's  it !  "  —  "  Put  'er  through  !  "  —  "  Let  'er  rip  !  "  came 
from  many  voices. 

At  three  o'clock  p.  M.,  a  man  with  a  conservative  aspect  made 
a  speech,  and  proposed  that  fresh  negotiations  and  "  a  little  more 
time  "  be  sent  over.  This  was  denounced  by  a  fire-eater,  who 
"  did  not  wish  to  make  a  fool  of  himself."  Fierce  debate  raged 
between  the  ruffians,  and,  one  or  two  of  them  having  taken  occa 
sion  to  call  some  of  the  others  "  cowards,"  there  was  a  prospect 
that  there  really  would  be  a  fight. 

It  was  nearly  sundown  before  this  wrangle  terminated,  and  it 
only  did  so  when  the  party  split,  and  some  sixty  of  these  bowie- 
knife  and  revolver  heroes  parted  from  the  rest,  and  started  back 
for  Westport,  swearing  they  would  n't  keep  company  with  such  a 
set  of  fellows.  After  the  first  party  left,  the  remainder  did  not 
feel  remarkably  easy,  as  the  "  d — d  abolitionists"  did  not  appear 
to  be  a  whit  more  willing  to  remove  their  tent.  As  twilight  came 
on,  they  began  to  break  up  and  go  off  in  small  parties,  and  the 
last  lot  went  off  in  a  hurry,  shortly  after  dark,  as  if  they  fancied 
it  was  "  devil  take  the  hindmost."  And  thus  gloriously  retired 
the  first  invasion,  emulating  the  King  of  France,  who, 

"  With  twenty  thousand  men, 

Marched  up  the  hill,  and  then  marched  down  again." 

Would  that  all  the  attacks  on  Lawrence  had  been  thus  man 
aged,  and  thus  terminated  !  It  must  not  be  supposed  that  these 
men  were  all  cowards.  There  were,  doubtless,  amongst  them  many 
men  who  would  have  fought  bravely,  and  made  desperate  enemies. 
Many  of  them,  however,  must  have  been  cowards,  and  all  were 
acting  in  a  situation  in  which  a  man  is  not  apt  to  be  very  brave. 
They  had  engaged  thoughtlessly  in  an  expedition,  dictated  by 
others,  and  when  they  encountered  a  firm  nerve,  and  the  stern 
aspect  of  deliberate  attack  in  an  unrighteous  quarrel  presented 
itself,  they  quailed  before  it.  In  such  cases  the  danger  is  chiefly 
from  an  accidental  collision  that  precipitates  hostilities. 


34  THE  CONQUEST  OF  KANSAS. 

At  this  point  I  would  mention  another  humorous  incident  that 
occurred  a  few  days  before  what  I  have  just  narrated.  It  is 
rather  on  the  other  side.  It  happened  with  the  first  company  of 
thirty,  and  before  the  second  company  arrived. 

One  of  the  company,  Mr.  T ,  had  some  little  doubt  as  to 

the  courage  and  nerve  of  a  few  of  his  companions.  He  was  de 
sirous  of  trying  them,  and  an  opportunity  offered.  A  rumor 
reached  their  camp  that  some  slaves  had  run  away  from  Missouri, 
—  one  of  those  tricks  resorted  to  by  the  border  ruffian  leaders  to 
exasperate  their  people.  Although  the  story  was  without  found 
ation,  it  aiforded  sufficient  material  for  the  project  of  our  friend, 
who  had  heard  it  discussed  in  the  company,  and  knew  that  most 
of  them  regarded  this  report  started  against  them  as  a  rather  dis 
agreeable  bugbear. 

Mr.  T was  out  on  a  short  journey,  on  horseback,  when  he 

met  a  half-breed  TVyandot,  —  a  very  intelligent  man,  and  so  white 
that  no  one  could  detect  the  Indian  blood  in  his  veins.  He  was 
riding  on  a  powerful  mule,  and  might  have  passed  very  well  for  a 
border  ruffian  by  more  expert  judges  than  the  new-comers.  Mr. 

T fell  into  conversation  with  him  as  they  rode  along,  and,  as 

they  got  on  very  good  terms,  our  friend  mentioned  the  joke  he 
meant  to  play  on  some  of  his  companions.  He  told  the  Wyan- 
dot  the  story  about  the  runaway  negroes,  and  asked  him  to  go  to 
the  camp  and  represent  himself  as  an  officer  from  Missouri  in 
search  of  them,  and  demand  that  assistance  be  rendered  to  make 
it,  and  see  how  many  of  them  he  could  get.  Our  Wyandot,  who 
appeared  to  have  a  fund  of  humor,  readily  agreed,  and  our  friend 

T galloped  ahead  into  camp  to  report  that  he  had  seen  an 

officer  from  Missouri,  who  was  "coming." 

There  was  some  little  fluster  when  our  man  with  the  mule  rode 
up.  He  appeared  most  consistently  stern,  and  first  demanded  that 
the  "niggers  be  given  up."  Several  of  the  party  undertook  to 
explain  to  him  that  they  had  not  been  there.  The  man  with  the 
mule  shook  his  head,  and  appeared  dissatisfied. 

"  Look  here,"  he  said ;  "  I  don't  want  to  be  the  means  of  bring 
ing  you  folks  into  trouble ;  but  I  am  an  officer,  and  must  do  my 
duty.  I  hope  you  will  meet  the  requirements  of  the  law,  and  fur- 


THE   FIRST    INVASION.  35 

nish  me  your  aid  to  search  for  the  niggers,  who  I  knwv  are  here. 
If  you  refuse,  I  will  have  to  go  back  and  bring  up  a  force  large 
eTwuyli  to  make  the  search ; "  and  the  man  on  the  mule  looked 
sternly  significant. 

"  Let  me  assure  you,  sir,"  began  a  very  earnest  and  anxious- 
faced  man,  "  let  me  assure  you,  upon  my  honor,  that  they  are  not 
here." 

"  Very  likely,  sir,"  was  the  dry  response. 

"  I  am  positive  —  very  positive." 

"I  don't  dispute  it,"  —  sarcastically. 

"But  I  pledge  you  solemnly  that  there  are  no  niggers  here ; 
there  mi er  have  been  any  here.  We  are  not  *  abolitionists,'  sir. 
It  is  a  vile  libel  we  deny." 

The  man  on  the  mule  stroked  his  beard. 

As  it  was  evident  that  a  majority  present  were  inclined  to  pay 
no  attention  to  his  demands,  the  bogus  officer  rode  out  about  two 
rods  from  the  party,  and,  in  a  very  impressive  voice,  said : 

"  Gentlemen,  this  is  a  very  serious  matter,  and  should  be  care 
fully  weighed.  I  don't  want  to  bring  the  Missourians  upon  you, 
who  would  only  be  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  do  so  leyally.  I 
am  anxious  to  prevent  bloodshed  and  difficulty,  and  wish  to  know 
all  those  who  are  willing  to  vindicate  the  laws.  Such  of  you  as 
will  assist  me  as  a  posse  I  desire  to  step  over  here,  so  that  I  may 
know  them." 

"  Look  here,"  said  a  conservative  man  to  one  of  his  compan 
ions;  "hadn't  we  better  go,  and  save  all  trouble?  There  is  no 
negro  here,  and  it  will  show  that  we  arc  not  abolitionists !  " 

"  No,  d — n  him  !  "  responded  the  other ;  "  he  may  hunt  his 
niggers  as  long  as  he  likes ;  that 's  his  business,  not  mine." 

"  0,"  said  the  other,  angrily,  "  that  incendiary  way  of  talking 
won't  do.  It 's  just  fellows  like  you  that  get  us  in  trouble." 

One  or  two  more  were  "  conservative,"  and  tried  to  persuade 
their  comrades  to  fall  in.  "  I  '11  tell  you  what,"  said  one,  "  I  am 
as  fond  of  standing  up,  when  the  right  time  comes,  as  any  of  you  ; 
but  I  want  to  make  no  bad  steps.  '  Let  us  keep  right  on  the 
record,'  and  then  we  can  maintain  ourselves." 


36  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

"Gentlemen,"  resumed  the  man  on  the  mule,  "  let  those  who 
will  sustain  the  law  step  this  way." 

About  a  half-dozen  of  the  men,  with  an  air  of  affected  stern 
ness,  walked  over,  and  one  of  them  began  telling  the  bogus  negro- 
hunter  that  they  were  "law-abiding,"  and  "no  abolitionists;"  to 
all  of  which  Bogus  manifested  the  utmost  indifference. 

A  fresh  and  very  impressive  call  for  further  volunteers  having 

produced  no  effect,  our  friend  T let  the  joke  out,  and  Bogus, 

thanking  the  gentlemen  for  their  kind  assistance,  and  declining 
their  further  services,  descended  at  once  from  his  high-perched 
dignity  and  his  mule,  and  laughed  heartily  while  he  chatted  with 
the  squatters.  Those  few  who  had  been  so  anxious  to  keep  "  right 
on  the  record,"  got  very  sick  of  the  joke,  and  I  believe  most  of 
them  left  the  territory. 


CHAPTER   III. 

GOV,  REEDER — THE    FIRST   ELECTION  —  TIIE    BLUE   LODGE. 

THE  first  officers  appointed  in  the  territory  were  A.  H.  Hecder, 
of  Pennsylvania,  Governor,  —  salary,  $2,500 ;  Daniel  Woodson, 
of  Arkansas,  Secretary,  —  salary,  $2,000.  The  officers  of  judi 
ciary  appointed  were  Samuel  Dexter  Lecompte,  Chief  Justice ; 
Sanders  N.  Johnson  and  Hush  El  more,  Associate  Justices,  with 
salaries  of  $2,000  each ;  Andrew  J.  Isaacs,  Attorney,  $250  and 
fees;  and  J.  B.  Donaldson,  Marshal,  — his  salary  being  $300  and 
fees.  These  received  their  appointment  for  four  years,  commencing 
in  1854. 

In  October  of  the  year  1854  Gov.  E-eeder  arrived.  As  the 
connection  this  functionary  has  had  with  the  affairs  of  the  terri 
tory,  first  and  last,  is  all-important,  a  slight  sketch  of  him  may 
be  offered. 

Andrew  H.  Reeder  is  a  "  Pennsylvania  Dutchman," —  so  reputed ; 
but,  beyond  the  mere  fact  of  such  extraction,  he  has  no  particular 
resemblance,  except  it  be  in  rather  a  portly  figure,  slightly  inclin 
ing  to  obesity.  He  is  a  gentleman  of  polish  and  considerable 
parts,  and  a  most  thorough  lawyer.  Rather  past  middle  age,  with 
hair  inclining  to  gray,  he  yet  stands  as  erect  and  firm  as  a  grenadier. 
There  is  something  in  his  goggle  eyes  at  first  repulsive ;  but  you 
get  familiarized. to  them,  and  to  the  curl  of  a  magnificent  gray  mous 
tache.  He  was  always  reputed  a  Democrat.  When  appointed, 
he  was,  and  had  been,  a  supporter  of  the  organic  act.  He  was  an 
admirer  of  the  "squatter  sovereignty"  feature,  the  ostensible 
democracy  of  which  recommended  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  to  so  many  ot  the  old  Democrats.  When  he  came  to  the 
territory  he  found  that  there  was  something  more  than  abstract 
4 


38  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

theory,  or  even  fair  popular  voting,  at  work  to  settle  the  difficul 
ties  in  Kansas.  He  came  thoroughly  impressed  with  the  impor 
tance  of  sustaining  the  administration  party,  and  would  have  sus 
tained  it  to  the  end,  if  such  course  had  been  possible.  Whether 
an  honest  indignation  at  the  outrages  Missouri  was  perpetrating 
on  the  territory,  or  a  conviction  of  the  impolicy  and  defeat  of  such 
a  suicidal  course,  determined  him,  I  know  not.  In  any  case,  let 
him  get  credit  for  the  position  he  took.  Surrounded  by  party  ties, 
liable  to  the  charge  of  inconsistency,  about  which  public  men  are 
generally  too  keenly  sensible,  almost  every  motive  to  induce  him 
to  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  slaveocracy  existed,  for  whose 
behoof,  and  at  whose  instigation,  the  organic  law  was  passed,  and 
the  officers  appointed  under  it.  A  zealous  advocate  of  that  organic 
law  and  its  theoretical  apology,  there  was  every  motive  to  make 
him  smooth  over  any  difficulty,  or  oppose  any  movement,  that 
would  illustrate  its  fallacy.  In  these  circumstances  he  was  thrown 
into  the  struggle,  and  took  the  side  of  right  and  justice,  even  at 
the  price  of  political  ostracism.  Gov.  Ileeder  was  too  strong  a 
man  to  make  a  good  tool.  What  the  border  ruffians  wanted  was 
something  pliant  and  docile,  and  Ileeder  had  a  will  of  his  own ; 
hence  the  jealousy,  perhaps  the  beginning  of  the  feud.  No  gov 
ernor  could  conquer  Kansas.  The  border  ruffians  knew  it,  and 
merely  wanted  to  be  permitted  to  do  it  themselves ;  but  Ileeder 
came  to  be  governor,  and  governor  he  meant  to  be. 

It  has  been  falsely  urged  against  him  that  he  only  took  his 
position  after  his  dismissal,  and  when  he  had  no  alternative.  The 
following  extract  from  one  of  the  ablest  border  ruffian  journals  of 
Missouri,  penned  long  before  the  March  election,  will  indicate  the 
prejudice  with  which  the  border  ruffians  regarded  the  governor : 

"  How  little  have  our  southern  friends  —  impulsive,  hospitable, 
and  rash  —  understood  the  character  of  the  Governor  of  Kansas  ! 
Many  have  often  said,  '  He  will  favor  the  South  ;  his  sympathies 
are  with  the  South ;  but,  coming  from  a  free  state,  he  dare  not  do 
it  openly.'  Upon  what  reasonable  premises  —  upon  what  rational 
induction  of  the  governor's  acts  and  conduct  —  could  such  ab 
surd  hypothesis  be  predicated  ?  '  We  will  yet  make  a  proselyte 
of  him,'  said  they.  Such  a  proselyte  as  they  would  make  of  the 


GOV.  REEDER  —  FIRST  ELECTION  —  BLUE  LODGE.         89 

shrewd,  calculating,  and  far-sighted  governor  would  be,  to  them, 
*  two-fold  more  the  child  of  hell  than  he  was  before.' ?'  [A  remark 
ably  candid  admission,  with  a  wide  application.  —  AUTHOR.]  "  The 
developments  that  have  already  been  made  in  the  executive  char 
acter  are  amply  sufficient  to  found  a  sound  conclusion  in  regard 
to  his  future  course  and  intentions.  Impulsive  and  unreflecting 
people  !  you  have  not  scrutinized  him  closely.  You  have  misread 
and  mistranslated  him.  He  has  understood  your  character  better 
than  you  have  understood  his.  Affable  and  polite  in  outward 
manner,  but  cold,  guarded,  and  designing  within,  —  the  external 
manner  of  a  man  wholly  engrossed  with  self-aggrandizement  and 
the  steady  accomplishment  of  his  own  private  purposes.  Possess 
ing  many  qualities  that  go  to  make  up  a  strong  man,  the  execu 
tive  character  is  yet  deficient  in  one  great  essential.  An  infirm 
ity  of  purpose,  and  a  weak,  nervous  oscillation  of  mind,  are  idio 
syncrasies  with  the  Governor  of  Kansas.  Governor  he  is,  and 
would  be  senator  hereafter !  He  is  not  without  ambition  —  would 
play  false  —  would  wrongly  win,  and  yet  he  fears  to  do  it  boldly 
like  a  man.  He  is  a  small  nonpareil  edition  of  Talleyrand  and 
Metternich  combined,  without  one  spark  or  scintillation  of  the 
Jackson  '  eternal ! '  in  his  whole  composition. 

"  Isolated  and  alone  upon  the  frontier  he  stood.  In  the  midst 
of  gentlemen  of  high  official  character  and  talent,  the  great  '  non 
committal'  was  distant  and  repulsive;  for  without  the  encour 
age  of  friends  he  dared  not  proclaim  publicly  that  he  was  a 
free-soiler,  and  would  do  all,  consistently  with  his  official  oath  and 
dignity,  to  make  Kansas  a  free  state,  as  he  had  a  right  to  say, 
and  a  right  to  do ;  for  he  knew  not  what  evils  the  passions  of  an 
impulsive  people,  roused  to  their  highest  pitch  in  an  exciting  con 
test,  might  hurl  around  his  devoted  head.  No  doubt,  in  his  mid 
night  dreams,  his  Excellency  saw  his  honor  Judge  Lynch,  with 
his  grave  judicial  aspect,  sitting  at  the  foot  of  his  bed,  remarking, 
with  all  the  politeness  of  Richelieu  to  Baradas,  that  '  the  court 
had  taken  his  case  in  consideration,  and  decided  that  the  air  of 
Kansas  did  not  agree  with  him.' " 

There  is  something  extremely  refreshing  in  the  closing  portion 
of  the  article  we  quote.  There  is  a  candor  in  its  admissions,  only 


40  THE    CONQUEST   OE   KANSAS. 

equalled  by  the  coolness  of  its  allusions  to  the  "  exciting  contest " 
in  which  it  admits  Missouri  to  be  engaged.  We  make  no  com 
ments  on  the  picture  it  draws,  nor  would  we  strike  out  one  of  its 
"  lights  or  shadows." 

When  Reeder  went  to  Kansas  he  was  beset,  not  only  by  that 
class  which  generally  dangle  at  the  heels  of  governors,  but  by  a 
more  important  class,  representing  both  interests  in  the  impending 
struggle.  That  he  was,  in  those  circumstances,  "  the  great  non 
committal  "  —  was  "  distant  and  repulsive,"  is  probable.  Gov. 
Reeder  possessed  no  ordinary  ability,  and  even  a  man  of  a  higher 
order  of  talent  would  have  found  the  circumstances  perplexing. 
To  these  and  his  embarrassing  political  position  we  may  attribute 
any  errors  or  shortcomings  which  may  have  entailed  trouble  on 
Kansas.  Perhaps  the  desire  to  appear  impartial  led  him  to  tol 
erate  certain  evils  which,  however  great,  he  would  have  had  to 
travel  a  little  out  of  his  way  to  remedy. 

In  company  with  Gov.  Reeder  a  Mr.  Flenniken  came  to  the 
territory.  Mr.  Flenniken  was  a  candidate  for  delegate  to  Con 
gress  at  the  first  election.  He  came  in  October,  and  the  election 
was  held  in  November.  Some  say  he  had  admitted,  on  the  way, 
that  he  was  a  candidate,  and  one  witness  before  the  committee 
testified  to  the  fact. 

Mr.  Flenniken  was  a  firm  administration  Democrat  —  a  be 
liever  in  squatter  sovereignty,  as  "  enunciated  by  the  Kansas  Ne 
braska  bill."  He  came  to  Kansas  full  of  ambition  and  political 
theories.  As  the  accredited  agent  of  a  pure  and  unadulterated 
abstract  Democracy,  he  came  to  uphold  "  squatter  sovereignty," 
independent  of  abstractions.  He  was  accused  of  being,  first,  pro- 
slavery,  then  non-committal,  then  free-soiler.  In  point  of  fact  he 
was  a  genuine  "  squatter-sovereignty-as-enunciated  "  man.  Fresh 
from  the  subtle  theorizing  on  this  position  in  the  East,  he  fancied 
that  the  same  seductive  nonsense  would  hold  good  in  Kansas  and 
Missouri.  In  Kansas,  however,  he  found  it  was  "  slavery  as 
enunciated  by  the  Kansas  Nebraska  bill."  He  made  a  great 
effort  for  a  democratic  impartiality  on  the  question,  and  succeeded 
in  being  pretty  generally  suspected.  His  "  ve?ii,  vidi "  had  no 
terminating  "vici"  for  Mr.  Whitfield  had  been  nominated  as 


GOV.  REEDER —  FIRST  ELECTION  —  BLUE  LODGE.        41 

the  candidate  of  Platte  County,  and  there  they  perfectly  under 
stood  the  matter. 

Mr.  Whitfield's  position  at  that  time  was  equivocal.  Since  then 
he  has  been  candid  and  plain  enough  on  the  slavery  question,  in 
all  conscience ;  but  in  that  election  he  evaded  the  issue.  What 
ever  might  have  been  the  understanding  between  him  and  the 
people  of  Platte,  and  Clay,  and  Jackson  and  Buchanan  counties, 
he  pretended  that  slavery  was  not  the  issue  of  the  election  in  the 
territory.  In  this  way  he  got  many  of  the  free-state  men  to 
vote  for  him.  The  people  of  the  territory  were  not  then  conver 
sant  with  Kansas  elections.  Mr.  Whitfield  looked  like  a  gentle 
man,  and  he  declared  that  he  "  was  in  favor  of  the  people  of  the 
territory  settling  the  question  for  themselves,"  —  the  same  specious 
theory ;  and  upon  it  he  got  many  votes,  as  some  better,  and,  per 
haps,  a  few  worse  men  have  done. 

There  was  another  candidate  —  Judge  Wakefield.  As  a  free- 
state  man,  the  judge  was  unquestionable  and  reliable.  He  was  a 
Western  man,  and  no  "  abolitionist ;  "  but,  as  he  explained  it  in  a 
speech  we  once  heard  him  make,  a  "  free-soiler  up  to  the  hub  — 
hub  and  all."  The  judge  is  a  character  in  his  way.  His  public 
speeches  and  private  conversation  are  characterized  by  a  style  and 
enunciation  decidedly  provincial,  and  his  grammar  sets  up  a 
standard  somewhat  independent  of  Lindley  Murray ;  but  he  is 
sound  and  shrewd  in  his  opinions  and  convictions,  and  honest  to 
the  core.  The  old  gentleman  is  somewhat  portly.  He  is  a  man 
with  a  presence,  and  had  the  choice  been  made,  as  Diedrich 
Knickerbocker  tells  us  they  elected  magistrates  in  his  time  (by 
weight),  the  worthy  judge  would  have  distanced  both  of  his  com 
petitors  put  together.  Unfortunately  the  free-state  men  were 
divided,  and  had  no  great  faith  in  either  of  their  candidates.  We 
honestly  believe  that  the  old  judge  was  much  the  "  smartest"  of 
the  three;  the  standard  in  neither  case  being  very  high.  The 
worthy  judge,  moreover,  was  a  specimen  of  that  school,  rapidly 
disappearing  under  the  blows  of  young  America,  the  "  fine  old 
gentlemen."  With  him  the  amenities  of  life  were  facts,  and  worth 
considering.  Alas  !  the  judge  was  doomed  to  be  defeated,  first 
by  his  friends  and  then  by  his  enemies.  In  his  own  precinct 
4* 


42 


THE   CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 


(Douglas),  some  four  or  five  Missourians  actually  voted  for  him 
just  to  make  game  of  him.  They  got  him  out  to  speak,  and 
cheered  him.  They  knew  they  were  safe,  and  wanted  to  preface 
their  career  of  despotism  with  a  little  malicious  fun. 

The  following  abstract  exhibits  the  whole  number  of  votes  at 
this  election  for  each  candidate ;  the  number  of  legal  and  illegal 
votes  cast  in  each  district ;  and  the  number  of  legal  voters  in  each 
district  in  February  following  : 

Abstract  of  Census,  and  Election  of  Nov.  29,  1854. 


Districts,  .  . 

Place  of  Voting. 

Whitfield,  .  . 

Wakefield,  . 

Flenniken,  . 

Scattering,  . 

g 

** 

93, 

|l  5 

-  sr 

K1 

OR 

p 

<J 

o 

§r 

M 
% 

u 
5 

i" 

1 
2 

Lawrence,  .... 

46 
235 

188 
20 

51 
6 

15 

300 
261 

369 
199 

300 
35 

226 

3 

4 
5 
6 

7 

Stinson's,  .    . 
Dr.  Chapman's 
H.  Sherman's, 
Fort  Scott,    . 
"  110,"  .    .    . 

40 
140 
63 
105 
597 

21 
4 

7 
15 

7 

— 

47 
161 
82 
105 
604 

101 
47 
442 
253 
53 

47 
30 
30 
25 
20 

131 
52 
80 
584 

8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 

Council  Grove, 
Reynolds',     . 
Big  Blue  Cross 
Marysville,  . 
Warton's  Store 
Osawkie,    .    . 
Harding's,    . 
Penseno,    .    . 
Leavenworth, 
Shawnee  Agency, 

16 
9 
2 
237 
31 
69 
130 
267 
232 
49 

6 

9 
1 

31 
29 
3 

1 
23 
39 
80 
13 

5 
1 

16 
40 
37 
245 
41 
71 
153 
306 
312 
62 
28 

39 
36 
63 
24 
78 
96 
334 
308 
385 
50 

16 
40 
37 
7 
41 
71 
103 
100 
150 
62 

238 

50 
206 

162 

Total,  .... 

2268 

249 

305 

21 

2871 



1114 

1729 

The  following  is  the  statement  of  the  Congressional  Committee 
in  regard  to  this  election  : 

"  Thus  your  committee  find  that  in  this,  the  first  election  in  the 
territory,  a  very  large  majority  of  the  votes  were  cast  by  citizens 
of  the  State  of  Missouri,  in  violation  of  the  organic  law  of  the 
territory.  Of  the  legal  votes  cast  Gen.  Whitfield  received  a  plu 
rality.  The  settlers  took  but  little  interest  in  the  election,  not 
one  half  of  them  voting.  This  may  be  accounted  for  from  the 
fact  that  the  settlements  were  scattered  over  a  great  extent,  that 
the  term  of  the  delegate  to  be  elected  was  short,  and  that  the 
question  of  free  and  slave  institutions  was  not  generally  regarded 


GOV.  REEDER  —  FIRST  ELECTION  —  BLUE  LODGE.       43 

by  them  as  distinctly  at  issue.  Under  these  circumstances  a  sys 
tematic  invasion,  from  an  adjoining  state,  by  which  large  numbers 
of  illegal  votes  were  cast  in  remote  and  sparse  settlements  for  the 
avowed  purpose  of  extending  slavery  into  the  territory,  even 
though  it  did  not  change  the  result  of  the  election,  was  a  crime  of 
great  magnitude.  Its  immediate  effect  was  to  further  excite  the 
people  of  the  Northern  States,  induce  acts  of  retaliation,  and 
exasperate  the  actual  settlers  against  their  neighbors  in  Mis 
souri." 

This  was  the  second  invasion,  and  in  it  upwards  of  seventeen 
hundred  mon  marched  from  Missouri  into  the  territory  and  voted. 
Whitfield,  by  deceiving  the  settlers  as  to  his  true  position,  suc 
ceeded  in  getting  a  majority  of  all  the  legal  votes;  but,  as  this 
had  evidently  not  been  expected,  his  vote  from  Missouri  would 
have  elected  him  by  upwards  of  six  hundred  majority,  if  he  had 
not  got  a  vote  from  the  territory. 

This  election  was  a  systematic  plot  on  the  part  of  Missouri. 
Unable  to  realize  Nimrod  Whitfield's  skill  in  getting  free-soil 
votes  on  false  pretences,  they  determined  that  it  should,  in  any 
event,  be  successful.  The  leading  men  of  the  State  of  Missouri 
were  at  the  bottom  of  it.  Atchison,  then  United  States  senator, 
and  ex-vice-president  of  the  United  States,  took  an  active  part. 
Witness  the  following  speech  he  made  in  Platte  County,  Mo.,  a 
few  weeks  before  the  election  : 

"  When  you  reside  in  one  day's  journey  of  the  territory,  and 
when  your  peace,  your  quiet,  and  your  property  depend  upon  your 
action,  you  can,  without  an  exertion,  send  five  hundred  of  your 
young  men  who  will  vote  in  favor  of  your  institutions.  Should 
each  county  in  the  State  of  Missouri  only  do  its  duty,  the  question 
will  be  decided  quietly  and  peaceably  at  the  ballot-box.  If  we 
are  defeated,  then  Missouri  and  the  other  Southern  States  will 
have  shown  themselves  recreant  to  their  interests,  and  will  deserve 
their  fate." 

Such  was  the  tenor  of  his  speech,  which,  throughout,  violently 
inculcated  the  propriety  of  securing  Kansas  to  slavery  by  the 
most  reckless  means. 

In  order  to  show  how  far  Whitfield  had  imposed  on  the  free- 


44  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

state  men  who  voted  for  him,  I  quote  from  a  subsequent  speech 
of  his,  when  the  motive  for  dissembling  was  removed. 

"  We  can  recognize  but  two  parties  in  the  territory  —  the  pro- 
slavery  and  the  anti-slavery  parties.  If  the  citizens  of  Kansas 
want  to  live  in  this  community  at  peace  and  feel  at  home,  they 
must  become  pro-slavery  men  ;  but  if  they  want  to  live  with  gangs 
of  thieves  and  robbers  they  must  go  with  the  abolition  party. 
There  can  be  no  third  party  —  no  more  than  two  issues  —  slavery 
and  no  slavery,  in  Kansas  Territory." 

Such,  indeed,  was  the  true  question,  fairly  stated,  for  such  are, 
and  have  always  been,  the  facts.  The  question  was  freedom  and 
slavery,  the  parties  were  free-state  and  slave-state  parties.  They 
had  been  invited  to  try  their  respective  claims  on  the  virgin  soil 
of  Kansas,  by  the  Kansas  Nebraska  bill,  and  the  two  parties  thus 
created  in  Congress  went  fiercely  to  work.  That  slavery  resorted 
to  fraud  and  violence  was  certainly  nothing  new  in  its  history. 
The  idea  of  submitting  it  to  an  "  honorable  "  and  "  moral  "  adjust 
ment  was  absurd,  and  the  pro-slavery  propagandists  knew  it 
was,  and  took  the  field  with  the  kind  of  weapons  that  would 
succeed. 

At  that  election  Judge  Leonard  from  Buchanan  County,  and 
another  judge  from  Cass  County,  led  on  and  directed  parties  of 
these  invaders.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  Atchison  himself 
led  one  party.  Colonel  John  Scott,  the  city  attorney  at  St.  Jo 
seph,  Mo.,  acted  as  judge  of  the  election ;  and  at  all  of  the  pre 
cincts,  and  with  all  of  the  parties,  leading  and  influential  men 
from  Missouri,  men  who  ought  to  have  been  respectable,  figured 
pretty  largely. 

While  policy  led  the  chiefs,  whiskey  inspired  the  rank  and  file. 
The  former  had  led  the  latter  to  do  an  act  of  reckless  and  unscru 
pulous  wickedness,  in  which  they  villanously  trampled  under  their 
feet  the  rights  of  their  fellow  American  citizens,  —  rights  which 
ought  to  be  dear  to  every  American  heart,  and  sacred ;  for  he 
who  violently  despoils  a  fellow-citizen  of  these  rights  hazards  his 
own. 

The  invasion  and  voting  resulted  from  the  pro-slavery  sentiment ; 
its  system,  to  a  secret  organization  that  was  formed  immediately 


GOV.  REEDER  —  FIRST  ELECTION  —  BLUE  LODGE.        45 

after  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  We  have  read 
with  shuddering  horror  the  history  of  the  Assassins ;  and  in  the 
reckless  and  mysterious  career  of  the  secret  order  who  obeyed  the 
behests  of  the  "  Sheik  el  Jebal,"  we  did  not  expect  to  find  a  pro 
totype  in  a  similar  organization  in  Western  Missouri,  acting  under 
the  orders  of  a  power  far  more  potent,  and  not  less  corrupt,  than 
was  the  "  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain."  In  the  secret  tribunal  of 
Westphalia  we  can  recognize  a  dangerous  and  improper  concentra 
tion  of  irresponsible  power ;  still,  in  it  we  discern  something  like 
an  object  for  good,  perverted  though  it  may  have  been.  But  in 
the  Blue  Lodge  of  Western  Missouri  we  discover  no  redeeming 
trait,  no  mitigating  circumstance.  It  was  created  to  extend 
human  slavery  over  soil  hitherto  uncursed  by  such  a  foe  to  good 
morals  and  republicanism.  Its  present  and  express  object  was  to 
make  Kansas  a  slave  state,  but  it  contemplated  the  introduction 
of  slavery  into  all  the  national  territory.  It  contemplated  violence 
and  the  probable  murder  that  would  flow  from  it.  At  its  secret 
meeting,  men,  not  only  in  Kansas,  but  in  Missouri,  were  "  spotted," 
when  their  words  or  deeds  rendered  their  position  objectionable  to 
these  men.  But  the  following  extract  from  the  report  of  the  con 
gressional  committee  explains  its  objects  and  character. 

""It  was  known  by  different  names,  such  as  "  Social  Band," 
"  Friends'  Society,"  "  Blue  Lodge,"  "  The  Sons  of  the  South." 
Its  members  were  bound  together  by  secret  o'aths,  and  they  had 
passwords,  signs,  and  grips,  by  which  they  were  known  to  each 
other.  Penalties  were  imposed  for  violating  the  rules  and  secrets 
of  the  order.  Written  minutes  were  kept  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  lodges,  and  the  different  lodges  were  connected  together  by 
an  effective  organization.  It  embraced  great  numbers  of  the 
citizens  of  Missouri,  and  was  extended  into  other  slave  states  and 
into  the  territory.  Its  avowed  purpose  was  not  only  to  extend 
slavery  into  Kansas,  but  also  into  other  territory  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  form  a  union  of  all  the  friends  of  that  institution. 
Its  plan  of  operating  was  to  organize  and  send  men  to  vote  at  the 
elections  in  the  territory,  to  collect  money  to  pay  their  expenses, 
and,  if  necessary,  tt>  protect  them  in  voting.  It  also  proposed  to 
induce  pro-slavery  men  to  emigrate  into  the  territory,  to  aid  and 


46  THE   CONQUEST  OF   KANSAS. 

sustain  them  while  there,  and  to  elect  none  to  office  but  those 
friendly  to  their  views.  This  dangerous  society  was  controlled  by 
men  who  avowed  their  purpose  to  extend  slavery  into  the  territory 
at  all  hazards,  and  was  altogether  the  most  effective  instrument  in 
organizing  the  subsequent  armed  invasions  and  forays.  In  its 
lodges  in  Missouri  the  affairs  of  Kansas  were  discussed,  the  force 
necessary  to  control  the  election  was  divided  into  bands,  and 
leaders  selected,  means  were  collected,  and  signs  and  badges  were 
agreed  upon.  While  the  great  body  of  the  actual  settlers  of  the 
territory  were  relying  upon  the  rights  secured  to  them  by  the 
organic  law,  and  had  formed  no  organization  or  combination  what 
ever,  even  of  a  party  character,  this  conspiracy  against  their 
rights  was  gathering  strength  in  a  neighboring  state,  and  would 
have  been  sufficient  at  their  first  election  to  have  overpowered 
them,  if  they  had  been  united  to  a  man." 

How  reckless  this  power  has  been,  how  villanous  and  unscru 
pulous  in  waging  war  on  the  people  of  Kansas,  this  history  will 
show.  There  is  one  phase  of  its  despotism,  however,  which  we 
are  apt  to  overlook.  It  is  a  monstrous  iniquity  in  Missouri. 
Although  Missouri  is  a  slave  state,  slavery  is  chiefly  to  be  found 
in  a  few  counties,  and  even  there  the  large  majority  of  the  white 
men  are  not  slave  owners.  They  are  men  who  have  come  from 
all  states  of  the  Union,  some  of  them  enterprising  business  men, 
who,  in  advancing  their  private  interests,  have  still  a  reasonable 
pride  in  those  liberties  and  privileges  guaranteed  to  them  by  the 
constitution,  and  bought  by  the  blood  of  the  early  patriots. 

But  freedom  of  speech  is  suppressed  as  thoroughly  as  ever  it  was 
in  the  despotic  days  of  the  Inquisition.  Not  only  is  the  subject 
of  slavery  itself  interdicted,  but  all  opinions  growing  out  of  it,  or 
that  might  haply  endanger  it,  are  forbidden.  To  such  a  strict 
rule  as  this,  a  money-making,  conservative  man  might  reconcile 
himself;  and  if  his  principles  and  impulses  are  properly  under 
the  control  of  his  prudence  and  his  pocket,  this  suppressio  veri 
is,  at  least,  not  felt  to  be  a  burden.  But  this  secret  organiza 
tion  compels  a  more  irksome  service.  Here  the  slave  power 
requires  not  only  passive  obedience,  but  active  support.  An  elec 
tion  is  to  be  carried,  and  if  there  is  not  a  sufficient  number  of 


GOV.  REEDER  —  FIRST  ELECTION  —  BLUE  LODGE.        47 

rowdies  to  engage  in  it,  from  a  natural  love  of  mischief,  and  an 
acquired  love  of  liquor,  why,  more  respectable  men  must  go. 
And  if  they  do  not  go,  they  must  at  least  pay  the  expenses  of  those 
who  do. 

How  many  worthy  men  do  you  suppose,  dear  reader,  have  been 
thus  compelled  to  bolster  a  system  they  despise?  Ah,  that 
society  has  ruthlessly  trampled  on  human  rights  in  Missouri  as 
well  as  in  Kansas !  Men  who,  in  their  "  heart  of  hearts,"  regarded 
slavery  as  an  evil  and  a  corrupt  political  system,  who  deplored 
the  existence  of  this  corrupt  secret  society,  and  whose  every  instinct 
was  against  its  lawless  action,  have  been  compelled  to  sustain  it. 
Not  a  whisper  must  be  breathed  against  this  cruel  taxation,  or  else 
the  luckless  wight,  whose  love  of  principle  (or  parsimony)  made 
him  object,  would  be  subjected  to  a  loss  of  caste,  to  which  the 
condition  of  an  Indian  Pariah  is  a  happy  one. 

The  following  speech,  delivered  by  General  Stringfellow,  in  St. 
Joseph,  Missouri,  at  a  public  meeting  where  he  was  sustained  and 
endorsed,  will  tell  something  of  the  story. 

"  I  tell  you  to  mark  every  scoundrel  among  you  who  is  the  least 
tainted  with  abolitionism  or  free-soilism,  and  exterminate  him. 
Neither  give  nor  take  quarter  from  the  d — d  rascals.  I  propose 
to  mark  them  in  this  house,  and  on  the  present  occasion,  so  you 
may  crush  them  out.  To  those  who  have  qualms  of*  conscience  as 
to  violating  laws,  state  or  national,  the  time  has  come  when  such 
impositions  must  be  disregarded,  as  your  rights  and  property  are  in 
danger.  I  advise  you,  one  and  all,  to  enter  every  election  district 
in  Kansas,  in  defiance  of  Reeder  and  his  vile  myrmidons,  and  vote 
at  the  point  of  the  bowie-knife  and  revolver.  Neither  give  nor 
take  quarter,  as  the  calise  demands  it.  It  is  enough  that  the 
slave-holding  interest  wills  it,  from  which  there  is  no  appeal." 

We  have  been  in  Missouri  often  enough  to  learn  that  this  is  no 

O 

empty  threat.  It  is  a  rod  held  in  terrorem  over  the  heads  of  the 
suspected.  Are  you  "  sound  on  the  Goose  Question?"  may  be  a 
query  at  which  an  Eastern  or  Northern  man  would  smile,  but  it 
has  had  a  fearful  significance  applied  in  Western  Missouri. 

Many  an  honorable  mind  has  had  to  conceal  and  crush  out  an 
honest  conviction  thus.  Did  ever  you  feel  a  glow  of  indignation 


48  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

as  you  read  of  the  slavery  of  opinion,  of  the  press,  and  of  speech, 
in  France  and  Austria  ?  I  tell  you  the  veriest  tyrant  in  Europe 
dare  not  exercise  so  fearful  and  despotic  control  over  opinion 
as  the  Blue  Lodge  of  Missouri  has  done.  If  a  man  whose  heart 
is  good  enough  to  condemn  this  violence  and  fraud  is  timid,  as  the 
majority  of  business  men  are,  and  must  le,  he  dissembles.  If  he 
be  positively  cowardly,  he  affects  to  approve ;  and  if  to  his  cow 
ardice  he  adds  a  little  corruption  and  selfishness,  he  vindicates  his 
own  purity  from  such  vile  charges  by  denouncing  others,  and 
abusing  "  abolitionists  "  generally  ;  with  little  knowledge,  and  not 
the  slightest  regard  for  what  the  term  means.  If  a  man  in  such 
circumstances  be  an  aspirant  for  office,  he  is  slavish  in  his  submis 
sion,  and  makes  himself  the  humblest  tool  of  such 'rascality.  He 
knows  that  those  who  entertain  more  liberal  and  nobler  senti 
ments  are  easy  and  short-sighted,  and  will  overlook  such  treason 
against  their  holiest  interests ;  and  he  knows  that  the  Blue  Lodge 
and  the  slaveocracy,  of  which  it  is  merely  a  weapon,  never  for 
gives  ;  never  overlooks  its  ruthless  policy ;  never,  in  all  its  vile- 
ness,  is  false  to  itself.  Therefore,  every  office-seeker  in  such 
circumstances  is  corrupted  to  be  the  tool  of  a  thing  so  base  as  this. 
Instead  of  standing  prominent  amongst  his  fellow-men,  as  one  with 
whom  nobleness  and  true  goodness  would  ever  be  sacred  —  a 
standard-bearer  of  pure  republicanism  and  social  morals  —  he  is 
degraded  into  the  abject  servitude  of  this  monstrous  power. 

The  character  of  the  Blue  Lodge  of  Western  Missouri  may  be 
illustrated  by  some  of  the  testimony  taken  before  the  commission 
of  Congress.  Stringfellow,  the  Speaker  of  the  Bogus  Legislature, 
admitted  enough  to  give  a  pretty  clear  indication  of  its  character, 
although  he  refused  to  answer  many  of  the  most  important  ques 
tions,  and  labored  to  give  a  false  color  to  the  testimony. 

Gen.  Richardson,  Major-General  of  the  Kansas  militia,  when 
asked  if  he  knew  of  the  existence  of  a  secret  society,  or  Blue 
Lodge,  replied, 

"  I  decline  to  answer  that  question." 

"  Are  you  a  member  of  such  society  ?  " 

"  I  decline  answering  that  question." 

And  so  he  answered  to  a  series  of  questions  propounded  by  Mr. 


GOV.  REEDER —  FIRST  ELECTION  —  BLUE  LODGE.         49 

Sherman ;  only  answering  one  of  them,  which  was  put  so  adroitly 
that  he  was  afraid  to  reply  as  he  had  done  to  the  other  questions ; 
so  he  admitted  in  that  answer  that  he  did  know  of  such  society. 
To  the  last  question,  "  Do  you  know  of  any  regulation  of  such 
society  relative  to  testimony  to  be  given  or  taken  before  this  com 
mittee  ?  "  he  replied, 

"  I  also  decline  to  answer  that  question.  It  could  only  have 
originated  in  a  mind  capable  of  such  a  mean  act  itself." 

Not  very  direct  as  an  answer,  but  exhibiting  the  fierceness 
and  insolence  of  this  organization,  even  towards  the  highest  au 
thority  in  the  land. 

By  the  testimony  of  a  Mr.  Davidson,  all  the  particulars  of  this 
association  were  obtained ;  but  the  most  interesting  testimony  was 
that  of  a  young  man  of  "the  name  of  Prince. 

He  had  removed  from  Missouri  to  the  territory  recently  ;  and 
in  his  testimony  told  how  he  had  been  up  with  a  party  of  some 
two  hundred  Missourians  to  the  first  election,  who  voted  at  a  pre 
cinct  in  the  south  part  of  the  territory. 

He  was  a  young  man,  not  more  than  five  or  six  and  twenty. 
His  face  was  ingenuous,  and  displayed  a  fair  degree  of  intelli 
gence.  He  was  quiet  and  reserved,  and  when  put  on  the  witness 
stand  had  to  be  questioned  on  every  point ;  although,  when  asked 
what  he  knew  about  any  occurrence,  told  frankly  all  he  knew  in 
as  plain  and  simple  a  manner  as  possible.  He  kept  back  nothing, 
dissembled  nothing,  took  no  pains  to  color  his  testimony,  but  vol 
unteered  nothing. 

Mr.  Howard  asked  him  if  he  ever  had  been  back  to  the  territory 
to  vote  after  that  first  time ;  and  he  replied  "  No,"  with  an  em 
phatic  manner  that  clearly  showed  how  he  regarded  it  now. 

"Witness,"  said  the  cold,  inflexible  Mr.  Howard,  —  and  he  bent 
forward  as  he  spoke,  while  his  gray  eye  began  to  kindle  till  it 
animated  the  deep,  stern  lines  of  his  face,  —  "  Witness,  do  you 
know  of  a  secret  society,  existing  in  Missouri  or  elsewhere,  known 
as  the  Blue  Lodge,  or  by  any  other  name,  that  contemplates 
interference  in  the  affairs  of  Kansas?" 

The  witness  colored  up  over  the  temples,  and  then  he  grew  pale 
and  hung  his  head.  The  conflicting  emotions  of  a  mind  possessing 
5 


50  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

a  fair  share  of  sincerity,  and  some  troubled  visions  on  its  mental 
retina  of  things  past  and  wished-to-be-forgotten,  were  tracing 
themselves  on  that  young  man's  face.  Little  did  he  think  that 
one  of  the  most  skilful  lawyers  in  the  North-west  was  carefully 
reading  it. 

"  "Well,  witness,"  resumed  Howard,  slowly  and  calmly,  "you 
said  that  you  had  never  gone  into  the  territory  but  once  ;  we  want 
to  know  what  induced  you  to  go  tJiat  time." 

"  Well,  —  the  others  were  going  —  I  —  "  and  the  young  man 
raised  his  face  as  if  to  collect  his  ideas,  but  as  he  encountered 
that  steady,  penetrating  glance,  his  eyes  fell  again. 

"  Witness,  are  you  sure  that  some  such  society  did  not  induce 
you  thus  to  go  into  the  territory  ?  I  gather  from  your  language 
and  your  manner  that  you  do  not  approve  of  it,  —  that  you  know 
it  was  a  wrong ;  why  did  you  do  it  ?  Those  who  ask  have  a 
right  to  know." 

"  Well,"  stammered  the  witness,  "  I  have  many  friends  in  Mis 
souri.  I  have  some  relatives  there.  Some  of  the  best  friends  I 
have  are  there.  I  do  not  wish  to  say  anything  that  would  offend 
them.  When  I  went  into  the  territory  to  vote,  I  did  not  think 
much  about  it,  —  nearly  everybody  was  going.  I  was  asked  by 
some  of  the  best  friends  I  had  to  go.  Some  of  the  most  influen 
tial  and  respectable  men  in  Cass  County  asked  me  to  go." 

"  Witness,"  resumed  Mr.  Howard,  and  his  eye,  and  the  point  of 
every  feature  in  his  thin,  attenuated  face,  looked  an  inexorable 
judge,  and  the  words  "Thou  surely  wouldst  not  prevaricate"  were 
written  as  plainly  and  legibly  on  every  feature  of  that  face  as  if 
they  had  been  placed  there  in  letters  of  gold,  —  "  Witness,  do  you 
then  mean  to  say  tlmt  you  were  not  influenced  in  your  conduct  by 
any  such  society  as  I  have  asked  you  about?" 

The  witness  was  deeply  moved.  I  almost  fancied  I  saw  a  teat- 
glisten  for  a  moment  in  the  corner  of  his  eye ;  but  I  must  have 
been  mistaken,  for  by  an  effort  he  raised  his  face,  and,  fixing  it  on 
Mr.  Howard  with  an  expression,  at  least  as  earnest  and  question 
ing,  if  not  so  profound,  he  said, 

u  There  's  one  thing  I  want  to  know  of  you,  and  I  hope  you 
will  tell  me  frankly,  and  just  as  you  would  if  you  were  in  my 


GOV.  UEEDER FIRST  ELECTION  —  BLUE  LODGE.         51 

place.  If  you  were  here  on  oath,  sworn  to  tell  all  you  know, 
and  the  judge  was  to  ask  you  to  tell  something  that  you  have 
sworn  solemnly  on  your  honor  not  to  reveal  —  how  would  you  act? 
If,"  —  and  the  young  man  gained  momentary  courage,  and 
warmed  as  he  spoke,  —  "  if  you  have  to  tell  a  lie,  or  forswear 
yourself  either  by  answering  or  by  not  answering,  might  you  not 
lie  or  forswear  yourself  as  well  one  way  as  another  ?  " 

This  was  an  intricate  and  delicate  point  in  ethics ;  but  neither 
the  interrogatory  of  the  young  man,  his  earnestness,  nor  the 
dilemma,  moved  a  muscle  of  the  intellectually  earnest  but  calm 
face  before  him.  Howard  spoke  : 

"  I  can  readily  comprehend  the  difficulty  that  presents  itself  to 
your  mind  ;  but,  however  sincere  —  and  I  do  not  doubt  your  sin 
cerity —  you  suffer  yourself  to  be  misled.  We  understand  that 
you  have  taken  obligations  that  preclude,  on  your  part,  the  per 
formance  of  a  duty  which  you,  and  every  man,  owes  society.  If 
—  and  we  can  only  understand  your  embarrassment  so  —  you 
have  joined  such  an  organization  and  been  influenced  by  it,  if  you 
have  taken  oaths  and  obligations,  it  must  have  been  at  the  hands 
of  a  person  not  qualified  to  administer  an  oath,  and  who,  there 
fore,  could  not  administer  an  oath,  and  did  not  really  place  you 
under  the  obligation  which  an  oath  is  supposed  to  impose.  It 
may  be  regarded  that  a  promise  is  as  sacred  a  thing  as  an  oath ; 
and  in  many  senses  it  is  and  ought  to  be;  but  when  a  promise  has 
been  extorted  by  deception  and  conspiracy,  when  such  a  promise 
places  an  individual  in  a  situation  where  he  finds  he  cannot  hon 
orably  stay,  such  a  promise  would  have  no  binding  effect  to  keep 
him  there.  If — as  we  suppose  —  you  have  belonged  to  such  a 
society,  and  have  thus  unwittingly  leagued  yourself  with  a  body 
of  men,  warring  against  the  best  interests  of  society,  we  presume 
you  have  been  betrayed  into  the  criminal  connection,  and  that 
you  have  left  it  when  you  have  ascertained  its  true  character.  I 
can  understand  why  you  would  hesitate  to  reveal  what  you  may 
have  promised  to  keep  secret,  even  there ;  but  this  does  not  ex 
cuse  you  from  the  solemn  duty  you  owe  society;  nor  can  this 
committee  excuse  you.  We  have  no  disposition  to  be  hard  with 
you ;  but  we  are  engaged  in  a  serious  duty,  which  we  would  rather 


52  THE  CONQUEST  OF  KANSAS. 

that  you  should  perceive  and  feel.  We  have  already  gained  full 
particulars  of  this  organization  from  those  who  have  belonged  to 
it ;  but  it  is  necessary  that  we  should  also  have  the  information 
we  believe  you  to  possess.  If  you  have  reluctance  about  men- 
tionino"  the  names  of  the  officers  or  members  of  such  organization, 

O  O 

we  will  not  insist  on  them ;  and  should  you  feel  you  cannot  give 
us  the  passwords  and  the  signs,  or  reveal  the  secret  means  of 
communication,  although  we  should  desire  that  you  state  all  fully 
and  frankly,  still  we  will  not  be  hard  on  you  even  there ;  but  the 
existence  and  general  character  of  this  organization,  its  action  on 
society,  and  especially  on  the  territory,  with  all  of  such  a  charac 
ter  as  you  may  know,  ive  shall  insist  upon" 

We  enter  into  no  discussion  on  the  nice  logical  subtilties  of  this 
argument ;  suffice  it  to  say,  that  the  will  of  the  strong  man  tri 
umphed.  The  young  man  was  broken  and  subdued.  Not  all  at 
once,  or  prostrated  by  this  single  blow ;  but  under  it  he  began  a 
revelation  which  had  no  backward  course.  Each  step  in  the  elab 
orate  process  threw  him  more  completely  into  the  hands  of  his 
skilful  adversary,  —  for  while  the  kindest  feeling  and  confidence 
were  expressed,  it  was  an  intellectual  warfare.  Step  by  step  he 
revealed  the  character  of  that  hideous  system.  To  one  or  two 
of  the  hardest  questions  he  demurred ;  and  when  Howard  urged, 
he  plead  he  "  \\&&  friends  in  Missouri,  and  his  business  often  led 
him  through  it" 

"  Would  your  answer  involve  you  in  personal  danger  ?  " 

"  Well,"  — hesitating  and  faltering,  —  "  it  might."  He  "  had 
friends  in  Missouri,  and  must  often  pass  tkrough  it." 

Reader,  when  you  peruse  this,  esteem  his  nice  sense  of  honor 
and  honesty,  and  thank  Providence  if  you  have  no  friends  in  Mis 
souri. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

SMART     ELECTIONEERING  —  THE      "  INSTITUTION"      ESTAB 
LISHED —  ITS    ADVANTAGES REEDER    URGED    TO    CALL 

THE    LEGISLATURE. 

THERE  was  one  clever  electioneering  trick  at  this  election 
which  is  too  good  to  be  lost.  Whitfield  being  an  Indian  agent,  it 
was  reported  that  he  was  going  to  muster  a  lot  of  the  different 
tribes  to  vote  for  him;  and,  in  point  of  fact,  he  did  receive  some 
thing  of  a  "  Native  American  "  vote  in  this  way.  Under  such 
circumstances,  the  Flennikenites  felt  very  sore  that  they  should  be 
out-generaled  after  such  a  fashion.  Had  the  "great  unterrified," 
from  whom  they  hailed,  not  been  celebrated  for  good  management 
in  elections,  from  time  immemorial  ?  Should  they  not  have  a 
finger  in  such  a  pretty  pie  as  this  ?  Besides,  were  riot  the  In 
dians,  as  a  body,  free-state  men  ?  and  on  the  eve  of  the  election 
Flenniken  was  a  moderately  good  free-state  man.  As  speci 
mens,  many  of  the  Indians  were  certainly  in  a  very  free  state, 
and,  all  in  all,  it  was  a  very  pretty  opening. 

So,  at  least,  thought  a  zealous  disciple  of  Flenniken,  who 
revolved  these  matters  over  and  over,  and  had  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  "  things  was  workin'."  It  was  the  eve  before  the 
election  "ere  his  thoughts  matured  and  fructified.  They  were 
brought  to  the  decisive  point  by  observing  that  a  majority  of  the 
free-toilers  of  Lawrence  were  going  for  Judge  Wakefield ;  for,  al 
though  many  leading  men  had  confidence  in  the  position  of  Flen 
niken,  still  the  larger  number  regarded  his  antecedents  as  suspi 
cious,  and  his  present  position  as  at  least  equivocal. 

As  morning  broke  on  that  29th  of  November,  in  the  year  of 
grace  'Fifty-four,  this  zealous  politician,  after  a  brief  but  anxious 
5* 


54  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

investigation  of  matters,  determined  that  his  services  in  the  cause 
of  abstract  Democracy  could  be  employed  more  serviceably  in 
another  field ;  so,  mounting  a  horse,  and  crossing  the  Kaw  at  a 
ford,  where  his  pony  was  so  much  submerged  that  he  had  to  hold 
his  feet  higher  than  his  principles,  prepared  to  enter  the  Delaware 
reserve.  He  had  learned  that  the  Delawares  were  free-state  men ; 
and  that  they  were  favorably  disposed  towards  other  settlers  than 
the  Missourians,  he  had  reason  to  believe.  He  had  heard  a 
specimen  of  these  "  brave  Delawares  "  discoursing  on  the  subject 
once  before.  This  worthy,  in  addition  to  a  semi-civilized  cos 
tume,  rejoiced  in  the  possession  of  a  scarlet  blanket,  a  bead  belt, 
and  stolen  honors  of  a  white  rooster's  tail  dangling  at  the  back 
of  a  General  Taylor  hat ;  and  expressed  himself  thus  : 

"Good  man  —  heap  —  Yankee  town.  Missouri  —  slave-man, 
—  bad  —  heap  —  heap  !  —  d — n  um !  " 

This  was  satisfactory. 

Did  you  ever  attempt  to  negotiate  with  an  Indian  ?  If  you 
have  not,  don't.  It  is  disagreeable,  besides  being  of  no  use. 
When  they  take  a  notion  to  do  anything,  they  generally  do  it; 
but  as  for  persuading  them  —  well,  preaching  moderation  to 
border  ruffians,  or  pig-driving,  are,  either  of  them,  a  joke  to  it. 
They  have  a  very  moderate  faith  in  the  disinterestedness  of  white 
men,  and  the  more  anxious  a  man  is  to  persuade  them  to  any 
course,  they  are  more  suspicious.  As  Mr.  Weller  would  say, 
they  take  him  for  one  of  the  "advice  gratis"  sort;  and,  in  good 
sooth,  they  are  not  far  from  right. 

Our  friend,  the  politician,  had  some  trouble  in  getting  an 
auditory.  The  first  Indian  he  met  was  riding  over  the  prairie, 
and,  hailing  him,  he  gave  chase.  The  Indian  did  not  seem  to 
relish  this  movement,  for  he  could  not  comprehend  the  spontane 
ous  and  sudden  growth  of  a  politician's  affection.  He  halted, 
however,  and,  staring  suspiciously  at  our  friend,  replied  to  all  of 
his  interrogatories, 

"Hu  —  umph  !  " 

He  had  acquired  a  little  English,  it  turned  out,  and,  when 
closely  questioned,  disbursed  his  stock  in  trade,  consisting  of  two 
words,  in  an  objurgatory  and  interjectional  way. 


SMART   ELECTIONEERING.  55 

"  Hell-fire  !  cl— nation  !  " 

"  'Tvras  his  only  stock  and  store, 
Only  that,  and  nothing  more." 

Talking  politics  with  such  a  man  was  hopeless.  Half  the  effort 
would  soften  all  the  "  Hards,"  and  harden  all  the  "  Softs."  He 
rode  on,  and  betimes  met  another.  In  the  former  case  he  had 
dived  right  into  politics  at  once  ;  but  now  he  determined  to  use 
some  policy.  This  individual  was  more  accomplished.  After  the 
salutatory 

"  How  !  how  ?  " 

There  was  an  interesting  pause,  broken  by  our  friend  asking  the 
way  to  St.  Leavcnworth.  This  was  plausible ;  but  the  Delaware 
shook  his  head. 

"  Miles  —  miles  —  many  ?  "  quoth  our  friend  ;  and  he  held  up 
the  digits  of  one  hand,  and  began,  in  dummy  style,  to  count  them 
with  the  forefinger  of  the  other. 

The  Indian  eyed  the  process  with  careful  attention.  He 
understood  it,  and  grunted  out, 

"  Hoondrcd." 

He  knew  that  he  could  not  then  be  more  than  twenty-five  from 
it,  and  the  politician  shook  his  head,  and  said, 

"  No,  no  ;  not  so  many." 

The  Indian  again  eyed  him,  and,  in  a  true  compromise  spirit, 
gutturalized, 

"  Fifty." 

Still  our  friend  was  dissatisfied,  and  shook  his  head. 

The  Delaware  was  accommodating.  In  imitation  of  his  interro 
gator,  he  raised  the  digits  of  his  own  tawny  hand,  and  said, 

"  Ten,  may  be." 

This  at  least  showed  an  obliging  spirit ;  and,  preliminaries  being 
thus  opened,  our  friend  began  a  discourse  on  the  propriety  of  the 
Indians  voting  in  general,  and  Flermiken  politics  in  particular. 
The  Indian  sat  on  his  horse  and  listened  with  a  stolid  look.  To 
the  assurance  that  "Flenniken  was  a  good  man,"  he  drawled 
out  a 

"  Y-e-e-e-s," 


56  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

Though  it  was  probable  that  he  had  never  heard  of  him. 
To  the  query,  "  Would  he  vote?"  he,  after  the  question  had  been 
propounded  a  few  times,  responded, 

"  May  be." 

As  he  showed  no  disposition  to  reduce  this  compliance  to  effect, 
our  politician  left  him  in  disgust.  But  the  fates  were  more  pro 
pitious.  He  next  stumbled  on  an  Indian  house,  where  there  were 
about  a  dozen  Indians  congregated.  Some  of  the  chiefs  were 
there,  and  a  few  could  talk  English  very  well.  It  was  a  double, 
hewed  log  house,  with  a  covered  hall  or  opening  between,  and  a 
porch  running  the  whole  length.  Occasionally  he  could  see  a 
squaw  diving  in  and  out  of  the  recesses  of  one  of  the  buildings, 
and  the  pappooses  with  gravely  antiquated  faces,  for  such  diminu 
tive  specimens,  peered  at  him  from  under  their  straight,  candle- 
wicky  hair. 

As  our  politician  approached  the  group  clustered  in  the  porch, 
he  felt  that  "  now  or  never  "  was  the  time  to  gather  "  the  noble 
sons  of  the  forest,"  the  brave  "  Aborigines  of  America,"  into  the 
fold  of  the  faithful  Democracy. 

Explanation  was  not  difficult ;  they  listened  attentively,  and 
seemed  to  approve.  Several  of  those  who  could,  expressed  their 
full  concurrence.  He  waxed  eloquent.  "  The  Indians  ought  to 
vote."  "  They  had  a  riyht  to  vote."  Their  "  party  was  the 
great  Democratic  party,  and  recognized  that  right.'''  "  In  fact, 
this  was  one  of  the  best  chances  the  Indians  ever  would  have  to 
secure  it."  "  By  putting  them  in  power,  the  thing  would  be  as 
good  as  dojie"  To  all  of  which  they  grunted  Yes,  or  in  other 
ways  expressed  their  full  and  hearty  approval. 

Having  disposed  of  "  general  principles,"  our  friend  proceeded 
to  Details.  "  If  it  was  right  to  vote,  it  was  right  to  do  it  now." 
This  was,  indeed,  "  the  appointed  time."  "  They  would  be  per 
mitted  to  vote,"  and  he  had  just  come  over  to  invite  them,  and 
wanted  them  to  raise  all  they  could,  and  go  over  with  him  that 
afternoon,  and  "  he  would  see  them  through."  The  Indians  got 
by  themselves,  and  sat  down  to  consult ;  an  unnecessary  precau 
tion,  by  the  by,  for  our  friend  was  guiltless  of  "  heathen  tongue," 
and  had  experienced  his  ignorance  of  the  language  that  day  to  his 


SMART    ELECTIONEERING.  57 

borrow.  The  chief,  or  head  man,  who  happened  to  be  present, 
was  a  large,  i'at  fellow,  who  "spoke  English  with  a  sliyhtly Indian 
accent."  Our  friend  watched  the  progress  of  the  "  talk  "  with 
profound  interest.  As  a  patriot,  he  felt  that  he  had  done  his 
duty,  and  that,  perchance,  the  fate  of  empires  was  big  with  his 
efforts. 

Indians,  as  I  have  suggested,  are  not  remarkably  rapid  in  their 
operations.  They  have  a  moderation  like  Job's,  and  far  dis 
tancing  those  who  may  be  waiting  on  them.  Our  politician 
walked  backward  and  forward  impatiently,  turning  now  and  then 
an  inquiring  glance  towards  the  deliberative  group,  pondered  on 
passing  time. 

The  day  went  on  apace.  Our  politician  knew  that  precious 
hours  were  passing  by.«  He  wanted  to  see  thesa  Indians  scatter 
out,  and,  with  a  slogan  cry,  gather  in  the  many  hundred  Dela- 
wares  he  had  heard  about ;  but  he  knew  it  must  be,  of  necessity, 
a  matter  of  time,  and  he  was  anxious  to  see  them  at  work,  so  as 
to  be  in  time  to  vote  that  evening. 

The  Indians  kept  muttering  away  in  a  guttural  undertone,  and 
it  was  impossible  to  ascertain  the  precise  progress  they  had  made. 
To  vary  the  thing,  an  old  Indian,  with  a  handkerchief  tied  round 
his  head,  and  rather  an  outre  appearance,  who  appeared  to  be 
half  stupid,  and  more  than  half  drunk,  interspersed  the  exercises 
with  a  song.  He  had  not  been  permitted  or  had  declined  to  take 
part  in  the  "  talk."  His  song  was  not  exactly  an  electioneering 
song,  and  I  am  not  sure  that  it  was  even  patriotic.  He  leaned 
over,  where  he  sat,  and,  swaying  his  body  uneasily  backwards  and 
forwards,  sung  about  as  follows  : 

"  Ile-ah  haw-haw-haw,  he-ah  haw-haw -haw, 
Ilo-ah  hec-hee-hecah,  he-ah  haw -haw-haw, 
He-ah  hum-hum-bumah,  he-ah  hum-hum-hum,"  — 

"  with  variations." 

Our  politician  lost  patience,  and  intimated  to  the  conclave  that 
"  time  was  up."  This  roused  the  venerable  chief,  who,  after  a  few 
minutes  more  of  hurried  "  talk,"  rose,  and,  standing  before  our 
expectant  friend,  pointed  with  the  forefinger  of  his  right  hand 
into  the  palm  of  the  left,  moved  it  as  he  spoke,  and  tapped  that 


58  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

palm  with  it  in  gesticulating  precision,  as  he  gave  the  result  of 
their  collective  wisdom,  thus  : 

"  Tiukum  four  days  —  den  vote  heap  —  hoapum  !  —  sometime 
—  may  be." 

Our  friend  broke  in  despair,  and  hurried  back  to  be  in  time  to 
vote  himself.  Should  the  reader  know  of  a  man  in  his  neighborhood 
who  is  a  public  affliction  on  account  of  his  electioneering  propen 
sities,  get  him  to  come  out  and  electioneer  amongst  the  Kaws  and 
Kickapoos  and  Delawares.  It  is  an  infallible  remedy. 

I  have  said  that  slavery  had  been  introduced  to  the  territory 
even  while  the  Missouri  restriction  prohibited  it ;  it  was  also 
formally  recognized  some  time  before  it  was  established  by  the 
Bogus  Laws  imposed  on  the  territory  by  Missouri.  The  follow 
ing  is  a  resolution  adopted  by  a  meeting  held  in  the  territory,  but 
composed  chiefly  of  Missourians,  which  is  contained  in  the  tes 
timony  of  the  committee  on  the  subject: 

"  Resolved,  That  the  institution  of  slavery  is  known  and  recog 
nized  in  this  territory ;  that  we  repel  the  doctrine  that  it  is  a 
moral  and  political  evil,  and  we  hurl  back  with  scorn  upon  its 
slanderous  authors  the  charge  of  inhumanity ;  and  we  warn  all 
persons  not  to  come  to  our  peaceful  firesides  to  slander  us,  and 
sow  the  seeds  of  discord  between  the  master  and  the  servant ;  for, 
as  much  as  we  deprecate  the  necessity  to  which  we  may  be  driven, 
we  cannot  be  responsible  for  the  consequences." 

A  committee  of  vigilance  of  thirty  men  was  appointed  "  to 
observe  and  report  all  such  persons  as  shall  ^  *  ^  by  the 
expression  of  abolition  sentiments  produce  disturbance  to  the 
quiet  of  the  citizens,  or  danger  to  their  domestic  relations ;  and 
all  such  persons,  so  offending,  shall  be  notified,  and  made  to  leave 
the  territory." 

The  meeting  was  "  ably  and  eloquently  addressed  by  Judge 
Lecompte,  Col.  J.  N.  Burns  of  Western  Missouri,  and  others." 
Thus,  the  head  of  the  judiciary  in  the  territory  not  only  assisted 
at  a  public  and  bitterly  partisan  meeting,  whose  direct  tendency 
was  to  produce  violence  and  disorder,  but  before  any  law  is 
passed  in  the  territory  he  prejudges  the  character  of  the  domes- 


THE    INSTITUTION    ESTABLISHED.  59 

tic  institutions,  which  the  people  of  the  territory  were,  by  their 
organic  law,  "  left  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  in  their  own 
way." 

Another  meeting,  held  about  the  same  time,  in  Joseph,  Missouri, 
formed  a  branch  of  the  association  formed  in  the  western  part  of 
that  state,  to  sustain  and  carry  out  in  public  the  same  thing  that  the 
Blue  Lodge  was  working  for  in  secret.  The  following  are  two  of 
the  series  of  resolutions  adopted  at  that  meeting  : 

"  We  do   not  regard  slavery,  as  it   exists  in   our  country,  as 
either  a  moral  or  political  evil." 
And  also, 

"  We  are  in  favor  of  the  extension  of  negro  slavery  into  Kan 
sas  Territory." 

Thus  was  slavery  admitted  into  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  —  ter 
ritory  which  had  been  sacredly  guaranteed  as  free  soil.  One  of  the 
judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  —  Judge  Elmore  —  took  a  consider 
able  number  of  slaves  with  him  into  the  territory,  and  has  always 
been  one  of  its  strong  and  active  champions,  although  he  is  a  gen 
tleman,  and  has  not  participated  in  any  violent  movement,  merely 
laboring  to  secure  and  take  advantage  of  the  lawless  efforts  of 
more  unscrupulous  men. 

Every  effort  was  made  in  Missouri,  and  amongst  the  few  pro- 
slavery  men  in  the  territory,  to  bolster  this  system.  The  Missouri 
press  on  the  frontier  devoted  itself  almost  exclusively  to  the  work. 
Fierce  and  incendiary  resolutions,  threats  of  lawless  violence, 
and  a  wild  denunciation  of  all  who  refused  their  aid  to  the  work, 
characterized  the  press  of  Western  Missouri. 

But  the  most  amusing  thing  connected  with  this  literary  war 
fare  in  the  cause,  was  an  elaborate  and  audacious  apology,  pen 
ned  or  claimed  by  Stringfellow.  The  annexed  is  one  of  the  most 
atrocious  portions  of  this  singular  and  atrocious  paper : 

"  Negro  slavery  has  a  further  effect  on  the  character  of  the 
white  woman,  which  should  commend  the  institution  to  all  who 
love  the  white  race  more  than  they  do  the  negro.  It  is  a  shield 
to  the  virtue  of  the  white  woman. 

"  So  long  as  man  is  lewd,  woman  will  be  his  victim.  Those 
who  are  forced  to  occupy  a  menial  position  have  ever  been,  will 


60  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

ever  be,  the  most  tempted,  least  protected.  This  is  one  of  the 
evils  of  slavery.  It  attends  all  who  are  in  that  condition,  from 
the  beautiful  Circassian  to  the  sable  daughter  of  Africa.  While 
we  admit  the  selfishness  of  the  sentiment,  we  are  free  to  declare  we 
love  the  white  woman  so  muck,  we  would  save  her  even  at  the 
sacrifice  of  the  negro ;  would  throw  around  her  every  shield  to 
keep  her  out  of  the  way  of  temptation." 

It  would  seem  almost  incredible  that  a  community  could  be  so 
degraded  as  to  issue  and  tolerate  such  monstrosity.  It  proves 
not  only  the  low  state  into  which  society  has  sunk,  but  the  reckless 
and  unprincipled  character  of  those  engaged  in  this  pro-slavery 
warfare.  We  do  not  know  how  the  ladies  of  the  slave  states  will 
regard  this  excessive  consideration.  They  certainly  must  appre 
ciate  very  highly  a  "  love  "  so  Platonic.  This  delicate  sensibility 
is  certainly  the  most  chivalrous  thing  we  ever  heard  of.  Its 
safeguards  to  morality  are  of  the  most  patent  kind.  It  introduces 
a  new  school  of  morals,  which  it  is  a  pity  that  the  eminent  phi 
losophers  of  former  days  did  not  survive  to  contemplate.  The 
only  wonder  is  that  the  philosopher  did  not  carry  his  deductions 
further.  It  certainly  might  be  urged  to  be  as  great  a  remedy  for 
matrimony.  Professor  Stringfellow  has  stopped  short  in  the  mid 
dle  of  his  conclusions,  although  we  incline  to  the  opinion  that  his 
system,  if  carried  into  practical  effect,  would  not. 

The  candid  admission  of  "  selfishness,"  in  the  second  paragraph, 
is  delightfully  refreshing.  Taken  in  connection  with  what  pre 
cedes  it,  it  certainly  is  the  coolest  piece  of  impudence  of  which  we 
have  ever  heard. 

A  slight  acquaintance  with  the  characters  of  those  with  whom 
this  doctrine  is  in  favor,  clearly  explains  its  hidden  meaning,  and 
exposes  the  true  intent  and  significance  of  this  apology. 

Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  Gov.  Reeder,  he  was  waited  upon 
by  the  pro-slavery  men  and  Missourians,  and  urged  to  call  an 
election  for  the  territorial  legislature  at  once.  As  this  was  evi 
dently  a  movement  to  thrust  forward  matters  of  the  greatest  im 
portance,  Gov.  Reeder  declined  to  act  on  such  suggestion.  He 
saw  very  clearly  from  what  quarter  this  effort  to  forestall  action 


REEDER  URGED  TO  CALL  THE  LEGISLATURE.     61 

came,  and,  fearing  that  there  was  no  power  in  the  territory  to 
secure  a  fair  and  impartial  expression  of  popular  sentiment,  he 
put  the  threatened  evil  day  afar  off,  in  hopes  that  "  something 
would  turn  up." 

Lynchings  and  scenes  of  violence  of  various  kinds  were  of  fre 
quent  recurrence.  A  man  dared  not  express  himself  as  a  free- 
state  man  in  some  communities,  without  subjecting  himself  to  in 
sult  or  violent  assault.  Every  one  who  was  not  a  slavery  exten- 
sionist  was  styled  an  "  abolitionist,"  and,  in  spite  of  the  protest 
of  many  sensitive  free-state  men,  this  distinction  was  insisted  on ; 
and  it  was  argued  that  all  who  were  not  for  slavery  and  slavery- 
extension  were  against  it,  and  ergo  all  who  were  against  it  were 
"  abolitionists." 

The  distinction  between  establishing  and  abolishing  slavery  does 
not  appear  to  be  understood,  or  is  at  least  ignored.  Those  who 
are  engaged  in  the  work  of  slavery  extension  have  resorted  to 
expedients  a  great  deal  worse  than  that. 

The  following  morsel  from  the  Atchison  Squatter  Sovereign 
will  illustrate  the  manner  in  which  these  outrages  were  received, 
and  the  unblushing  manner  in  which  they  are  publicly  chronicled. 
The  "  difficulty  "  alluded  to  was  a  gross  assault  on  a  man  who 
had  merely  avowed  free-state  sentiments. 

"  Monday  of  last  week  a  fight  came  off  at  Doniphan,  K.  T.,  in 
which  bowie-knives  were  used  freely.  The  difficulty  arose  out  of 
a  political  discussion,  the  combatants  being  a  pro-slavery  man  and 
a  free-soiler.  Both  parties  were  badly  cut,  and  we  are  happy  to 
state  that  the  free-soiler  is  in  a  fair  way  to  '  peg  out,'  while  the 
pro-slavery  man  is  out  and  ready  for  another  tilt.  Kansas  is  a 
hard  road  for  free-soilers  to  travel." 

That  such  modes  of  justifying  villany  of  this  kind  should  be 
exposed  by  an  intelligent  and  independent  press,  was  to  be  ex 
pected.  The  manner  in  which  such  a  course  was  vindicated  from 
such  attacks  is  equally  characteristic.  We  clip  again  from  the 
organ  of  pro-slavery  and  nullification  : 

"  We  can  tell  the  impertinent  scoundrels  of  the  Tribune  that 
they  may  exhaust  an  ocean  of  ink,  their  Emigrant  Aid  Societies 
6 


62  THE  CONQUEST  OF  KANSAS. 

spend  their  millions  and  billions,  their  representatives  in  Congress 
spout  their  heretical  theories  till  doomsday,  and  his  Excellency 
Franklin  Pierce  appoint  abolitionist  after  free-soil er  as  our  gov 
ernor,  yet  we  will  continue  to  lynch  and  hang,  to  tar  and  feather 
and  drown  every  white-livered  abolitionist  who  dares  to  pollute 
our  soil." 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE    MARCH    ELECTION. 

FROM  the  day  of  the  passage  of  the  Nebraska  Bill  settlers  had 
been  hurrying  into  the  territory.  In  spite  of  all  the  noise  made 
about  the  "  Yankees  taking  Kansas,"  the  great  bulk  of  the  emi 
gration  came  from  the  Western  States.  Missouri  herself  contrib 
uted  more  than  an  equal  portion  of  settlers,  as  might  be  expected ; 
and,  what  is  noteworthy,  more  than  half  of  those  very  settlers 
from  Missouri  were  either  free-state  men  when  they  came,  or 
became  so  shortly  afterwards.  It  is  not  remarkable  that  the 
poor  people  of  the  slave  states  should  have  little  sympathy  with 
slavery.  Not  only  their  interests,  but  their  dignity  and  their  civil 
rights,  are  compromised  by  it ;  and,  although  prejudice,  and  an 
habitual  yielding  to  fear,  may  have  made  them  pro-slavery  men 
of  some  sort,  as  a  general  thing  they  have  only  to  be  removed 
from  the  influence  of  leading  and  wealthy  slave-holding  men  to 
ignore  the  institution.  Thus  has  it  been  in  the  territory.  Where 
a  slave-owner  has  settled,  and  formed  a  settlement  or  cluster 
round  him  chiefly  of  poor  men  from  slave  states,  they  have  in  most 
instances  succeeded  in  retaining  these  men  in  the  same  subjection 
to  their  interests  to  which  they  have  been  compelled  to  submit  in 
Missouri.  What  few  pro-slavery  towns  there  are  in  the  territory 
have  been  made  and  sustained  in  this  way.  These  are  generally 
well  supplied  with  whiskey-shops.  The  "  treating  "  system  always 
flourishes.  It  is  the  same  degrading  system  that  unhappily  pre 
vails  in  too  many  places  in  the  South-west,  and  which  degrades  the 
manhood  which  ought  to  dignify  a  republican,  be  he  ever  so  poor. 
Wherever  the  elective  franchise  is  bought  and  sold  with 


64  THE    CONQUEST    OP   KANSAS. 

« 

we  need  be  at  no  loss  to  determine  the  exercise  of  the  political 
power  thus  obtained.  So  important  an  element  has  whiskey  been 
in  the  crusade  of  the  slavery-propaganda  against  Kansas,  that  the 
scarcity  and  stoppage  of  supplies  of  this  article  have  had  the  most 
fatal  effect  on  several  important  expeditions  against  the  territory. 
In  this  warfare  it  has,  indeed,  taken  the  .precedence  of  other 
explosives.  Of  course,  much  of  the  deepest  villanv  has  been  per 
petrated  by  scoundrels  of  the  lowest  caste,  many  of  whom  had 
congregated  on  the  border ;  but  many  men  of  a  better  class,  or  at 
least  not  so  degraded,  have,  by  a  liberal  distribution  of  whiskey, 
and  a  little  palaver  from  some  influential  slaveholder,  taken  part 
in  enterprises  which,  in  their  better  moments,  they  would  con 
demn  and  deplore. 

Iowa  sent  many  settlers  into  the  territory ;  but  these  were  all 
free-state  men.  Many  came  from  Illinois,  Indiana,  Ohio,  Wis 
consin,  and  other  states.  There  were,  indeed,  many  New  Erigland- 
ers  —  more  than  ever  came  to  settle  .a  new  territory.  In  some 
settlements  they  greatly  preponderated ;  and  these  communities 
were  generally  characterized  by  a  greater  degree  of  intelligence 
and  enterprise  than  has  ever  marked  so  young  a  settlement  be 
fore. 

Even  the  settlers  from  the  Western  States  were  of  a  better  class 
than  those  who  generally  form  the  pioneers.  In  other  Western 
States  the  pioneers  were  mostly  of  a  peculiar  sort.  Good  enough 
men  in  their  way,  of  the  Davy  Crocket  school ;  but,  under  favor 
able  circumstances,  it  would  take  about  three  generations  to  bring 
them  to  a  condition  that  Eastern  people  would  pronounce  "  en 
lightened,"  and  Western  people  "  crotchety."  The  pioneers  were 
usually  men  who  could  not  stay  in  densely-settled  countries.  Like 
the  bees,  they  kept  hovering  between  the  Indians  and  civilization. 
They  had  no  "  elbow-room  "  when  settlers  got  within  a  mile  of 
them.  Deer-hunting  was  with  them  a  science,  coon-hunting  a 
purely  business  affair ;  and  the  skins  of  these  animals,  and  soft- 
soap,  or  hoop-poles,  the  usual  currency,  and  a  "  legal  tender." 
Schools  with  them  were  occasional,  and  very  irregular  ;  books  and 
papers  of  small  repute.  Religion  they  "  got  "  as  they  would  the 
measles ;  and  for  the  discussion  of  politics  a  bottle  of  whiskey 


THE  MARCH   ELECTION.  65 

was  as  essential  as  the  speaker's  mace  in  the  British  House  of 
Commons. 

These  have  haply  "  gone  to  Arkansas  "  or  Texas,  or  located 
somewhere  between  the  peaks  of  the  Kocky  Mountains  and  their 
western  base.  Certainly  very  few  of  them  have  come  to  Kansas. 
You  can  tell  by  the  fences,  and  look  of  the  houses,  and  by  a 
thousand  other  things,  that  an  industrious  and  calculating  people 
'  are  here.  Everything  is  new  and  in  a  transition  state.  The  old 
class  of  pioneers  would  have  their  farms  and  houses  perfect  in  one 
or  two  years  at  furthest,  the  process  being  simple  ;  but  the  class  of 
settlers  now  in  Kansas  are  going  ahead,  only  beginning,  and  this 
transition  stage  will  last  forever. 

"  Conservative  "  people,  or  selfish  politicians,  who  like  to  accuse 
other  people  of  difficulties,  for  the  blame  of  which  they  do  not 
wish  to  be  responsible  themselves,  say  that  the  "  agitation  sent  a 
class  of  fanatics  to  the  territory."  The  truth  is,  the  noise  and 
argument  —  "agitation,"  if  you  like  the  word  —  sent  a  class  of 
thinkers  to  the  territory,  who  are,  of  all  others,  the  worst  to 
manage.  Had  the  usual  class  of  pioneers  settled  the  country, 
the  slave  question  could  have  been  settled  peaceably,  with  far  less 
whiskey  than  it  has  taken  to  subdue  it.  The  "  agitation  "  has, 
therefore,  been,  in  point  of  fact,  "  the  cause  of  trouble." 

By  the  Kansas  Nebraska  bill  the  people  of  the  territories  were 
to  elect  representatives  for  a  territorial  legislature.  This  is  a 
feature  which  has  crept  into  our  territorial  management,  created 
by  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  and  conceded  because  the  most 
sacred  rights  of  a  republican  people  would  otherwise  be  all  taken 
from  them  when  they  went  into  a  territory.  A  territorial  govern 
ment  is  something  contradictory  in  our  history.  It  is  unknown  to 
our  constitution,  and  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  our  institutions.  The 
system  has  grown  up  and  been  tolerated  by  necessity.  The  theory 
of  our  government  is  simply  that  it  shall  be  "formed  by  the  people 
among  whom  it  obtains ;  shall  be  dependent  on  them,  and  thus 
express  the  popular  sentiment.  A  territorial  government  is  some 
thing  very  different  from  this,  and  it  is  so  of  necessity.  The 
blunder,  if  there  was  any,  lay  in  the  acquirement  of  the  territory 
6* 


66  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

at  first.     This  has  been  done,  however;  and,  judging  from  the 
popular  feeling,  it  will  be  done  again. 

Those  who  have  honestly  been  led  away  by  the  "  squatter  sov 
ereignty  "  dodge,  wished  to  apply  this  same  feature  to  the  terri 
tories.  Douglas  pretended  this  was  the  design  of  the  bill ;  but 
Douglas  knew  better.  Had  he  been  sincere,  he  would  not  have 
dared  to  frame  a  bill  by  which  the  executive  of  the  territory  and 
the  judiciary  were  simply  the  appointees  of  the  President,  and,  it 
might  be,  the  tools  of  a  faction.  Taking  the  position  he  pretended 
to  take,  he  would  have  known  that  this  was  a  gross  imposition  on 
men's  rights.  Having  framed  an  organic  law  for  the  people  of 
the  territory, —  one  restricting  even  the  legislature  which  it  allowed 
to  be  created, —  it  then  provides  for  the  appointment  of  the  offi 
cers  to  execute  this  law,  and  the  judges  and  the  courts  to  try 
offences  under  them,  by  a  power  outside  of  these  people  of  the 
territory,  foreign  to  them,  and  not  responsible  to  them  ;  for  the 
people  of  a  territory  are  not  even  allowed  to  vote  for  President, 
or  send  anything  but  a  delegate  to  Congress,  who  cannot  vote.  It 
should  require  no  logic  to  show  that  there  was  not  much  sover 
eignty  of  the  people  in  this.  The  only  feature  —  a  small  and 
restricted  boon  —  was,  that  they  could,  under  provisions  laid  down 
by  the  organic  law,  elect  men  to  a  legislature  who  could  make 
local  laws  under  certain  restrictions.  Even  then  they  had  no 
security  that  these  would  be  enforced  or  carried  out.  As  in  this 
instance  of  Kansas,  it  has  proved  that  the  other  features  of  the 
organic  act,  allowing  the  President  to  appoint  corrupt  officers,  have 
prevented  the  people  from  having  any  means  of  remedy  against 
the  abuse  of  that  power  on  them,  except  in  revolution.  The  ter 
ritorial  executive  ought  to  have  been  willing,  and,  when  it  under 
took  the  trust,  also  able,  to  protect  the  territory  from  the  inva 
sion  by  which  the  people's  rights  were  violently  wrested  from 
them.  In  failing  to  do  this  it  incurred  all  the  guilt  of  the  most 
absolute  despotism,  since  it  prevented  the  people  from  defending 
themselves  by  assuming  to  be  the  government.  If  the  "  squatter 
sovereignty  "  feature  is  a  true  system,  we  ought  not  to  be  under 
the  control  of  the  federal  officers.  If  the  people  who  happen  to 
be  in  and  community  are  to  govern  it,  it  would  be  wrong  —  despot- 


THE   MARCH   ELECTION.  67 

is?n,  in  short  —  for  any  power  outside  of  it  to  interfere  with  it. 
If  "  the  people  are  to  govern  themselves,"  we  have  no  business  to 
govern  even  the  Indians. 

Governments  are  not  theories,  but  facts.  We  have  territories, 
—  perhaps  it  is  the  better  policy  that  we  should  have,  —  and  having, 
it  is  our  duty  to  preserve  the  rights  of  the  people  who  are  in  those 
territories.  We  assume  their  government ;  having  it,  it  is  our  duty 
to  take  care  of  them.  Having  introduced  a  feature  foreign  to  our 
republican  institutions,  it  is  our  duty,  as  the  next  best  thing  we  can 
do,  to  make  it  conform  to  republicanism  as  much  as  possible.  We 
would  scarcely  wish  to  allow  some  three  or  four  irresponsible 
buccaneers  to  decide  the  future  institutions  and  character  of  a 
great  territory  which  was  destined  to  form  a  component  part  of 
our  great  republic ;  and  yet  squatter  sovereignty  would  compel  us, 
to  do  this.  We  cannot  escape  the  dilemma  by  fixing  any  number 
of  settlers  as  a  point  where  principle  interferes  in  favor  of  their 
rights.  At  what  point  of  aggregation  do  men  become  capable  of, 
and  entitled  to,  self-government?  We  can  neither  escape  the 
point  nor  its  responsibility !  In  the  good  providence  of  God,  we 
have  got  wide  and  fertile  territories ;  as  a  nation  ive  own  them. 
A  despotism  —  a  clear  and  decided  case  of  despotism  —  or  "  na 
tional  sovereignty,"  or  call  it  by  any  other  name  you  like,  that 
will  express  the  requisite  authority.  Having  this  authority,  it 
remains  to  be  seen  whether  its  exercise  will  prove  us  Tarquins  or 
good  rulers ;  whether  our  sway  be  that  of 

"  Good  Queen  Bess, 
Or  Bloody  Mary  !  " 

The  most  zealous  advocate  of  "  squatter  sovereignty  "  we  have 
ever  seen  was  not  in  favor  of  admitting  any  new  state  that  had 
not  a  republican  constitution.  And  why  not?  If  people  have  a 
ri<jht  to  govern  themselves  in  all  cases,  they  certainly  have  a  riyht 
to  choose  the  kind  of  government.  To  deny  them  this  overturns 
their  authority  at  the  outset.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
which  is  the  most  direct  and  legitimate  arm  of  the  national  power, 
has  the  right  to  say  what  kind  of  state  shall  be  added  to  the  con 
federacy.  It  has  a  right  to  see  that  no  corrupt  or  injudicious 


68  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

feature  is  permitted  to  disturb  the  happiness  or  mar  the  prosperity 
of  the  whole.  If  it  has  a  right  to  do  this  in  one  point,  it  has  a 
right  to  do  it  in  all  that  in  any  way  concerns  the  confederacy. 

Our  general  government  is  one  of  conceded  rights ;  our  state 
governments  rest  on  reserved  rights.  The  general  government  has 
no  authority  to  go  beyond  the  conceded,  and  the  states  none  to  go 
out  of  the  reserved  rights.  If  the  national  compact  is  worth  any 
thing,  it  is  worth  that  much.  But  there  is  a  difference  between 
territories  and  states.  A  territory  has  conceded  nothing  and  re 
served  nothing.  It  has  no  right  to  the  advantage  of  a  compact,  for 
it  is  a  party  to  no  compact.  A  territory  has  no  more  right  to  or 
ganize  itself  into  a  civil  body,  and  thrust  itself  into  the  Union  with 
all  the  evils  and  impolicy  of  slavery,  or  polygamy,  or  cannibalism, 
than  she  has  with  Russian  autocratisin ;  even  should  the  latter  be  a 
case  of  "  general  principles,"  and  the  former  "  local  institutions." 
Neither  would  we  be  willing  that  she  should  set  up  independent  of  us. 
As  a  nation  we  claim  to  have  authority  over  the  national  domain, 
and  we  suppose  we  mean  to  exercise  it.  We  gained  our  authority 
over  it,  not  by  virtue  of  any  principle,  but  by  the  sword ;  and,  if 
we  mistake  not,  it  has  been  held  by  the  same  tenure.  We  have  this 
authority,  and  can  only  lose  it  in  two  ways :  it  may  be  taken 
from  us,  or  we  may  relinquish  it.  We  presume  no  one  would 
relish  the  idea  of  its  being  taken  from  us.  We  cannot  relinquish 
it  without  some  act  of  our  own,  and  that  act  would  have  to  be 
something  very  different  from  the  Kansas  Nebraska  bill. 

The  most  favorable  view  of  our  territorial  government,  as  regards 
our  republican  institutions,  that  can  be  taken,  is,  that  it  is  a  part 
of  the  whole  nation,  and  as  the  residents  of  the  territory  are  a 
small  minority,  and  the  people  of  the  states  a  large  majority,  there 
fore  the  majority  should  rule.  This  is  a  very  pleasant  view  of 
the  case,  but  it  does  not  amount  to  anything,  and  has  also  the 
disadvantage  of  being  false.  We  ignore  the  proposition  of  a 
great  central  government,  and  if  what  we  described  could  amount 
to  anything,  it  would  amount  to  that.  The  people  of  the  territory 
are  no  more  sovereigns  possessing  state  rights  than  the  people  of 
the  states  are  residents  of  the  territory.  The  people  of  the  states 
have  their  clearly  denned  rights  and  powers ;  the  people  of  the 


THE    MARCH    ELECTION.  69 

territory  have  their  rights  of  preservation  of  life  and  property  and 
happiness,  which  are  guaranteed  to  United  States  citizens,  wher 
ever  they  are,  throughout  the  world ;  but  they  have,  necessarily, 
no  political  power  but  such  as  Congress  concedes  to  them. 

Of  course,  it  is  the  true  policy  of  the  general  government  to 
respect  the  rights,  all  the  rights  claimed  by  American  citizens,  as 
far  as  it  can.  If  the  people  in  a  territory,  for  instance,  were  to 
form  a  government  for  themselves,  one  that  would  make  it  a  good 
member  of  the  sisterhood  of  states,  it  would  be  the  proper  and 
true  policy  to  admit  her  with  that  constitution,  and  allow  the 
citizens  of  this  independent  state,  thus  created,  the  power  to  govern 
themselves,  in  compliance  with  the  terms  of  the  conceded  compact. 
Nor  does  it  appear  to  affect  the  case  whether  Congress  shall  or 
shall  not  have  prescribed  the  mode  of  forming  such  a  constitution. 
To  insist  on  such  a  point  would  be  a  needless  exercise  of  our 
despotic  power.  The  moment  that  Congress  is  satisfied  that  a 
majority  of  these  people  have  decided  in  favor  of  such  an  unob 
jectionable  form  of  state  government,  it  will  be  conceded,  by  every 
honorable  and  correct  mind,  that  it  is  their  duty  to  restore  them 
to  their  rights  as  American  citizens,  —  rights  of  which  a  fault,  or 
fatality,  in  our  history  and  policy,  has  deprived  them ;  that  is, 
give  them  the  government,  if  they  are  capable  of  sustaining  it. 
We  will  thereby  release  ourselves  of  a  burden,  and  place  them  in  a 
position  they  ought  to  occupy. 

We  have  been  thus  particular  in  placing  the  matter  in  what  we 
deem  its  true  light,  in  order  that  what  follows  may  be  more  clearly 
understood. 

Governor  Reeder  caused  a  census  to  be  taken,  early  in  the  sea 
son  of  1855 ;  the  list  being  taken  between  the  20th  of  January 
and  the  close  of  February.  That  census  exhibited  a  population 
of  8,501  souls  (this  being  exclusive  of  Indians).  .  There  were  5,128 
males,  3,373  females,  and  3,469  minors.  Of  citizens  of  the 
United  States  there  were.7,161 ;  of  foreign  birth,  409.  There  were 
242  slaves,  and  151  free  negroes.  There  were  only  2,905  voters 
in  the  territory  when  the  census  was  taken,  but,  as  the  election 
occurred  on  the  30th  of  March,  that  population  had  considerably 
increased. 


70  THE  CONQUEST  OF  KANSAS. 

Governor  Reeder  has  been  accused  of  favoring  tlie  Eastern 
emigration  by  waiting  until  that  time.  Had  such  a  disposition 
existed  on  his  part,  it  would  have  prompted  him  to  defer  the  elec 
tion  at  least  a  month  later.  By  the  30th  of  March  many  spring 
emigrants  from  Missouri  and  the  Western  States  could,  and  did, 
get  into  the  territory,  while  but  very  little  of  the  Eastern  emigra 
tion  got  to  the  territory  until  later  in  the  season. 

The  frauds  of  the  November  election  had  awakened  more  vigi 
lance  in  the  free-state  party.  It  was  organized,  and  had  candidates 
in  nearly  all  the  precincts,  and  would  have  carried  that  election 
by  a  large  majority,  but  for  the  invasion  of  a  large  army  of 
armed  voters.  Not  less  than  five  thousand  Missourians  entered 
the  territory.  They  began  to  come  a  few  days  before  the  election, 
and  it  was  several  days  after  before  they  went  out.  But  the 
following  facts,  from  the  committee  report,  will  convey  the  truth 
in  a  forcible  light : 

"  By  an  organized  movement,  which  extended  from  Andrew 
County  in  the  north  to  Jasper  County  in  the  south,  and  as  far 
eastward  as  Boone  and  Cole  Counties,  companies  of  men  were 
arranged  in  regular  parties,  and  sent  into  every  council  district  in 
the  territory,  and  into  every  representative  district  but  one. 
The  numbers  were  so  distributed  as  to  control  the  election  in  each 
district.  They  went  to  vote,  and  with  the  avowed  design  to  make 
Kansas  a  slave  state.  They  were  generally  armed  and  equipped, 
carried  with  them  their  own  provisions  and  tents,  and  so  marched 
into  the  territory.  The  details  of  this  invasion,  from  the  mass  of 
the  testimony  taken  by  your  committee,  are  so  voluminous  that  we 
c.tn  here  state  but  the  leading  facts  elicited." 

Not  only  did  these  men  vote  themselves,  but  they  seized  posses 
sion  of  the  polls,  and  thus  prevented  the  legitimate  voters  from 
exercising  their  privilege.  This  was  done  by  threats  and  violence 
in  some  cases ;  but,  in  a  good  many  of  the  precincts,  when  the  legal 
voters  came  to  the  polls  and  found  them  in  possession  of  a  Mis- 
soim  mob,  who  were  desecrating  them,  they  refused  to  vote,  with 
drew  their  candidates,  and  left  the  polls.  Nor  could  they  do 
otherwise,  as  the  judges  of  election  had  either  been  ousted  by 
violence,  and  Missourians  appointed  in  their  place,  or  they  were 


THE   MARCH   ELECTION. 


71 


intimidated  into  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  invaders.  The 
following  is  the  result  of  that  election,  as  proved  before  the  com 
mittee  of  Congress : 

Abstract   of  Census   and   Returns  of  Election   of  March   30,    1855,  by  Election 

Districts. 


Place  of  Votin 


1  Lawrence, 

2  Bloomington, 

ijStinson's  or  Tecurnseh's,  . 
i  Dr.  Chapman's, 

[Bull  Creek, 

.{I  Potawattomie, 

'':  1  Big   Sugar   Creek,  .    .    . 
1  [Little  Sugar  Creek,  .    .    . 

6;Fort  Scott, 

7!l;:aacR.  Titus, 

8  Council  Grove, 

9!  Pawnee, 

k  Big  Blue, 

L0|  I  Rock  Creek, 

lli.Marysville, 

iCSt.  Mary's, 

1  -i  £  Silver  Lake, 

13  Hickory  Point, 

!  C  Doniphan, 

14' 2  Wolf  Creek, 

j  (  Burr  Oak,  Hdgs,  .    .    .    . 

15'Hayes, 

IcLeavenwortb, 

17  Gum   Springs, 

IS.Moonesti/wn, 


781253  — 


318 

366 


1213 

4!  2 
781     2- 
377     9[ 
199    65 
74    17 
34    70 
315 
211 
17 
23 
27 
2 

328 
4 


313 

57 

256 


1U|— 

35- 
23  — 
17  3 

St 

21  — 


i  I 


2' 48 


412   —I 

899!  COi  o 

43!  16  — 

48    14i— 


1034 

341 

372 

80 

386 

264 

98 

104 

350 

234 

37 

75 

69 

23 

328 

11 

33 

239 

34C 

78 

soe 

417 

904 

59 
62 


Total, 5427  791|92  6320  1310  19083501,2892— Li  — 26 


Le 


:-: 

a 

232 
30 
32 
Lfi 

i  . 

75 

32 

104 

100 

26 

3 

75 
! 
23 

11 
33 
12 

200 


80 

150 

59 

IT 


802 

3ie 

338 

65 

380 

191 


59  1407 


250 
209 


21 


321 


230 


45 


Census 


9 


962 
519 
252 
177 


810 

118 

83 

86 

151 

36 

144 

294 


5301167 


873 

1183 

150 

99 


369 
199 
101 

47 


442 

253 

58 
39 
36 
63 

24 

78 
96 


334 


203 
385 

50 
28 


C'c/.  'Wse. 


X   ^  - 

Pi  9 


Ill 


22 

n 


10 

i  ! 
11 

13 


By  this  fraudulent  election  the  following  persons  were  reported 
to  the  governor  by  the  judges  of  election,  or  self-styled  judges  of 
election.  The  Rev.  Thomas  Johnson,  of  the  Shawnee  Mission, 
who  was  elected  president  of  the  council.  The  other  members  of 
the  council  were  Wm.  Barker,  A.  M.  Coffee,  Dr.  A.  N.  Grover, 
Hichard  II.  Kees,  H.  J.  Stricklar,  C.  Chapman,  John  W.  Forraan, 
A.  McDonald,  Wm.  P.  Richardson,  M.  H.  Conway. 


72  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  Jos.  C.  Anderson,  0.  H. 
Browne,  A.  J.  Johnson,  M.  W.  McGee,  Samuel  Scott,  Geo.  W. 
Ward,  Jas.  Whitlock,  H.  W.  Younger,  Joel  P.  Blair,  Wm.  J. 
Matthias,  A.  P.  Wade,  A.  Wilkinson,  Jno.  M.  Banks,  D.  L. 
Crossdale,  R.  L.  Kirk,  H.  D.  M'Meekin,  W.  H.  Tibbs,  T.  W. 
Waterson,  S.  A.  Williams,  F.  J.  Marshall,  H.  B.  Harris,  A. 
Payne,  Jonah  Weddle,  Sam.  D.  Houston.  Of  this  body  Richard 
K.  Rease,  a  member  also,  was  elected  president  pro  tern.,  and  D. 
S.  (Dr.)  Stringfellow,  member,  was  elected  speaker.  With  the 
exception  of  two  names,  one  in  the  council,  Mr.  Conway,  and  Mr. 
Houston  in  the  house,  all  the  members  of  either  body  were 
ultra  pro-slavery  men,  and  many  of  them  then  resided,  and  still 
reside,  in  the  State  of  Missouri. 

As  the  accuracy  of  these  statements  is  a  matter  of  importance, 
and  as  the  limits  of  this  work  will  prevent  us  going  into  details 
of  this  election,  we  subjoin  the  more  striking  portions  of  the 
report  of  the  committee  of  Congress.  The  facts  on  which  their 
testimony  is  based  have  been  sworn  to  by  a  large  number  of  wit 
nesses,  men  of  all  politics,  and  residents  of  Missouri  as  well  as 
Kansas. 

"  Your  committee  report  the  following  facts,  not  shown  by  the 
tables : 

"  Of  the  twenty-nine  hundred  and  five  voters  named  in  the  cen 
sus-rolls,  eight  hundred  and  thirty-one  are  found  on  the  poll- 
books.  Some  of  the  settlers  were  prevented  from  attending  the 
election  by  the  distance  of  their  homes  from  the  polls,  but  the  great 
majority  were  deterred  by  the  open  avowal  that  large  bodies  of 
armed  Missourians  would  be  at  the  polls  to  vote,  and  by  the  fact 
that  they  did  so  appear  and  control  the  election.  The  same  causes 
deterred  the  free-state  settlers  from  running  candidates  in  several 
districts,  and  in  others  induced  the  candidates  to  withdraw. 

"  FIRST    DISTRICT,    MARCH   30,  1S55. LAWRENCE. 

"  The  company  of  persons  who  marched  into  this  district  col 
lected  in  Ray,  Howard,  Carroll,  Boone,  La  Fayette,  Randolph, 
Saline  and  Cass  Counties,  in  the  State  of  Missouri.  Their  ex 
penses  were  paid,  —  those  who  could  not  come  contributing  pro- 


THE   MARCH   ELECTION.  73 

visions,  wagons,  etc.  Provisions  were  deposited,  for  those  who 
were  expected  to  come  to  Lawrence,  in  the  house  of  William 
Lykins,  and  were  distributed  among  the  Missourians  after  they 
arrived  there.  The  evening  before  and  the  morning  of  the  day  of 
election  about  one  thousand  men  from  the  above  counties  arrived 
at  Lawrence,  and  camped  in  a  ravine  a  short  distance  from  town, 
near  the  place  of  voting.  They  came  in  wagons  —  of  which  there 
were  over  one  hundred  —  and  on  horseback,  under  the  command 
of  Col.  Samuel  Young,  of  Boone  County,  Missouri,  and  Claiborne 
F.  Jackson,  of  Missouri.  They  were  armed  with  guns,  rifles,  pis 
tols  and  bowie-knives,  and  had  tents,  music,  and  flags  with  them. 
They  brought  with  them  two  pieces  of  artillery,  loaded  with  mus 
ket  balls.  On  their  way  to  Lawrence  some  of  them  met  Mr.  N. 
B.  Blanton,  who  had  been  appointed  one  of  the  judges  of  election 
by  Governor  Reeder,  and,  after  learning  from  him  that  he  con 
sidered  it  his  duty  to  demand  an  oath  from  them  as  to  their  place 
of  residence,  first  attempted  to  bribe,  and  then  threatened  him 
with  hanging,  in  order  to  induce  him  to  dispense  with  that  oath. 
In  consequence  of  these  threats  he  did  not  appear  at  the  polls  the 
next  morning  to  act  as  judge. 

"  The  evening  before  the  election,  while  in  camp,  the  Missouri 
ans  were  called  together  at  the  tent  of  Captain  Claiborne  R  Jack 
son,  and  speeches  were  made  to  them  by  Colonel  Young  and 
others,  calling  for  volunteers  to  go  to  other  districts  where  there 
were  not  Missourians  enough  to  control  the  election,  while  there 
were  more  at  Lawrence  than  were  needed  there.  Many  volunteered 
to  go,  and  the  morning  of  the  election  several  companies,  from 
one  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  men  each,  went  off  to  Te- 
cumseh,  Hickory  Point,  Bloomington,  and  other  places.  On  the 
morning  of  the  election  the  Missourians  came  over  to  the  place 
of  voting  from  their  camp,  in  bodies  of  one  hundred  at  a  time. 
Mr.  Blanton  not  appearing,  another  judge  was  appointed  in  his 
place  ;  Colonel  Young  claiming  that,  as  the  people  of  the  territory 
had  two  judges,  it  was  nothing  more  than  right  that  the  Missou 
rians  should  have  the  other  one  to  look  after  their  interests  ;  and 
Robert  A.  Cummins  was  elected  in  Blanton's  stead,  because  he 
considered  that  every  man  had  a  right  to  vote  if  he  had  been  in 
7 


74  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

the  territory  but  an  hour.  The  Missourians  brought  their  tickets 
with  them,  but,  not  having  enough,  they  had  three  hundred  more 
printed  in  Lawrence  on  the  evening  before  and  the  day  of  elec 
tion.  They  had  white  ribbons  in  their  button-holes  to  distinguish 
themselves  from  the  settlers. 

"  When  the  voting  commenced,  the  question  of  the  legality  of 
the  vote  of  a  Mr.  Page  was  raised.  Before  it  was  decided,  Colonel 
Samuel  Young  stepped  up  to  the  window  where  the  votes  were 
received,  and  said  he  would  settle  the  matter.  The  vote  of  Mr. 
Page  was  withdrawn,  and  Colonel  Young  offered  to  vote.  He 
refused  to  take  the  oath  prescribed  by  the  governor,  but  swore  he 
was  a  resident  of  the  territory;  upon  which  his  vote  was  received, 
He  told  Mr.  Abbott,  one  of  the  judges,  when  asked  if  he  intended 
to  make  Kansas  his  future  home,  that  it  was  none  of  his  business ; 
that  if  he  were  a  resident  then,  he  should  ask  no  more.  After  his 
vote  was  received,  Colonel  Young  got  up  in  the  window-sill,  and 
announced  to  the  crowd  that  he  had  been  permitted  to  vote,  and 
they  could  all  come  up  and  vote.  He  told  the  judges  that  there 
was  no  use  in  swearing  the  others,  as  they  would  all  swear  as  he 
had  done.  After  the  other  judges  concluded  to  receive  Colonel 
Young's  vote,  Mr.  Abbott  resigned  as  judge  of  election,  and  Mr. 
Benjamin  was  elected  in  his  place. 

"  The  polls  were  so  much  crowded  until  late  in  the  evening  that 
for  a  time,  when  the  men  had  voted,  they  were  obliged  to  get  out 
by  being  hoisted  up  on  the  roof  of  the  building  where  the  election 
was  being  held,  and  pass  out  over  the  house.  Afterward  a  pas 
sage-way  through  the  crowd  was  made,  by  two  lines  of  men  being 
formed,  through  which  the  voters  could  get  up  to  the  polls. 
Colonel  Young  asked  that  the  old  men  be  allowed  to  go  up  first 
and  vote,  as  they  were  tired  with  the  travelling,  and  wanted  to 
get  back  to  camp. 

'"The  Missourians  sometimes  came  up  to  the  polls  in  procession 
two  by  two,  and  voted. 

"  During  the  day  the  Missourians  drove  off  the  ground  some  of 
the  citizens,  —  Mr.  Stevens,  Mr.  Bond,  and  Mr.  Willis.  They 
threatened  to  shoot  Mr.  Bond,  and  a  crowd  rushed  after  him, 
threatening  him,  and  as  he  ran  from  them  some  shots  were  fired 


THE   MARCH    ELECTION.  75 

at  him,  as  he  jumped  off  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  made  his 
escape.  The  citizens  of  the  town  went  over  in  a  body,  late  in  the 
afternoon,  when  the  polls  had  become  comparatively  clear,  and 
voted. 

"  One  Missourian  voted  for  himself,  and  then  voted  for  his  little 
son,  but  ten  or  eleven  years  old.  Colonel  Coffer,  Henry  Younger 
and  Mr.  Lykins,  who  were  voted  for  and  elected  to  the  Legis 
lature,  were  residents  of  Missouri  at  the  time.  Colonel  Coffer 
subsequently  married  in  the  territory.  After  the  polls  were 
closed,  the  returns  were  made,  and  a  man,  claiming  to  be  a  magis 
trate,  certified  on  them  that  he  had  sworn  the  judges  of  election 
before  opening  the  polls.  In  the  Potawattomie  precinct  the  Mis- 
sourians  attended  the  election,  and,  after  threatening  Mr.  Ches- 
nut,  the  only  judge  present  appointed  by  the  governor,  to  induce 
him  to  resign,  they  proceeded  to  elect  two  other  judges,  one  a 
Missourian  and  the  other  a  resident  of  another  precinct  *of  that 
district.  The  polls  were  then  opened,  and  all  the  Missourians 
were  allowed  to  vote  without  being  sworn. 

"  After  the  polls  were  closed,  and  the  returns  made  out  for  the 
signature  of  the  judges,  Mr.  Chesnut  refused  to  sign  them,  as  he 
did  not  consider  them  correct  returns  of  legal  voters. 

"  SECOND    DISTRICT. BLOOMINGTOX. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  election  the  judges  appointed  by  the 
governor  appeared,  arid  opened  the  polls.  Their  names  were 
Harrison  Burson,  Nathaniel  llamsay,  and  Mr.  Ellison.  The  Mis 
sourians  began  to  come  in  early  in  the  morning,  some  five  or 
six  hundred  of  them,  in  wagons  and  carriages  and  on  horse 
back,  under  the  lead  of  Samuel  J.  Jones,  then  postmaster  of 
Westport,  Missouri,  Claiborne  F.  Jackson,  and  Mr.  Steely,  of  In 
dependence,  Mo.  They  were  armed  with  double-barreled  guns, 
rifles,  bowie-knives,  and  pistols,  and  had  flags  hoisted.  They  held 
a  sort  of  informal  election,  off  at  one  side,  at  first  for  Governor  of 
Kansas,  and  shortly  afterwards  announced  Thomas  Johnson,  of 
Shawnee  Missions,  elected  governor.  The  polls  had  been  opened 
but  ti  short  time  when  Mr.  Jones  marched  with  the  crowd  up  to 
the  window,  and  demanded  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  vote 


76  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

without  swearing  as  to  their  residence.  After  some  noisy  and 
threatening  talk,  Claiborne  F.  Jackson  addressed  the  crowd,  say 
ing  they  had  come  here  to  vote ;  that  they  had  a  right  to  vote  if 
they  had  been  there  but  five  minutes,  and  he  was  not  willing  to 
go  home  without  voting ;  which  was  received  with  cheers.  Jack 
son  then  called  upon  them  to  form  into  little  bands  of  fifteen  or 
twenty,  which  they  did,  and  went  to  an  ox-wagon  filled  with  guns, 
which  were  distributed  among  them,  and  proceeded  to  load  some 
of  them  on  the  ground.  In  pursuance  of  Jackson's  request  they 
tied  white  tape  or  ribbons  in  their  button-holes,  so  as  to  distin 
guish  them  from  the  *  abolitionists.'  They  again  demanded  that 
the  judges  should  resign,  and,  upon  their  refusing  to  do  so, 
smashed  in  the  window,  sash  and  all,  and  presented  their  pistols 
and  guns  to  them,  threatening  to  shoot  them.  Some  one  on  the 
outside  cried  out  to  them  not  to  shoot,  as  there  were  pro-slavery 
men  in  the  room  with  the  judges.  They  then  put  a  pry  under  the 
corner  of  the  house,  which  was  a  log  house,  and  lifted  it  up  a  few 
inches,  and  let  it  fall  again,  but  desisted  upon  being  told  that  there 
were  pro-slavery  men  in  the  house.  During  this  time  the  crowd 
repeatedly  demanded  to  be  allowed  to  vote  without  being  sworn, 
and  Mr.  Ellison,  one  of  the  judges,  expressed  himself  willing,  but 
the  other  two  judges  refused ;  thereupon  a  body  of  men,  headed 
by  *  Sheriff  Jones,'  rushed  into  the  judges'  room,  with  cocked 
pistols  and  drawn  bowie-knives  in  their  hands,  and  approached 
Burson  and  Ramsay.  Jones  pulled  out  his  watch,  and  said  he 
would  give  them  five  minutes  to  resign  in,  or  die.  When  the  five 
minutes  had  expired,  and  the  judges  did  not  resign,  Jones  said 
he  would  give  them  another  minute,  and  no  more.  Ellison  told 
his  associates  that  if  they  did  not  resign  there  would  be  one  hun 
dred  shots  fired  in  the  room  in  less  than  fifteen  minutes ;  and  then, 
snatching  up  the  ballot-box,  ran  out  into  the  crowd,  holding  up 
the  ballot-box,  and  hurraing  for  Missouri.  About  that  time  Bur- 
son  and  Ramsay  were  called  out  by  their  friends,  and  not  suffered 
to  return.  As  Mr.  Burson  went  out  he  put  the  ballot  poll-books 
in  his  pocket,  and  took  them  with  him  ;  and  as  he  was  going  out 
Jones  snatched  some  papers  away  from  him,  and  shortly  afterward 
came  out  himself,  holding  them  up,  crying,  '  Hurrah  for  Mis- 


THE  MARCH   ELECTION.  77 

souri ! '  After  he  discovered  that  they  were  not  the  poll-books  he 
took  a  party  of  men  with  him,  and  started  off  to  take  the  poll- 
books  from  Burson.  Mr.  Burson  saw  them  coming,  and  he  gave 
the  books  to  Mr.  Umberger,  and  told  him  to  start  off  in  another 
direction,  so  as  to  mislead  Jones  and  his  party.  Jones  and  his 
party  caught  Mr.  Umberger,  took  the  poll-books  away  from  him, 
and  Jones  took  him  up  behind  him  on  a  horse,  and  carried  him 
back  a  prisoner.  After  Jones  and  his  party  had  taken  Umberger 
back  they  went  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Ramsay,  and  took  Judge 
John  A.  Wakefield  prisoner,  and  carried  him  to  the  place  of  elec 
tion,  and  made  him  get  upon  a  wagon  and  make  them  a  speech ; 
after  which  they  put  a  white  ribbon  in  his  button-hole  and  let  him 
go.  They  then  chose  two  new  judges,  and  proceeded  with  the 
election. 

"  They  also  threatened  to  kill  the  judges  if  they  did  not  receive 
their  votes  without  swearing  them,  or  else  resign.  They  said  no 
man  should  vote  who  would  submit  to  be  sworn  —  that  they 
would  kill  any  one  who  would  offer  to  do  so  — '  shoot  him,' 
'  cut  his  guts  out,'  etc.  They  said  no  man  should  vote  this  day 
unless  he  voted  an  open  ticket,  and  was  *  all  right  on  the  goose,' 
and  that,  if  they  could  not  vote  by  fair  means,  they  would  by  foul 
means.  They  said  they  had  as  much  right  to  vote,  if  they  had 
been  in  the  territory  two  minutes,  as  if  they  had  been  there  two 
years,  and  they  would  vote.  Some  of  the  citizens  who  were 
about  the  window,  but  had  not  voted  when  the  crowd  of  Missou- 
rians  marched  up  there,  upon  attempting  to  vote,  were  driven  back 
by  the  mob,  or  driven  off.  One  of  them,  Mr.  J.  M.  Macey,  was 
asked  if  he  would  take  the  oath ;  and,  upon  his  replying  that  he 
would,  if  the  judges  required  it,  he  was  dragged  through  the 
crowd  away  from  the  polls,  amid  cries  of  '  Kill  the  d — d  nigger 
thief! '  «  Cut  his  throat! '  'Tear  his  heart  out! '  etc.  After  they  got 
him  to  the  outside  of  the  crowd,  they  stood  around  him  with 
cocked  revolvers  and  drawn  bowie-knives,  one  man  putting  a  knife 
to  his  heart  so  that  it  touched  him,  another  holding  a  cocked 
pistol  to  his  ear,  while  another  struck  at  him  with  a  club.  The 
Missourians  said  they  had  a  right  to  vote  if  they  had  been  in  the 
territory  but  five  minutes.  Some  said  they  had  been  hired  to 
7* 


78  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

come  there  and  vote,  and  get  a  dollar  a  day,  and,  *  by  Gl — d,  they 
would  vote  or  die  there.' 

"  They  said  the  30th  day  of  March  was  an  important  day,  as 
Kansas  would  be  made  a  slave  state  on  that  day. 

"  SIXTEENTH    DISTRICT. 

"  For  some  time  previous  to  the  election  meetings  were  held 
and  arrangements  made  in  Missouri  to  get  up  companies  to  come 
over  to  the  territory  and  vote.  And  the  day  before  and  on  the 
day  of  election  large  bodies  of  Missourians  from  Platte,  Clay, 
Hay,  Chariton,  Carrol,  Clinton,  and  Saline  Counties,  Missouri, 
came  into  this  district  and  encamped  there.  They  were  armed 
with  pistols  and  bowie-knives,  and  some  with  guns  and  rifles,  and 
had  badges  of  hemp  in  their  button-holes  and  elsewhere  about 
their  persons. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  election  there  were  from  one  thousand 
to  one  thousand  four  hundred  persons  present  on  the  ground.  Pre 
vious  to  the  election  Missourians  endeavored  to  persuade  the  two 
free-state  judges  to  resign,  by  making  threats  of  personal  violence 
to  them ;  one  of  whom  resigned  on  the  morning  of  election,  and 
the  crowd  chose  another  to  fill  his  place.  But  one  of  the  judges, 
the  free-state  judge,  would  take  the  oath  prescribed  by  the  gov 
ernor  ;  the  other  two  deciding  that  they  had  no  right  to  swear  any 
one  who  offered  to  vote,  but  that  all  on  the  ground  were  entitled 
to  vote.  The  only  voters  refused  were  some  Delaware  Indians, 
some  thirty  Wyandot  Indians  being  allowed  to  vote. 

"  One  of  the  free-state  candidates  withdrew,  in  consequence  of 
the  presence  of  the  Missourians,  amid  cheering  and  acclamations 
by  the  Missourians.  During  the  day  the  steamboat  New  Lucy 
came  down  from  Western  Missouri,  with  a  large  number  of  Mis 
sourians  on  board,  who  voted,  and  then  returned  on  the  boat. 

"  The  Missourians  gave,  as  a  reason  for  their  coming  over  to 
vote,  that  the  North  had  tried  to  force  emigration  into  the  territory, 
and  they  wanted  to  counteract  that  movement.  Some  of  the  can 
didates  and  many  of  the  Missourians  took  the  ground  that,  under 
the  Kansas  Nebraska  act,  all  who  were  on  the  ground  on  the  day 
of  election  were  entitled  to  vote ;  and  others,  that  laying  out  a 


THE   MARCH   ELECTION.  79 

town,  staking  a  lot,  or  driving  down  stakes  even  on  another  man's 
claim,  gave  them  a  right  to  vote.  And  one  of  the  members  of  the 
council,  Pt.  R.  Kees,  declared  in  his  testimony  that  he  who  should 
put  a  different  construction  upon  the  law  must  be  either  a  knave 
or.  a  fool. 

"  The  free-state  men  generally  did  not  vote  at  that  election ; 
and  no  newly-arrived  Eastern  emigrants  were  there.  The  free- 
state  judge  of  election  refused  to  sign  the  returns  until  the  words 
'  by  lawful  resident  voters '  were  stricken  out,  which  was  done,  and 
the  returns  made  in  that  way.  The  election  was  contested,  and  a 
new  election  ordered  by  Governor  Reeder  for  the  twenty-second 
of  May. 

"  The  testimony  is  divided  as  to  the  relative  strength  of  parties 
in  this  district.  The  whole  number  of  voters  in  the  district,  ac 
cording  to  the  census  returns,  was  three  hundred  and  eighty  -five ; 
and,  according  to  a  very  carefully  prepared  list  of  voters,  prepared 
for  the  pro-slavery  candidates  and  other  pro-slavery  men  a  few 
da}rs  previous  to  the  election,  there  were  three  hundred  and  five 
voters  in  the  district,  including  those  who  had  claims  but  did  not 
live  on  them.  The  whole  number  of  votes  cast  was  nine  hundred 
and  sixty-four.  Of  those  named  in  the  census  one  hundred  and 
six  voted.  Your  committee,  upon  careful  examination,  are  satis 
fied  that  there  were  not  over  one  hundred  and  fifty  legal  votes 
cast,  leaving  eight  hundred  and  fourteen  illegal  votes. 

"  BURR    OAK    PRECINCT. 

"  Several  hundred  Missourians  from  Buchanan,  Platte,  and 
Andrew  Counties,  Missouri,  including  a  great  many  of  the  prom 
inent  citizens  of  St.  Joseph,  came  into  this  precinct  the  day  before, 
and  on  the  day  of  election,  in  wagons  and  on  horse,  and  encamped 
there.  Arrangements  were  made  for  them  to  cross  the  ferry  at 
St.  Joseph  free  of  expense  to  themselves.  They  were  armed  with 
bowie-knives  and  pistols,  guns  and  rifles.  On  the  morning  of  the 
election  the  free-state  candidates  resigned  in  a  body,  on  account 
of  the  presence  of  the  large  number  of  armed  Missourians,  at 
which  the  crowd  cheered  and  hurraed.  Gen.  B.  F.  Stringfellow 
was  present,  and  was  prominent  in  promoting  the  election  of  the 


80  THE   CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

pro-slavery  ticket,  as  were  also  the  Hon.  Willard  P.  Hall  and 
others  of  the  most  prominent  citizens  of  St.  Joseph,  Missouri. 
But  one  of  the  judges  of  election  appointed  by  the  governor 
served  on  that  day,  and  the  crowd  chose  two  others  to  supply  the 
vacancies.  • 

"  The  Missourians  said  they  came  there  to  vote  for  and  secure 
the  election  of  Major  William  P.  Richardson.  Major  Richardson, 
elected  to  the  council,  had  had  a  farm  in  Missouri,  where  his  wife 
and  daughter  lived  with  his  son-in-law,  Willard  P.  Hall ;  he  him 
self  generally  going  home  to  Missouri  every  Saturday  night.  The 
farm  was  generally  known  as  the  Richardson  farm.  He  had  a 
claim  in  the  territory,  upon  which  was  a  saw-mill,  and  where  he 
generally  remained  during  the  week. 

"  Some  of  the  Missourians  gave  as  their  reason  for  voting  that 
they  had  heard  that  Eastern  emigrants  were  to  be  at  that  elec 
tion,  though  no  Eastern  emigrants  were  there.  Others  said  they 
were  going  to  vote  for  the  purpose  of  making  Kansas  a  slave 
state. 

"  Some  claimed  that  they  had  a  right  to  vote  under  the  pro 
visions  of  the  Kansas  Nebraska  bill,  from  the  fact  that  they  were 
present  on  the  ground  on  the  day  of  election. 

"  The  free-state  men  generally  did  not  vote ;  and  those  who 
did  vote  voted  generally  for  John  H.  Whitehead,  pro-slavery,  for 
council,  against  Major  William  P.  Richardson,  and  did  not  vote 
at  all  for  members  of  the  lower  house. 

u  The  parties  were  pretty  nearly  equally  divided  in  the  district, 
some  being  of  the  opinion  that  the  free-state  party  had  a  small 
majority,  and  others  that  the  pro-slavery  party  had  a  small  major 
ity.  After  the  election  was  over,  and  the  polls  were  closed,  the 
Missourians  returned  home.  During  the  day  they  had  provisions 
and  liquor  served  out  free  of  expense  to  all. 

"  THIRD   DISTRICT TECUMSEH. 

"  On  the  28th  of  March,  persons  from  Clay,  Jackson,  and 
Howard  Counties,  Missouri,  began  to  come  into  Tecumseh,  in 
wagons,  carriages,  and  on  horseback,  armed  with  guns,  bowie- 
knives,  and  revolvers ;  they  encamped  close  by  the  town,  and 


THE   MARCH    ELECTION.  81 

continued  camping  until  the  day  of  election.  The  night  before 
the  election  two  hundred  men  were  sent  for  from  the  camp  of 
Missourians  at  Lawrence.  On  the  morning  of  the  election,  be 
fore  the  polls  were  opened,  some  three  or  four  hundred  Mis 
sourians  and  others  were  collected  in  the  yard  about  the  house 
of  Thomas  Stinson,  where  the  election  was  to  be  held,  armed  with 
bowie-knives,  revolvers  and  clubs.  They  said  they  came  to  vote, 
and  whip  the  '  damned  Yankees,'  and  would  vote  without  being 
sworn.  Some  said  they  came  to  have  a  fight,  and  wanted  one. 
Colonel  Samuel  H.  "Woodson,  of  Independence,  Missouri,  was  in 
the  room  of  the  judges  when  they  arrived,  preparing  poll-books 
and  tally-lists,  and  remained  there  during  their  attempts  to  organ 
ize.  The  room  of  the  judges  was  also  filled  by  many  of  the 
strangers.  The  judges  could  not  agree  concerning  the  oath  to  be 
taken  by  themselves  and  the  oath  to  be  administered  to  the  voters ; 
Mr.  Burgess  desiring  to  administer  the  oath  prescribed  by  the 
governor,  and  the  other  two  judges  opposing  it.  During  this  dis 
cussion  between  the  judges,  which  lasted  some  time,  the  crowd 
outside  became  excited  and  noisy,  threatening  and  cursing  Mr. 
Burgess,  the  free-state  judge.  Persons  were  sent  at  different 
times  by  the  crowd  outside  into  the  room  where  the  judges  were, 
with  threatening  messages,  especially  against  Mr.  Burgess ;  and 
at  last  ten  minutes  were  given  them  to  organize  in,  or  leave ;  and, 
as  the  time  passed,  persons  outside  would  call  out  the  number  of 
minutes  left,  with  threats  against  Burgess  if  he  did  not  agree  to 
organize.  At  the  end  of  that  time  the  judges,  not  being  able  to 
organize,  left  the  room,  and  the  crowd  proceeded  to  elect  nine 
judges  and  carry  on  the  election.  The  free-state  men  generally 
left  the  ground  without  voting,  stating  that  there  was  no  use  in 
their  voting  there.  The  polls  were  so  crowded  during  the  first 
part  of  the  day  that  the  citizens  could  not  get  up  to  the  window 
to  vote.  Threats  were  made  against  the  free-state  men.  In  the 
afternoon  the  Rev.  Mr.  Gilpatrick  was  attacked  and  driven  off  by 
the  mob.  A  man,  by  some  called  '  Texas,'  made  a  speech  to  the 
crowd,  urging  them  to  vote,  and  to  remain  on  the  ground  until  the 
polls  were  closed,  for  fear  the  abolitionists  would  come  there  in 


82  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

the  afternoon  and  overpower  them,  and  thus  they  would  lose  all 
their  trouble. 

"  The  Missourians  began  to  leave  on  the  afternoon  of  the  day 
of  election,  though  some  did  not  go  home  until  the  next  morning. 

"  In  many  cases,  when  a  wagon-load  had  voted,  they  imme 
diately  started  for  home.  On  their  way  home  they  said  if  Gov 
ernor  Reeder  did  not  sanction  the  election  they  would  hang  him." 

The  following  is  the  closing  part  of  this  official  report  relative 
to  this,  and  also  to  this  election : 

"  This  unlawful  interference  has  been  continued  in  every  impor 
tant  event  in  the  history  of  the  territory.  Every  election  has  been 
controlled,  not  by  the  actual  settlers,  but  by  citizens  of  Missouri ; 
and,  as  a  consequence,  every  officer  in  the  territory,  from  consta 
bles  to  legislators,  except  those  appointed  by  the  President,  owe 
their  positions  to  non-resident  voters." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

WHAT   KANSAS   AND    MISSOURI  THOUGHT   OF   IT. 

As  might  be  supposed,  this  outrageous  violation  of  the  right 
on  which  all  our  liberties  and  privileges  rest  awakened  the  utmost 
indignation  throughout  the  territory  and  the  country.  The  people 
of  Kansas  saw  that  it  was  the  determination  of  Missouri  and  the 
slavery  propagandists  to  secure  Kansas  to  slavery  by  all  means, 
and  that  violence  must  be  met  by  violence,  or  every  privilege  they 
possessed  would  be  taken  from  them,  and  their  position  and  even 
their  life  endangered.  It  was  almost  immediately  afterwards  that 
military  companies  were  formed  amongst  the  settlers.  But  few  of 
these  were  armed  properly,  and  efforts  were  made  by  them  to  send 
for  arms,  and  also  many  who  were  unable  to  purchase  them  ap 
pealed  to  their  friends  in  the  states  to  procure  arms  for  them. 

Indignation  meetings  were  held,  and  protests  issued  against  the 
election,  and  ignoring  the  authority  of  members  elect  under  it. 
It  was  determined  by  the  free-state  settlers,  who  constituted  at 
that  time  three  fourths  of  the  actual  residents,  that,  as  the  whole 
thing  was  a  violent  usurpation  and  a  fraud,  no  regard  would  be 
paid  to  any  of  their  proceedings. 

Nor  were  other  remedies  neglected.  Protests  and  certificates 
of  fraud  were  sent  to  the  governor  from  meetings  convened  in  the 
different  precincts  in  the  territory.  It  will  ever  be  regretted  that 
Gov.  Reeder  gave  so  little  time  in  which  to  contest  the  elections. 
Protests  had  to  be  made  and  returned  to  the  governor  within  four 
days.  I  need  expend  no  time  in  showing  that  this  was  altogether 
inadequate.  The  territory  was  large,  and  the  executive  office  on 
the  edge  of  it.  There  were  few  roads  at  that  time ;  besides,  meet 
ings  had  to  be  called,  evidence  obtained,  and  other  preliminaries 


THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 


arranged.  Again,  many  of  the  settlers  were  ignorant  of  the  proper 
remedy  for  such  emergency.  The  blow  came  on  them  so  suddenly 
that  it  paralyzed,  and,  to  some  extent,  intimidated  them.  The  pre 
cious  hours  were  thus  permitted  to  pass  in  several  of  the  precincts 
where  the  citizens  were  most  indignant  at  the  outrage,  and  anxious 
for  some  remedy.  In  other  precincts  the  protests  were  too  late  to 
be  in  time ;  and  thus,  by  unfortunate  default,  certificates  were  given 
to  men  whose  names  were  returned  with  a  certain  number  of  votes, 
although  no  one  doubted  the  fraudulent  character  of  these  returns. 

While  the  organic  act  had  failed  to  throw  proper  safeguards 
around  the  elective  franchise,  and  while  the  territorial  executive 
must  be  admitted  to  have  occupied  a  critical  situation,  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  the  action  of  Grov.  Reeder  at  this  time  was  not  so 
bold  or  decided  as  the  emergency  required.  True,  he  had  to  act 
on  the  nominal  evidence  before  him  ;  true,  he  might  have  rendered 
himself  obnoxious  to  the  charge  of  stepping  behind  the  record,  and 
being  partial ;  true,  he  was  jealously  watched  by  the  pro-slavery 
men,  suspected  by  a  pro-slavery  administration,  who  appointed 
him,  and  anxious  not  only  to  be,  but  to  appear,  impartial ;  but,  in 
spite  of  all  this,  he,  the  executive  head  of  the  territory,  the  only 
source  of  protection  the  outraged  settlers  had,  ought  to  have  spared 
no  effort,  and  shrunk  from  no  responsibility  that  could  have  saved 
these  settlers  from  being  injured  by  the  color  even  of  legality  to 
such  outrages  upon  them. 

Protests  having  been  received  in  time  from  six  districts,  and  the 
frauds  proved,  the  governor  set  aside  the  former  elections,  and 
called  other  special  elections,  with  the  following  result : 

Abstract  of  the  Returns  of  Election  of  May  22,  1855. 


No.  of 
District. 

Places  of 

Voting. 

Pro-Slavery 
Votes. 

Free-State 
Votes. 

Scattering.  |    Total. 

1 

Lawrence,     .    . 

— 

288 

18 

306 

2 

Douglas,   .    .    . 

— 

127 

— 

127 

3 

Stinson's,  .   .   . 

— 

148 

1 

149 

7 

"110,"      .    .    . 

— 

C6 

13 

79 

8 

Council  Grove, 

— 

33 

— 

33 

1C 

Leavenworth,  . 

560 

140 

15 

715 

Total,     .   . 

5GO 

802 

47 

1409 

At  this  election  it  will  be  seen  that  upwards  of  eight  hundred 


WHAT   KANSAS   AND    MISSOURI   THOUGHT    OF    IT.        85 

free-state  votes  were  polled,  and  free-state  candidates  elected  in 
all  the  districts  save  Leavenworth.  In  Leavenworth  there  was 
another  invasion  from  Missouri.  On  this  point  there  was  a  dif 
ference  of  opinion  amongst  the  pro-slavery  men.  Most  of  the 
leaders  declared  that  Heeder  had  no  authority  to  call  special  elec 
tions  under  the  Kansas  Nebraska  act  for  cases  of  fraud;  and,  as 
his  proceedings  were  therefore  irregular,  it  was  only  necessary  to 
pay  no  attention  to  them.  Some,  on  the  other  hand,  were  timor 
ous,  and  thought  it  best  to  be  sure.  A  writer  in  the  Leavenworth 
Herald,  after  the  special  election  was  called,  urged  the  pro-slavery 
men  and  their  friends  to  vote  in  this  election.  Many  of  those  in 
Leavenworth,  and  amongst  them  the  pro-slavery  men  elected  March 
80th,  were  in  favor  of  crushing  this  election  directly  by  the  same 
means.  Consequently  there  was  another  invasion  of  voters  from 
Missouri  on  that  occasion  at  Leavenworth,  and  they  voted  for  the 
same  men  previously  elected.  Of  the  pro-slavery  votes  polled 
there  more  than  two  thirds  were  fraudulent ;  and,  owing  to  the 
violent  seizure  of  the  polls,  many  free-state  settlers  were  kept 
from  voting. 

During  this  extraordinary  state  of  affairs,  the  Missouri  press 
made  no  attempt  to  conceal  the  facts.  They  publicly,  in  their 
columns,  urged  that  such  steps  be  taken  as  would  secure  the  result. 
The  Liberty  (Clay  County,  Missouri)  paper  issued  the  following, 
with  many  similar  articles,  on  the  invasion  of  Kansas : 

"  The  election  in  Kansas  Territory  is  close  at  hand,  and  we  em 
brace  this,  the  last  opportunity  we  will  have  before  the  event,  of 
admonishing  Missouri  and  southerners  that  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom 
as  well  as  prudence  to  employ  every  means  of  preparation  neces 
sary  to  a  successful  combat  for  the  issue  which  is  suspended 
upon  it." 

The  Weston  Reporter  of  March  29th  (1855)   says: 

"  Our  minds  are  already  made  up  as  to  the  result  of  the  elec 
tion  in  Kansas  to-morrow.  The  pro-slavery  party  will  be  triumph 
ant,  we  presume,  in  nearly  every  precinct.  Should  the  pro-slavery 
party  fail  in  this  contest,  it  will  not  be  because  Missouri  has  failed 
to  do  her  duty  to  assist  friends.  It  is  a  safe  calculation  that  two 
8 


86  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

thousand  squatters  have  passed  over  into  the  promised  land  from 
this  part  of  the  state  within  four  days." 

After  the  election  the  Missouri  papers  were  filled  with  jubilant 
expressions  of  victory.  The  Platte  Argus  says : 

"  It  is  to  be  admitted  that  they  —  the  Missourians  —  have  con 
quered  Kansas.  Our  advice  is,  let  them  hold  it  or  die  in  the 
attempt." 

When  the  election  was  called  in  the  first,  second,  third,  seventh, 
eighth,  and  sixteenth  districts,  it  was  denounced  after  the  follow 
ing  fashion  by  the  border  papers  : 

"  We  learn,  just  as  we  go  to  press,  that  Reeder  has  refused  to 
give  certificates  to  four  of  the  councilmen  and  thirteen  members 
of  the  house.  He  has  ordered  an  election  to  fill  their  places  on 
the  22d  of  May. 

"  This  infernal  scoundrel  will  have  to  be  hemped  }^et."  —  Bruns- 
wicker,  Mo. 

At  the  same  time  violence  was  offered  to  those  who  dared  to 
protest  the  March  election.  This  was  unquestionably  the  reason 
why  protests  were  not  made  in  some  districts. 

In  Leavenworth  the  protest  with  an  affidavit  had  been  signed  by 
a  lawyer  named  William  Phillips.  A  meeting  was  held  in  Leaven- 
worth  amongst  the  pro-slavery  men,  who  denounced  him  as  a  "  moral 
perjurer."  He  was  notified  to  leave  the  territory.  This  he  re 
fused  to  do.  On  the  17th  of  May,  just  a  few  days  before  the 
special  election,  a  band  of  pro-slavery  men  assembled.  They  con 
vened  in  public  meeting  first,  and  passed  resolutions  of  the  most  vio 
lent  character.  Free  speech  on  the  slavery  question  was  denounced 
as  a  "  disturbance  of  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  community,"  and 
the  action  of  the  press  in  the  same  cause  was  denounced  as  "  cir 
culating  incendiary  documents."  Free-state  men  were  denounced 
as  " Northern  fanatics,"  and  told  to  "go  home  and  do  your  treason 
where  you  can  find  sympathy."  Violence  was  recommended  as 
necessary  to  the  success  of  the  pro-slavery  party.  Many  of  those 
who  took  a  prominent  part  in  that  meeting,  and  the  outrage  that 
followed,  have  since  been  appointed  to  office  under  the  Bogus 
Legislature,  and  also  under  the  territorial  courts  and  executive. 

When  the  meeting  was  over,  those  composing  it  marched  up  the 


WHAT    KANSAS   AND   MISSOURI   THOUGHT    OP   IT.        87 

street  to  find  Mr.  Phillips.  They  were  armed.  Mr.  Phillips  was 
in  company  of  some  of  his  neighbors,  who  were  erecting  a  build 
ing,  when  the  pro-slavery  band  came  upon  them.  As  neither  Mr. 
Phillips  nor  his  friends  were  prepared  for  defence,  none  was  made. 
He  was  taken  prisoner  and  carried  on  board  a  skiff,  and  taken  over 
the  river  and  up  to  the  town  of  Weston,  some  eight  miles  distant. 
Meanwhile  his  friends  tried  to  get  the  authorities  and  the  military 
to  interfere  and  rescue  him ;  but  in  vain.  Fort  Leavenworth, 
with  a  considerable  military  force,  was  only  three  miles  off,  and 
between  Leavenworth  city  and  Weston  ;  but  there  was  no  remedy. 
When  Mr.  Phillips'  captors  got  to  Weston  they  stripped  and 
tarred  and  feathered  him.  In  this  condition  he  was  borne  about 
the  streets  of  Weston  on  a  rail,  subjected  to  the  most  grievous 
indignities  and  insults,  and  sold  at  auction  by  a  negro.  After 
suffering  this  they  permitted  him  to  escape,  ordering  him  to 
leave  the  territory,  with  threats  of  death  for  non-compliance. 

Subsequently,  on  the  25th  of  May,  A.D.  1855,  a  public  meet 
ing  was  held,  at  which  R.  R.  Kees,  a  member  elect  of  the  coun 
cil,  presided.  The  following  resolutions,  offered  by  Judge  Payne, 
a  member  elect  of  the  house,  were  unanimously  adopted : 

"Resolved,  That  we  heartily  endorse  the  action  of  the  com 
mittee  of  citizens  that  shaved,  tarred  and  feathered,  rode  on  a  rail, 
and  had  sold  by  a  negro,  William  Phillips,  the  moral  perjurer. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  return  our  thanks  to  the  committee  for 
faithfully  performing  the  trust  enjoined  upon  them  by  the  pro- 
slavery  party. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  committee  be  now  discharged. 

"Resolved,  That  we  severely  condemn  those  pro-slavery  men 
who,  from  mercenary  motives,  are  calling  upon  the  pro-slavery 
party  to  submit  without  further  action. 

"  Resolved,  That,  in  order  to  secure  peace  and  harmony  to  the 
community,  we  now  solemnly  declare  that  the  pro-slavery  party 
will  stand  firmly  by  and  carry  out  the  resolutions  reported  by  the 
committee  appointed  for  that  purpose  on  the  memorable  30th." 

About  the  same  time,  or  shortly  before,  another  occurrence 
worthy  of  note  took  place.  As  the  Missouri  borderers  were  very 
much  dissatisfied  with  Gov.  Reeder,  proposals  to  "  elect  a  governor 


88  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

of  their  own  "  were  freely  made.  That  this  would  really  have  been 
done,  if  assurances  had  not  been  received  from  Washington  that 
their  wishes  would  be  complied  with,  there  is  no  question.  As  it 
was,  the  matter  was  widely  discussed.  At  one  of  the  election 
precincts,  at  the  March  election,  votes  were  thrown  for  Rev.  Tom 
Johnson,  of  the  Shawnee  Mission,  to  be  governor.  A  meeting  or 
convention  was  ordered,  and  the  notices  of  it  published  in  the  Mis 
souri  papers,  to  be  holden  in  Leavenworth,  for  the  purpose  of 
electing  governor.  Before  this  meeting  was  held  the  leading 
men  in  the  border  counties  took  the  affair  into  consideration,  and, 
under  assurances  that  they  would  have  a  governor  to  suit  them, 
interfered  to  prevent  the  action  of  the  meeting.  Another  reason 
for  this  course  might  be  the  conduct  of  some  of  their  tools.  The 
Rev.  Tom  Johnson  had  received  many  evidences  from  the 
border  ruffians  of  the  esteem  in  which  they  held  his  pro-slavery 
services.  Independent  of  pecuniary  advantages,  accruing  through 
his  "  mission  to  the  Indians,"  he  had  been  elected  member  of  the 
council  by  an  almost  exclusively  Missouri  vote.  He  was  subse 
quently  elected  president  of  the  council.  But  he  was  dissatisfied, 
and  aspired  to  be  governor.  Absurd  and  unworthy  as  the  most 
of  these  border  ruffian  appointments  and  elections  have  been,  there 
was  something  so  supremely  ridiculous  in  the  idea  of  making 
the  Rev.  Tom  governor,  that  it  disgusted  even  them.  Hence  they 
threw  cold  water  on  his  ambitious  projects. 

Although  it  had  been  previously  determined  that  the  election 
for  governor  should  be  "  nipped  in  the  bud,"  still,  many  attended 
the  meeting  convened.  The  meeting  having  been  adroitly  turned 
from  its  legitimate  object  by  the  leaders,  it  proceeded  to  some  de 
liberation  on  the  "  squatter  laws  "  relative  to  claims  in  which  all 
were  more  or  less  interested.  A  warm  debate  having  arisen,  and 
merged  into  a  violent  controversy,  in  which  the  lie  was  given,  a 
pro-slavery  man,  named  Malcom  Clarke,  raised  a  large  piece  of 
timber,  or  scantling,  running  at  the  person  who  had  exchanged 
words  with  him  —  a  free-state  man  named  Cole  McCrea  —  and 
struck  him  violently  with  it,  and  was  raising  it  to  strike  him 
again,  when  McCrea  drew  a  pistol  and  shot  him  dead.  The 
friends  of  Clarke  immediately  pursued  McCrea,  and  commenced 


WHAT   KANSAS  AND   MISSOURI  THOUGHT   OF  IT.        89 

firing  on  him  with  their  pistols.  He  took  refuge  from  their  shots 
under  the  river  bank,  from  which  position  he  was  released  by  his 
friends,  who  took  him  up  to  the  fort  for  protection  and  examina 
tion.  After  having  been  subjected  to  a  long  imprisonment,  he 
*fas  tried  before  the  territorial  courts.  At  the  first  court  before 
which  he  was  brought  the  grand  jury  failed  to  bring  a  bill  against 
him,  deeming  the  case  one  of  justifiable  homicide.  The  court, 
Judge  Lecompte,  manifested  a  determination  to  convict  the  pris 
oner.  The  grand  jury  were  adjourned  to  a  subsequent  term  of 
the  court.  At  that  time  the  grand  jury  was  packed,  several  of 
its  members  being  those  who  acted  or  aided  in  lynching  Phillips. 
A  bill  of  indictment  for  murder  was  found,  and  the  trial  was 
slowly  proceeded  with,  when  the  prisoner,  fearing  violence  to  his 
person  even  before  conviction,  made  his  escape. 

If  those  in  the  territory  who  vindicated  the  rights  of  the  settlers 
fared  badly,  those  in  the  State  of  Missouri,  who  opposed  these 
actions,  fared  no  better.  Shortly  after  the  election,  the  Bruns- 
wicker  (Mo.)  found  fault  with  a  contemporary  in  the  same  state, 
who  condemned  the  Missouri  invasion  of  Kansas. 

"  The  last  Jefferson  Inquirer  is  down  on  the  citizens  of  Missouri 
who  took  steps  to  secure  the  election  of  pro-slavery  men  to  the 
territorial  Legislature  of  Kansas.  This  is  in  keeping  with  the 
Inquirer's  past  conduct.  If  the  editor  of  that  paper  had  been  in 
Kansas  on  the  day  of  election,  he  would  have  voted  with  the  abo 
litionists.  That  he  is  a  negro-stealer  at  heart  we  have  no  doubt." 

Nor  was  the  pulpit,  even,  sacred  from  these  assaults.  Some 
preachers,  who  had  publicly  or  privately  expressed  disapprobation 
of  such  violence,  or  who  were  supposed  to  condemn  it,  were  noti 
fied  to  leave,  and  mob  violence  was  offered  to  them  on  more  than 
one  occasion. 

Meetings  were  held  in  Platte,  Jackson,  Buchanan  and  Clay 
counties.  Mo.,  to  endorse  the  proceedings  of  the  invaders,  and  de 
nounce  all  those  who  dared  to  call  them  in  question,  or  condemn 
them.  The  following  resolutions,  passed  by  a  meeting  in  Clay 
County,  in  April,  is  a  fair  specimen  of  all  the  others : 

"  Those  who,  in  our  state,  would  give  aid  to  the  abolitionists  by 
inducing  or  assisting  them  to  settle  in  Kansas,  or  would  throw 
8* 


90  THE   CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

obstacles  in  the  way  of  our  friends,  by  false  and  slanderous  mis 
representations  of  the  acts  of  those  who  took  part  in  and  contrib 
uted  to  the  glorious  result  of  the  late  election  in  that  territory, 
should  be  driven  from  amongst  us  as  traitors  to  their  country. 

"  That  we  regard  the  efforts  of  the  Northern  division  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  to  establish  itself  in  our  state  as  a 
violation  of  her  plighted  faith,  and,  pledged  as  its  ministers  must 
be  to  the  anti-slavery  principles  of  that  church,  we  are  forced  to 
regard  them,  as  enemies  to  our  institutions.  We  therefore  fully 
concur  with  our  friends  in  Platte  County  in  resolving  to  permit  no 
person  belonging  to  the  Northern  Methodist  Church  to  preach  in 
our  county. 

"  That  all  persons  who  are  subscribers  to  papers  in  the  least 
tinctured  with  free-soilism  or  abolitionism,  are  requested  to  dis 
continue  them  immediately." 

But  the  most  remarkable  case  of  this  kind  was  that  of  the  Park- 
ville  (Platte  Co.)  Luminary.  Immediately  after  the  invasion 
that  swept  the  March  election,  this  paper  contained  an  editorial, 
mildly  condemning  the  invasion,  and  urging  that  the  citizens  of 
Kansas  ought  to  be  permitted  to  regulate  their  own  affairs.  For 
this  it  fell  under  the  ban  of  the  border  ruffians.  Mr.  Park,  pro 
prietor  of  the  paper,  was  one  of  the  oldest  citizens  of  Parkville, 
and  had  helped  to  build  the  town  which  bore  his  name.  A  large 
company  was  raised  in  Platte  city,  some  ten  miles  distant,  and, 
providing  themselves  with  arms,  marched  to  Parkville  to  destroy 
the  press  and  lynch  the  editors.  Mr.  Park  was  absent.  They 
broke  his  press,  and  threw  it,  with  the  whole  of  the  material,  in  the 
Missouri  river.  They  then  seized  the  editor,  who  happened  to  be 
present  (Mr.  Patterson),  and  were  about  to  lynch  him.  At  this 
point  his  wife,  a  young  and  delicate  woman,  rushed  into  the 
crowd,  and,  throwing  her  arms  around  her  husband,  would  not  let 
him  go.  They  ordered  and  threatened,  and  tried  to  drag  her 
away  ;  but  she  clung  to  him  convulsively,  and  they  were  obliged 
to  relinquish  their  attempt,  and  let  him  go,  ordering  him,  how 
ever,  to  leave,  under  penalty  of  losing  his  life. 

An  account  of  this  affair,  and  also  of  the  efforts  made  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  invasions,  was  given  before  the  committee  of 


WHAT   KANSAS   AND   MISSOURI   THOUGHT   OF   IT.         91 

CJongress,  by  a  witness  of  Missouri,  who  lives  near  Parkville.  This 
gentleman  was  a  pro-slavery  man,  but,  as  he  himself  expressed  it, 
was  "  down  on  all  them  fixin's."  He  was  an  oddity,  a  genius  of 
he  Davy  Crockett  stamp,  and  appeared,  with  all  his  peculiari- 
ic-s,  to  possess  an  honorable  and  upright  mind.  He  had  been 
over  in  Kansas,  driving  a  lot  of  his  cattle,  in  the  spring  of  1856, 
when  the  committee  summoned  him  before  it.  An  abstract  of 
such  a  man's  testimony,  or  an  accurate  official  rendering  of  it, 
could  no  more  convey  all  he  swore  to,  than  it  could  give  the  pic 
ture. 

Mr.  Thorpe  was  a  tall,  athletic  man,  in  "Western  homespun, 
with  a  beard  like  a  bottle-brush,  and  a  face  that  looked  as  if  it 
was  as  free  from  ablution  as  he  said  he  was  from  "  abolition." 
He  had  a  great  ox-whip,  six  feet  long,  with  a  lash  much  longer. 
This  he  grasped  in  his  hand  as  he  strode  into  the  committee-rooms. 
The  members  of  the  commission  were  busy  examining  another 
witness;  but  our  friend  was  not  skilled  in  such  niceties,  so  he 
walked  up  to  the  desk,  and  in  a  voice  that  might  have  been  heard 
in  the  street,  began  : 

"  Well,  gentlemen,  I  heered  you  was  a  wantin'  me,  an'  so  I  jist 
cum  down.  You  've  got  my  name  there,  I  guess ;  that  feller  that 
cum  after  me  had  it.  I  'm  Tom  Thorpe,  myself." 

Mr.  Howard.  "Ah,  Mr.  Thorpe,"  —  bowing,  —  "we  are  en 
gaged  at  present  examining  this  witness.  You  will  please  take  a 
seat  until  we  are  ready  for  you." 

"  Edzactly,  of  course.  You  see  I  've  ben  a  drovin'  cattle  over 
here  on  the  Wakeruse  —  I  've  got  a  fine  lot  on  'em,  too  —  an'  the 
boys  tole  me  you  'd  be  after  me  and  ketch  me ;  an'  I  tole  them 
that  I  did  n't  care  a  darn  ;  an'  so  when  the  feller  cum,  I  jist  con 
cluded  I  'd  step  over  an'  see  what  you  did  want.  Tom  Thorpe  an't 
afeer'd"  — 

"  That  is  all  perfectly  right,  Mr.  Thorpe,  and  as  soon  as  we  are 
disengaged  we  shall  be  happy  to  examine  you." 

"Certainly  —  that's  all  straight,  anyhow.  I'm  from  Platte 
County,  myself.  I  live  "  —  Here  the  gentlemen  of  the  commission 
conversed  together,  and,  seeing  it  would  be  impossible  to  get  rid  of 
Mr.  Thorpe,  concluded  that  it  would  be  cheapest  to  make  the 


92  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

other  witness,  who  was  not  in  a  hurry,  stand  aside  until  the  gen 
tleman  from  Platte  County  could  be  disposed  of. 

"  Mr.  Thorpe,"  —  to  our  friend  who  was  still  standing,  whip  in 
hand,  —  "  you  will  be  sworn." 

"  0,  sartain.  I  'm  willin'  to  swar  to  all  I  'm  goin'  to  tell 
you.  I  tell  the  truth  any  way,  myself,  but  swar  away." 

The  oath  being  administered,  Mr.  Howard  asked : 

"  Mr.  Thorpe,  you  are  a  resident  of  Missouri ;  do  you  know  of 
any  parties  coming  from  that  state  to  vote  in  the  territory?" 

"  Lord,  yes ;  lots  on  'em ;  but  I  suppose  you  'd  first  want  to 
know  about  that  'ere  Parkville  business.  I  was  there,  myself — 
throwing  the  press  in  the  river,  I  mean  —  an'  seed  all  on  it.  I 
guess  that 's  what  you  want  to  see  me  about,  and  that  you  were 
arter  me  on  that  'ere  business  —  but,  darn  it,  how  do  I  know  what 
you  want  ?  "  said  Thomas  Thorpe,  straightening  himself  up,  as  if 
he  recollected  himself —  "  but,  any  how,  I  tole  the  boys  that 's 
what  I  supposed  you  had  me  for,  an'  so  "  — 

"  Mr.  Thorpe,"  interposed  Mr.  Howard,  "  the  mobbing  of  the 
press  at  Parkville  is  a  subject  out  of  our  jurisdiction ;  and  it  is 
neither  our  duty  nor  our  wish  to  investigate  the  affair,  however 
much  we  may  condemn  the  outrage  "  — 

"  0,  Lord,  yes,  it  was  a  mighty  mean  thing ;  I  was  down  on  it 
myself.  I  tole  'em  there,  that  day,  I  was  down  on  it.  I  'm  pro-1 
slavery  myself —  there  's  no  abolitionism  about  me ;  but  that 's 
cuttin'  up  a  little  too  high.  I  'in  down  on  all  them  fixin's ;  an'  I 
just  tole  'em  "  — 

"  Mr.  Thorpe,  you  will  please  confine  yourself  to  the  subject  on 
which  we  may  question  you.  Did  you  reside  in  Missouri  in  the 
March  of  1855?" 

"  Yes,  sir,  I  Ve  ben  in  Platte  County  more  'n  twenty  year. 
I  've  "  — 

"  Do  you  know  of  any  Missourians  going  over  from  your  neigh 
borhood  into  Kansas  to  vote  at  that  time  ?  —  or  who  did  so 
vote?" 

"Lots  an'  slivers  on 'em,  —  but  stop;  let  me  get  it  right. — 
Look-a-here,  you  chap,"  —  motioning  to  Mr.  Lord,  clerk  of  the  com 
mission,  who  was  taking  down  his  testimony,  —  "Look-a-here,  I 


WHAT  KANSAS  AND  MISSOURI  THOUGHT  OF  IT.  93 

want  to  see  that  you  keep  that  straight.  What  have  you  got 
there?" 

Mr.  Lord  proceeded  to  read  what  he  had  taken,  Mr.  Thorpe 
expressing  his  approval  until  the  last  sentence,  when  he  said,  — 

"  Look-a-here,  read  that  'ere  last  piece  again." 

The  clerk  proceeded  to  read.  "  To  Mr.  Howard  :  —  I  have  known 
ots  of  people  who  came  over  from  Missouri  into  Kansas  to  vote." 

"  Well,  now,  Mr.  Clerk,  scratch  that  out.  Tell  you  what  it  is, 
>oys,"  turning  to  the  members  of  the  commission,  "  I  've  got  to 
ceep  mighty  straight.  I  've  come  from  Platte  County,  myself, 
and  I  've  got  to  give  an  account  o1  this  business  to  the  boys  when 
!  go  back.  I  an't  afeerd.  I  tell  you  I  'in  down  on  this  thing  of 
rotin'  over  in  the  territory,  as  much  as  you  dar  be ;  but  I  can't 
iwar  to  what  I  don't  know.  I  wan't  in  the  territory  to  see  all 
hey  done.  There 's  no  mistake  about  it,  boys,  but  they  voted  ; 
>ut  you  see  I  can't  swar  that." 

"  Only  swear  to  what  you  know,"  said  Mr.  Howard.  "  You 
will  please  state  if  you  knew  of  large  parties  going  from  the  state, 
at  the  time  of  the  territorial  elections,  into  the  territory,  and 
whether  such  parties  returned  afterwards." 

"  Yes,  sir,  they  did ;  any  amount  of  'em.  They  used  to  keep 
the  roads  busy,  and  the  ferries,  too,  about  them  times.  An'  they 
used  to  raise  companies  to  go ;  an'  raise  money  for  to  keep  'em 
at  it.  They  came  to  me  to  subscribe,  but  I  tole  'em  that  I  was 
down  on  this  thing  of  votin'  over  in  the  territory,  and  that  Tom 
Thorpe  did  n't  subscribe  to  no  such  fixin's.  They  jawed  me,  too, 
about  it  —  they  did ;  but  I  guess  they  found  that  old  Tom  Thorpe 
could  give  as  good  as  he  got ;  for,  says  I"  — 

"  Mr.  Thorpe,  you  will  please  state  at  what  time  you  observed 
these  men  thus  coming  and  going.  If  you  remember  it,  give  us 
the  date,  or  tell  us  at  which  of  the  territorial  elections." 

"  0,  they  swarmed  every  time.  They  cum,  an'  they  kep  a- 
cumin'.  It  was  jest  the  same  thing.  Whenever  there  was  an 
election  in  the  territory  they  were  a  fdssin'  roun',  an'  gittin'  up 
companies  to  go,  an'  gittin'  bosses,  an'  wagins,  and  all  them  fix 
in's.  They  used  to  ax  me  to  go,  but  I  tole  'em  "  — 


94  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

"  Witness,  you  will  please  state  how  many  persons  you  have 
seen  going  or  coming  in  this  way." 

"  They  all  cum ;  the  whole  possitatus  of  'em.  It  was  gineral, 
kinder.  It  would  be  a  heap  easier  for  me  to  tell  you  who  did  n't 
go  over  than  who  did." 

"  Can  you  give  the  names  of  any  of  them  ?  " 

"  Well,  yes ;  —  there  was  Jena  White,  and  Bill  Bowers,  and 
Bob  Murphy,  an'  —  " 

"  Stop  !  "  cried  the  clerk,  "  not  so  fast." 

"  Well,  look-a-here,  I  guess  there  an't  no  use  in  givin'  all  them 
names.  I  han't  got  a  fust-rate  memory  myself  to  mind  all  on 
'em,  unless  I  was  to  git  some  time  to  study  on  it ;  but  I  tell  you 
what,  there 's  lots  on  'em  —  mor'n  you  'd  want  to  put  in  that 
book." 

"  Witness,  do  you  know  what  induced  these  men  to  do  this  ?  " 

"  Well,  I  guess  they  felt  like  it.  Some  of  the  folks  did  per 
suade  the  boys  to  go  over  and  vote.  They  tole  them  they  wanted 
to  make  Kansas  a  slave  state ;  an'  they  tole  'em  the  abolitionists 
war  a-cummin'  in  ;  and  that  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society  Company 
and  Co.  was  pitchin'  in,  and  they  'd  better  too.  You  see,  they 
took  the  boys  over,  and  they  got  plenty  liquor,  and  plenty  to  eat, 
and  they  got  over  free  ferry.  They  did  say,  —  now  I  an't  agoin' 
to  swar  to  this,  'cause  I  an't  certain,  —  but  they  did  say  they* 
gin  some  of  them  a  dollar  a  day  to  go.  Well,  'twan't  a  very  busy 
time,  and  most  o'  them  liked  the  joke,  anyhow.  You  see  there 
was  a  heap  of  respectable  folks  went  with  'em.  There's  Dr. 
Tibbs,  lives  over  in  Platte,  he  used  to  go ;  an'  you  see  they 
elected  him.  The  boys  tole  me  one  time,  when  they  cum  back, 
says  they,  *  We  've  elected  Dr.  Tibbs  to  the  legislature ; '  and  says 
I,  '  Is  it  the  legislature  of  the  state  or  the  territory  ? '  an'  says 
they,  '  The  territory.'  " 

"  Says  I, « Boys,  an't  this  a-puttin'  it  on  too  thick  ?  It's  a  darned 
sight  too  mean  enough  to  go  over  and  vote  for  them  fellers ;  but  to 
put  in  a  man  that  don't  live  there  is  all-fired  outrageous.'" 

"  Is  this  Dr.  Tibbs  the  W.  H.  Tibbs  whose  name  is  on  the  list 
of  territorial  legislators?"  asked  Mr.  Howard. 

"  Well,  I  don't  know  anything  about  that;  but  Dr.  Tibbs,  I  do 


WHAT  KANSAS  AND  MISSOURI  THOUGHT  OF  IT.  95 

know,  was  elected  to  the  Kansas  Legislature ;  an'  was  over  makin' 
the  laws,  too.  That  was  in  July,  ye  see,  an'  our  election  cum  on 
in  August.  For  some  of  the  boys  wanted  to  run  the  Dr.  for  an 
office  over  there ;  but  you  see  some  on  'em  thought  it  would  n't 
work  well  for  him  to  hold  office  both  in  the  state  and  the  territory, 
—  though,  for  that  part  of  the  matter,  he  lived  in  the  state." 

"  You  say  you  knew  this  Tibbs  to  be  a  resident  of  Missouri  ?  " 

"  Certain ;  he  voted  there  at  the  August  election,  jist  as  he 
cum  back  from  the  legislature  in  the  territory.  I  've  know'd  him 
there  ever  since  he  cum  to  Platte  County.  He  has  a  fine  old 
woman,  too  ; —  she  's  a  mighty  fine  woman.  She"s  always  ben 
there  to  home.  But  if  you  don't  believe  me,  ax  the  Doctor  him 
self.  He 's  an  honorable  man  ;  he  an't  agoin'  to  deny  it." 

"  Do  you  know  whether  these  men,  who  thus  went  over,  voted  in 
the  territory  ?  " 

"  "Well,  I  can't  say  that.  They  tole  me,  most  on  'em  did,  as 
they  went  over,  that  they  was  agoin'  to  vote,  and  when  they  cum 
back  that  they  had  voted ;  but,  I  tell  you  what,  I  can't  swar  to  it. 
Look-a-here,  young  man,"  broke  off  the  witness,  addressing  the 
clerk,  "  read  over  that  thing  you  've  got;  I  want  to  see  you  keep  it 
straight." 

"  I  will  read  it  over  when  you  get  through." 

"  Well,  I  guess  that  '11  do.  You  see  they  sometimes  used  to 
have  kind  o'  fusses.  Some  few  o'  the  folks,  like  myself,  did  n't 
believe  in  it ;  an'  that 's  what  led  to  this  Luminary  business  at 
Parkville.  They  used  to  say  that  was  an  abolition  paper,  an' 
that  it  belonged  to  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society  Company  &  Co. ;  but 
I  never  seed  no  abolitionism  in  that  paper ;  I  tuck  it  too,  an'  got 
'em  yet.  That  Park,  I  used  to  think,  was  a  pretty  decent  ole 
feller;  no  more  an  abolitionist  than  me,  and  I'd  like  to  see 
the  man  'ud  daar  call  me  an  abolitionist.  You  see  I  was  in  Park 
ville  at  the  time  the  muss  came  off;  an'  I  seed  them  smashing 
up  things  an'  throwin'  o'  'em  into  the  river.  I  tell  you,  I 
could  n't  stand  it.  I  jest  stepped  up  and  tole  'em  that  want  the 
way  to  do.  Says  I, '  Boys,  you  might  as  well  put  my  hoss  or  my 
ole  woman's  bureau  into  the  river,  as  that  ere  press.  That 's 
personal  property,'  says  I.  An'  Dr. says  to  me,  says  he, 


96  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

'  Shut  up  !  you  're  a  d d  old  fool ! '  an'  says  I,"  —  here  Mr. 

Thorpe  paused,  and  his  eye  turned  over  to  the  desk  where  the 
newspaper  reporters  were  sitting,  busily  engaged,  and,  pointing 
over  towards  them,  he  leaned  confidentially  forward  to  Mr.  How 
ard,  and  said,  in  what  he  intended  for  an  undertone  : 

"  Look-a-here,  I  did  speak  darned  sharp  to  the  Doctor,  and  I 
don't  want  to  use  any  bad  words  afore  them  smart  members  o' 
Congress." 

"  0,  never  mind,"  said  Mr.  Howard,  in  his  dry  way,  pointing 
with  his  hand  to  the  reporters'  bench,  "  these  smart  members  o' 
Congress  can  hear  what  you  have  to  say."  To  the  clerk,  "  Don't 
put  down  any  of  this  Parkville  matter,  of  course." 

"  Well,"  resumed  Thorpe,  "  I  could  n't  think  o'  usin'  such  words 
afore  them.  The  fact  is,  I  spoke  pretty  sharp,  an'  he  spoke  back 
sharper,  an'  I  hit  him,  an'  he  pitched  into  me,  an'  then  we  had 
it.  It  was  right  down  by  the  river,  an'  the  boys  were  busy  pitchin' 
in  them  type,  an'  breakin'  up  them  wooden  dishes,  an'  when  the 
Doctor  an'  I  got  to  fightin',  they  screeched  an'  hollored  an'  went 
to  bettin'  on  it ;  an'  then  some  o'  them  separated  us.  Well, 
we  've  ben  good  enough  friends  since.  Doctor  and  myself  had 
been  drinkin' ;  fact  is  they  were  all  a  drinkin'." 

"  I  suppose,  then,"  said  Mr.  Howard,  smiling,  "  it  was  merely 
the  bad  whiskey  that  did  it." 

"  0,  no,  no ;  the  liquor  was  good  enough,  that  wan't  it,  but 
you  see  the  boys  had  been  cuttin'  up  so  ;  an'  says  I,  '  Boys,  this  is 
a  breakin'  down  the  rights  of  American  citizens,'  an'  says  I  "  — 

"  Mr.  Thorpe,  can  you  tell  whether  any  of  these  men,  who  came 
into  the  territory  to  vote,  were  paid  for  doing  so  ?  " 

"  Well,  now,  that 's  mighty  hard  to  swar  to.  You  see,  I  be 
lieve  they  really  did  pay  a  lot  of  the  boys ;  some  of  them  told  me 
they  did ;  but,  you  see,  I  can't  swar  to  that.  There  's  my  own 
nephew,  —  he  came  all  the  way  up  from  Howard  County,  with  a 
company  to  vote.  He  came  over  to  see  me  and  our  folks  as  he 
went  along.  I  says  to  him,  says  I,  '  Jem  Thorpe,  han't  you 
nothin'  better  to  do  than  to  come  way  up  to  vote  in  the  territory  ?  ' 
Well,  he  told  me  that  they  wan't  busy  at  home,  an'  that  they  got  a 
dollar  a  day,  an'  their  expenses  an'  liquor ;  an  I  says,  '  Stop,  Jem 


WHAT  KANSAS  AND  MISSOURI  THOUGHT  OF  IT.  97 

Thorpe,  that 's  enough ;  you  can't  stay  in  my  house  to-night,  and 
nobody  can  that  goes  in  for  votin'  in  the  territory.  I  tell  ye 
•what,  boy,  I  've  always  been  down  on  that  kind  o'  thing.  I  an't 
no  abolitionist,  neither.  I  tell  you  I  'm  pro-slave.  I  'm  dyed  in 
the  wool,  and  can't  make  a  free-soiler;  but,  mind  what  I  say,  if 
the  boys  keep  a  cuttin'  up  so,  I  '11  come  over  to  the  territory  and 
'nitiate  Betsey.'  " 

Here  Mr.  Thorpe  made  the  "  young  man  read  the  documents  " 
to  see  if  he  had  "  got  'em  straight."  "  Tell  you  what  it  is,  boys," 
he  said,  "  I  've  got  to  give  an  account  o'  all  this  when  I  go  back 
to  the  state.  I  'm  willin'  to  stand  on  the  truth,  but  I  've  got  to 
have  it  mighty  straight."  Having  got  it  "  straight  "  enough  to 
his  notion,  he  wanted  the  clerk  to  sign  for  him,  as  he  said,  "  You  're 
more  used  to  that  kind  of  a  thing."  When  he  had  legalized  the 
document  with  his  own  hand,  he  looked  at  it  thoughtfully,  and, 
laying  his  hand  on  it,  sighed  as  he  said  solemnly : 

"Well,  boys,  that's  all  true,  but  it  an't  the  tenth  part  of  the 
truth." 

9 


CHAPTER    VII. 

THE   BOGUS   LEGISLATURE. 

IF  the  outrageous  fraud  by  which  the  Missourians  pretended 
to  elect  representatives  for  Kansas  astonished  the  world,  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  conclave  of  vagabonds,  assembled  under  this  mob 
authority,  were  still  more  astonishing.  Never  did  a  less  respon 
sible  body  of  men  assemble  under  the  pretence  of  making  laws. 
The  people  of  Kansas  ignored  them,  and  they  appeared  equally 
willing  to  ignore  the  people  of  Kansas  ;  and,  as  for  their  Missouri 
constituency,  it  was  merely  a  question  as  to  "  honor  among 
thieves  "  as  to  how  far  they  would  comply  with  their  wishes. 

Before  the  March  election  the  pro-slavery  men  were  suspicious 
of  Governor  Reeder,  and  feared  that  he  would,  at  least,  not  act 
with  them.  After  the  March  election,  and  when  Reeder  refused 
certificates  to  those  whose  seats  were  contested,  open  war  was  de 
clared  against  him.  Nor  did  they  intend  to  pay  the  least  atten 
tion  to  the  governor's  authority  in  calling  a  special  election.  In 
stead  of  leaving  the  people  of  each  district  to  attend  to  the  legal 
ity  of  the  election,  which  concerned  them,  a  number  of  the  lead> 
ing  pro-slavery  men  in  the  state  and  in  the  territory  went  to  the 
governor  to  induce  him,  by  persuasion  and  threat,  to  give  certifi 
cates  to  all  the  pro-slavery  men  elected.  Failing  to  do  this,  they 
held  a  meeting  at  the  then  seat  of  government,  and  passed  the 
following  resolutions  : 

"  SHWKKE  MISSION,  April  6th,  1855. 

"  At  a  me^ng  of  a  portion  of  the  citizens  of  Kansas  Territory, 
held  at  the  Shawnee  Mission  on  the  6th  inst.,  to  take  into  con 
sideration  the  course  to  be  pursued  by  them  in  the  event  of  a  new 


THE   BOGUS  LEGISLATIVE.  99 

election  being  called  for  the  purpose  of  electing  members  to  the 
Kansas  Legislature,  to  fill  the  places  of  those  who  have  been  re 
fused  certificates  of  election  by  Governor  lleeder,  a  committee 
was  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  some  plan  for  the 
consideration  of  the  meeting.  The  committee  retired,  and,  after 
short-  deliberation,  presented  the  following  resolutions,  which  were 
unanimously  adopted : 

"  Whereas,  there  are  elected,  and  to  whom  certificates  have 
been  granted,  a  majority  of  both  houses ;  and  whereas  the  right 
of  ordering  a  new  election  is  not  delegated  to  Governor  Boeder 
by  the  Kansas  bill,  except  in  case  of  a  tie,  or  where  a  vacancy  is 
caused  by  death  or  resignation  ;  and  whereas  the  right  to  decide 
all  cases  of  contested  elections,  for  the  Legislature,  is  clearly 
recognized  in  the  Kansas  bill,  and  by  the  governor  himself,  as 
belonging  to  that  body  alone  ;  therefore, 

"  Resolved,  That,  in  the  event  a  new  election  shall  be  ordered  by 
the  governor,  in  any  district,  we  recommend  to  every  law-abiding 
and  order-loving  citizen  of  Kansas  Territory,  not  to  attend  said 
elections,  but  rely  upon  the  returns  already  made  to  sustain  the 
claims  of  those  returned  heretofore  to  their  seats  in  each  house. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  secretary  of  this  meeting  have  these  'pro 
ceedings  published  in  all  the  public  journals  of  this  territory  which 
advocate  and  defend  the  rights  of  the  citizens  of  Kansas  Territory 
against  executive  usurpation. 

"  The  meeting  then  adjourned. 

"  J.  W.  FQUMAN,  Chairman. 
" JOHN  MARTIN,  Secretary" 

In  June,  Governor  Reeder  had  gone  East.  On  his  return,  he 
was  assailed  by  B.  F.  Stringfellow.  Stringfellow  called  on  the 
governor,  then  staying  at  Leavenworth,  and  took  him  to  task 
about  some  speeches  he  had  made  in  the  East  relative  to  the 
March  election,  and  the  share  that  Stringfellow  had  taken  in  it. 
After  some  words,  Stringfellow,  taking  advantage  of  the  reclining 
position  of  the  governor,  knocked  him  down  and  kicked  him.  The 
same  spirit  of  violence  characterized  the  proceedings  of  most  of 
these  border  men. 


100  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

The  Legislature  had  been  convened  to  assemble  at  Pawnee,  a 
new  town  which  had  been  laid  off  on  the  Kaw  river,  near  Fort 
Riley.  After  being  convened,  the  men  elected  by  fraud  at  the 
first  election  being  in  majority,  proceeded  to  turn  out  the  members 
elected  May  22d  at  the  special  election.  It  was  on  the  4th  of 
July  that  this  final  outrage  was  performed,  when  the  only  legiti 
mate  representatives  present  were  unceremoniously  thrust  out  by 
these  usurpers.  Their  places  were  given  to  the  pro-slavery  men 
whose  election  had  been  declared  invalid.  The  ground  taken  was 
that  the  governor  had  no  power  to  call  a  special  election  for  alleged 
fraud,  under  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  Nor  did  they  stop  there. 
M.  S.  Conway  had  been  declared  elected  to  the  council  at  the  first 
election.  He  was  a  free-state  man.  His  case  was  taken  into 
consideration,  and  he  was  expelled,  his  pro-slavery  competitor 
getting  the  seat,  Just  before  his  expulsion  he  sent  his  resignation 
to  the  governor.  This  only  left  one  free-state  man  in  the  body, 
Mr.  Houston,  in  the  lower  house.  This  gentleman  there  was  not 
the  slightest  pretext  for  ousting.  Finding  himself  thus  sur 
rounded  by  a  group  of  invaders,  who  had  no  right  to  legislate  for 
the  territory,  he  resigned  his  seat,  and  withdrew  from  them. 

Having  thus  got  their  body  properly  purified,  they  proceeded 
to  take  another  step.  They  had  assembled  at  Pawnee,  which  was 
more  than  a  hundred  miles  from  Missouri,  on  which  they  had  to 
depend.  As  they  intended  to  enact  a  code  of  laws  for  the  ter 
ritory  which  would  violently  outrage  the  people  in  it,  they  did 
not  feel  altogether  safe  so  far  into  the  territory  they  had  invaded. 
When  the  Legislature  passed  the  bill  adjourning  to  the  Shawnee 
Mission,  the  governor  vetoed  it.  This  measure  was  then  passed 
over  the  veto  by  a  two-third  vote.  The  governor  declared  that, 
by  the  act  of  removing,  the  Legislature  was  dissolved.  The  po 
sition  taken  by  him  was  that  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  vested  this 
power  in  the  governor ;  that  the  territorial  officers  under  federal 
appointment  must  keep  the  seat  of  government  where  they  were 
best  able  to  attend  to  their  duties  and  the  wants  of  the  territory. 
This  adjournment  would  necessarily  compel  the  federal  officers  to 
move,  and  the  organic  act  had  given  the  territorial  Legislature  no 
power  over  the  federal  officers.  These  were  the  arguments  used ; 


THE   BOGUS   LEGISLATURE.  '  101 

but  there  is  no  question  that  the  governor  was  heartily  sick  of  the 
Legislature.  Their  fraudulent  character  was  too  palpable.  Even 
the  certificates  they  held  from  him  could  not  cover  up  the  mon 
strous  iniquity ;  and  doubtless  these  suggested  that  the  evil  was  a 
great  and  radical  one,  which  required  and  ought  to  have  received 
promptly  a  great  and  radical  cure. 

The  Bogus  Legislature  adjourned.  During  this  short  sojourn  at 
Pawnee  they  indulged  in  the  affectation  of  privation  and  want  of 
accommodation.  When  they  started  from  Missouri,  as  most  of 
them  did,  they  brought  camping  apparatus  with  them,  and, 
although  there  was  a  hotel  at  Pawnee,  they  eschewed  it,  subject 
ing  themselves  to  the  great  inconvenience  of  camping,  in  order  to 
demonstrate  the  necessity  for  adjournment. 

At  the  mission  the  Legislature  were  at  home  ;  that  is,  they  were 
nearly  so.  It  was  only  one  mile  from  the  Missouri  line,  and 
four  miles  from  Westport.  Hacks  left  the  mission  every  evening, 
on  the  adjournment,  taking  the  members  to  Westport,  and  brought 
them  back  next  morning.  And  such  splendid  junketings  and 
racketings  these  fellows  had !  A  due  supply  of  spirits  was  brought 
in  bottles  and  jugs  each  morning,  in  order  to  keep  the  Legislature 
in  spirits  during  the  long  summer  days. 

The  amount  of  work  this  body  pretended  to  do  was  certainly 
imposing.  The  code  of  Kansas  laws  forms  a  thick  and  pon 
derous  law-book,  the  very  size  and  thousand  pages  of  which 
make  the  bare  idea  of  reading  it  something  fearful.  On  a  mode 
rate  estimate  it  would  have  taken  them  the  greater  part  of  the 
time  they  were  in  session  to  have  read  through  it  once.  The 
laws  made  by  them  were  chiefly  of  a  local  character,  all  those 
they  pretended  to  make  being  simply  transcripts  of  the  Missouri 
code.  To  make  them  conform  to  the  organic  act,  they  were  in 
the  habit  of  passing  separate  acts,  defining  the  meaning  of  words. 
Tims,  in  taking  up  some  Missouri  law,  they  would  pass  a  separate 
act,  in  which  it  set  forth  that  in  "  said  act "  the  word  "  state  "  was 
to  be  understood  as  meaning  "  territory."  In  this  way  the  most  of 
those  acts,  or  laws,  were  gotten  up,  and  were  passed  simply  by 
reading  the  title  of  the  bill. 

So  far  as  there  is  a  difference  between  the  Missouri  and  Kansas 
9* 


102  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

codes,  the  people  of  Kansas  have  the  worst  of  it.  So  far  as  concerns 
the  qualifications  of  electors,  and  members  of  the  Legislature, 
official  oaths  of  officers,  attorneys  and  voters  ;  the  mode  of  select 
ing  officers,  their  qualification,  the  qualifications  of  jurors,  and  the 
slave  code,  there  is  a  material  difference,  not  only  between  the 
code  of  Kansas  and  Missouri,  but  between  Kansas  and  any  other 
state,  or,  indeed,  any  country,  where  they  are  civilized  enough 
to  have  a  code  of  laws. 

Of  these  enactments  the  committee  of  Congress  testify  : 

"  By  the  '  Kansas  Statutes,'  every  officer  in  the  territory,  ex 
ecutive  and  judicial,  was  to  be  appointed  by  the  Legislature,  or  by 
some  officer  appointed  by  it.  These  appointments  were  not  merely 
to  meet  a  temporary  exigency,  but  were  to  hold  over  two  regular 
elections,  and  until  after  the  general  election  in  October,  1857, 
at  which  the  members  of  the  new  council  were  to  be  elected.  The 
new  Legislature  is  required  to  meet  on  the  first  Monday  in  Janu 
ary,  1858.  Thus,  by  the  terms  of  these  'laws, '  the  people  have 
no  control  whatever  over  either  the  legislative,  the  executive,  or 
the  judicial  departments  of  the  territorial  government,  until  a 
time  before  which,  by  the  gradual  progress  of  population,  the  ter 
ritorial  government  will  be  superseded  by  a  state  government. 

"  No  session  of  the  Legislature  is  to  be  held  during  1856,  but 
the  members  of  the  house  are  to  be  elected  in  October  of  that 
year.  A  candidate,  to  be  eligible  at  this  election,  must  swear  to 
support  Ihe  fugitive  slave  law,  and  each  judge  of  election,  and 
voter,  if  challenged,  must  take  the  same  oath.  The  same  oath  is 
required  of  every  officer  elected  or  appointed  in  the  territory,  and 
of  every  attorney  admitted  to  practise  in  the  courts. 

"  A  portion  of  the  militia  is  required  to  muster  on  the  day  of 
election.  *  Every  free  white  male  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
and  every  free  male  Indian  who  is  made  a  citizen  by  treaty  or 
otherwise,  and  over  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  and  who  shall  be 
an  inhabitant  of  the  territory,  and  of  the  county  and  district  in 
which  he  offers  to  vote,  and  shall  have  paid  a  territorial  tax,  shall 
be  a  qualified  elector  for  all  elective  offices.'  Two  classes  of  per 
sons  were  thus  excluded,  who,  by  the  organic  act,  were  allowed  to 
vote,  namely,  those  who  would  not  swear  to  the  oath  required, 


THE   BOGUS  LEGISLATURE.  103 

and  those  of  foreign  birth,  who  had  declared  on  oath  their  inten 
tion  to  become  citizens.  Any  man  of  proper  age,  who  was  in  the 
territory  on  the  day  of  election,  and  who  had  paid  one  dollar  as  a 
tax  to  the  sheriff,  who  was  required  to  be  at  the  polls  to  receive 
it,  could  vote  as  an  '  inhabitant,'  although  he  had  breakfasted  in 
Missouri  and  intended  to  return  there  for  supper.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  this  unusual  and  unconstitutional  provision  was 
inserted  to  prevent  a  full  and  fair  expression  of  the  popular  will  in 
the  election  of  members  of  the  house,  or  to  control  it  by  non 
residents." 

We  subjoin  copies  of  three  of  the  most  obnoxious  laws.  One 
relating  to  the  election  of  all  county  and  local  officers  by  the 
Legislature  directly,  thus  stripping  the  people  of  one  of  their  most 
valuable  privileges  and  means  of  security.  Despotic  and  outrage 
ous  beyond  all  precedent  though  this  proceeding  is,  it  still  was  a 
necessary  step.  Without  it,  all  their  laws  would  have  been  a  dead 
letter.  They  did  not  belong  to  the  territory,  and  the  people 
repudiated  them,  and  would  their  works  ;  hence  the  necessity  on 
their  part  to  reserve  the  appointing  power  in  their  own  hands,  so 
that  none  but  their  tools  should  be  permitted  to  execute  the  law. 

"  AN  ACT  TO  ESTABLISH  A  TRIBUNAL  FOR  THE  TRANSACTION  OF  COUNTY 
BUSINESS,    AND    TO   DEFINE   ITS   POWERS   AND  DUTIES. 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Governor  and  Legislative  Assembly  of 
Kansas  Territory. 

"  SECT.  1.  There  shall,  at  the  present  session  of  the  Legislative 
Assembly,  be  elected  by  joint  ballot  of  the  two  houses,  for  the 
term  of  four  years,  a  Board  of  County  Commissioners  for  each 
county  in  the  territory,  consisting  of  three  discreet  and  proper 
persons,  actual  residents  of  the  county  for  which  they  are  elected, 
of  not  less  than  twenty-one  years  of  age  ;  and  the  Legislative 
Assembly  shall,  every  four  years  hereafter,  proceed  in  the  same 
manner  to  elect  a  Board  of  such  Commissioners,  and  the  President 
of  the  Council  shall  grant  each  person  so  elected  a  certificate  of 
his  election,  signed  by  the  President  and  attested  by  the  chief 
Clerk  of  the  Council,  which  certificate  shall  be  by  such  commis- 


104  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

sioner  deposited  for  record  in  the  Recorder's  office  of  the  proper 
county. 

*  #  *  *  *  *  * 

11  SECT.  6.  The  Board  of  Commissioners  shall  appoint  all  sher 
iffs,  coroners,  assessors,  collectors,  justices  of-  the  peace,  con 
stables,  and  all  other  officers,  commissioners  or  agents,  provided 
for  by  law,  within  their  respective  counties,  except  in  such  cases 
as  other  modes  of  appointment  may  be  provided  ;  and  each  officer 
commissioner,  or  agent,  so  appointed,  shall  receive  a  certificate  of 
his  appointment,  as  provided  for  in  the  appointment  of  Clerk  of 
the  Board  of  Commissioners  aforesaid,  and  shall  in  like  manner 
cause  the  same  to  be  recorded." 

The  following  two  relate  to  the  regulating  of  slavery  in  the  ter 
ritory,  the  suppression  of  free  speech  and  free  press.  They  need 
no  comment. 

"  AN   ACT    TO   PUNISH   OFFENCES   AGAINST    SLAVE  PROPERTY. 

"SECT.  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Governor  and  Legislative  As 
sembly  of  Kansas,  That  every  person,  bond  or  free,  who  shall  be 
convicted  of  raising  a  rebellion  or  insurrection  of  slaves,  free 
negroes  or  mulattoes,  in  this  territory,  shall  suffer  DEATH. 

"  SECT.  2.  Every  free  person,  who  shall  aid  or  assist  in  any  re 
bellion  or  insurrection  of  slaves,  free  negroes  or  mulattoes,  or  shall 
furnish  arms,  or  do  any  other  act  in  furtherance  of  such  rebellion 
or  insurrection,  shall  suffer  DEATH. 

"  SECT.  3.  If  any  free  person  shall,  by  speaking,  writing,  or 
printing,  advise,  persuade  or  induce  any  slaves  to  rebel,  conspire 
against,  or  murder  any  citizen  of  the  territory,  or  shall  brino- 
into  print,  write,  publish,  or  circulate,  or  cause  to  be  brought  into, 
written,  printed,  published,  or  circulated,  or  shall,  knowingly,  aid 
or  assist  in  the  bringing  into  printing,  writing,  publishing,  or  cir 
culating  in  the  territory,  any  book,  paper,  magazine,  pamphlet,  or 
circular,  for  the  purpose  of  exciting  insurrection,  rebellion,  revolt, 
or  conspiracy,  on  the  part  of  the  slaves,  free  negroes  or  mulattoes, 
against  the  citizens  of  the  territory,  or  any  part  of  them,  such  per 
son  shall  suffer  DEATH. 


THE   BOGUS    LEGISLATURE.  105 

"  SECT.  4.  IF  any  person  shall  entice,  decoy,  or  carry  away  out 
of  this  territory  any  slave  belonging  to  another,  with  the  intent 
to  deprive  the  owner  thereof  of  the  services  of  such  slave,  he  shall 
be  adjudged  guilty  of  grand  larceny,  and,  on  conviction  thereof, 
shall  suffer  DEATH,  or  be  imprisoned  at  hard  labor  for  not  less 
than  ten  years. 

"  SECT.  5.  If  any  person  aid  or  assist  in  enticing,  decoying,  or 
persuading,  or  carrying  away,  or  sending  out  of  this  territory,  any 
slave  belonging  to  another,  with  the  intent  to  procure  or  effect  the 
freedom  of  such  slave,  or  deprive  the  owners  thereof  of  the  ser 
vices  of  such  slave,  he  shall  be  adjudged  guilty  of  grand  larceny, 
and,  on  conviction  thereof,  shall  suffer  DEATH,  or  be  imprisoned  at 
hard  labor  for  not  less  than  ten  years. 

"  SECT.  G.  If  any  person  shall  entice,  decoy,  or  carry  away,  out 
of  any  state  or  other  territory  of  the  United  States,  any  slave 
belonging  to  another,  with  intent  to  procure  or  effect  the  freedom 
of  such  slave,  or  to  deprive  the  owner  thereof  of  the  services  of 
such  slave,  and  shall  bring  such  slave  into  this  territory,  he  shall 
be  adjudged  guilty  of  grand  larceny,  in  the  same  manner  as  if 
such  slave  had  been  enticed,  decoyed,  or  carried  away  out  of  this 
territory ;  and,  in  such  case,  the  larceny  may  be  charged  to  have 
been  committed  in  any  county  of  the  territory,  into  or  through 
which  such  slave  shall  have  been  brought  by  such  person,  and,  on 
conviction  thereof,  the  person  offending,  shall  suffer  death,  or  be 
imprisoned  at  hard  labor  for  not  less  than  ten  years. 

"  SECT.  7.  If  any  person  shall  entice,  persuade,  or  induce  any 
slave  to  escape  from  the  service  of  his  master  or  owner,  in  this 
territory,  or  shall  aid  or  assist  any  slave  in  escaping  from  the  ser 
vice  of  his  master  or  owner,  or  shall  assist,  harbor,  or  conceal  any 
slave  in  escaping  from  the  services  of  his  master  or  owner,  he 
shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  felony,  and  punished  by  imprisonment 
at  hard  labor  for  not  less  than  ten  years. 

"  SECT.  8.  If  any  person  in  this  territory  shall  aid  or  assist, 
harbor  or  conceal  any  slave  who  has  escaped  from  the  services  of 
his  master  or  owner,  in  another  state  or  territory,  such  person 
shall  be  punished  in  like  manner  as  if  such  slave  had  escaped  from 
the  service  of  his  owner  or  master  in  this  territory. 


106  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

"  SECT.  9.  If  any  person  shall  resist  any  officer  while  attempt 
ing  to  arrest  any  slave  that  may  have  escaped  from  the  service  of 
his  master  or  owner,  or  shall  rescue  such  slave  when  in  the  cus 
tody  of  any  officer,  or  other  person,  or  shall  entice,  persuade,  aid 
or  assist  such  slave  to  escape  from  the  custody  of  any  officer  or 
other  person  who  may  have  such  slave  in  custody,  whether  such 
slave  may  have  escaped  from  the  service  of  his  master  or  owner 
in  this  territory,  or  in  any  other  state  or  territory,  the  person  so 
offending  shall  be  guilty  of  felony,  and  punished  by  imprisonment 
at  hard  labor  for  a  term  of  not  less  than  two  years. 

"  SECT.  10.  If  any  marshal,  sheriff,  or  constable,  or  the  deputy 
of  any  such  officers,  shall,  when  required  by  any  person,  refuse  to 
aid  or  assist  in  the  arrest  and  capture  of  any  slave  that  may  have 
escaped  from  his  master  or  owner,  whether  such  slave  shall  have 
escaped  from  his  master  in  this  territory,  or  any  state,  or  other 
territory,  such  officer  shall  be  fined  in  a  sum  of  not  less  than  one 
hundred  nor  more  than  five  hundred  dollars. 

"  SECT.  11.  If  any  person  print,  write,  introduce  into,  or  circu 
late,  or  cause  to  be  brought  into,  written,  printed,  or  circulated,  or 
shall  knowingly  aid  or  assist  in  bringing  into,  printing,  publishing 
or  circulating  within  this  territory,  any  book,  paper,  pamphlet, 
magazine,  handbill,  or  circular  containing  any  statements,  argu 
ments,  opinions,  sentiment,  doctrine,  advice,  or  innuendo,  calcu 
lated  to  produce  a  disorderly,  dangerous,  or  rebellious  disaffec 
tion  among  the  slaves  of  the  territory,  or  to  induce  such  slaves  to 
escape  from  the  service  of  their  masters,  or  to  resist  their  authority, 
he  shall  be  guilty  of  felony,  and  be  punished  by  imprisonment  at 
hard  labor  for  a  term  not  less  than  five  years. 

"  SECT.  12.  If  any  free  person,  by  speaking  or  writing,  assert 
or  maintain  that  persons  have  not  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in  this 
territory,  or  shall  introduce  into  this  territory,  print,  publish, 
write,  circulate,  or  cause  to  be  introduced  into  the  territory,  writ 
ten,  printed,  published,  and  circulated  in  this  territory  any  book, 
paper,  magazine,  pamphlet,  or  circular,  containing  any  denial  of 
the  right  of  persons  to  hold  slaves  in  this  territory,  such  person 
shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  felony,  and  punished  by  imprisonment 
at  hard  labor  for  a  term  of  not  less  than  two  years. 


THE   BOGUS    LEGISLATURE.  107 

"  SECT.  13.  No  person  who  is  conscientiously  opposed  to  hold 
ing  slaves,  or  who  does  not  admit  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in  this 
territory,  shall  sit  as  a  juror  on  the  trial  of  any  prosecution 
for  any  violation  of  any  of  the  sections  of  this  act. 

"  This  act  to  take  effect  and  be  in  force  from  and  after  the  15th 
day  of  September,  A.  D.  1855. 

"  J.  H.  STRINGFELLOW,  Speaker  of  the  House. 
"  Attest,  J.  M.  LYLE,  Clerk. 

"  THOMAS  JOHNSON,  President  of  the  Council. 
"  Attest,  J.  A.  HALDAMEN,  Clerk." 

"AN    ACT   TO   PUNISH   PERSONS   DECOYING   SLAVES   FROM     THEIR    MAS 
TERS. 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Governor   and  Legislative  Assembly  of 
Kansas  Territory. 

"  SECT.  1.  If  any  person  shall  entice,  decoy,  or  carry  away  out 
of  this  territory,  any  slave  belonging  to  another,  with  intent  to 
deprive  the  owner  thereof  of  the  services  of  such  slave,  or  with 
intent  to  effect  or  procure  the  freedom  of  such  slave,  he  shall  be 
adjudged  guilty  of  grand  larceny,  and  on  conviction  thereof' shall 
suffer  death. 

"  SECT.  2.  If  any  person  shall  aid  or  assist  in  enticing,  decoy 
ing,  or  persuading,  or  carrying  away,  or  sending  out  of  this  ter 
ritory,  any  slave  belonging  to  another,  with  intent  to  procure  or 
effect  the  freedom  of  such  slave,  or  with  intent  to  deprive  the 
owTner  thereof  of  the  services  of  such  slave,  he  shall  be  adjudged 
guilty  of  grand  larceny,  and  on  conviction  thereof  suffer  death. 

"SECT.  3.  If  any  person  shall  entice,  decoy,  or  carry  away  out 
of  any  state  or  other  territory  of  the  United  States,  any  slave 
belonging  to  another,  with  intent  to  procure  or  effect  the  freedom 
of  such  slave,  or  to  deprive  the  owner  thereof  of  the  services  of 
such  slave,  and  shall  bring  such  slave  into  this  territory,  he  shall 
be  adjudged  guilty  of  grand  larceny,  in  the  same  manner  as  if 
such  slave  had  been  enticed,  decoyed,  or  carried  away  out  of  this 
territory  ;  and  in  such  case  the  larceny  may  be  charged  to  have 
been  committed  in  any  county  of  this  territory,  into  or  through 


108  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

which  such  slave  shall  have  been  brought  by  such  person,  and  on 
conviction  thereof  the  person  offending  shall  suffer  death." 

Not  satisfied  with  having  usurped  their  seats,  passed  outrageous 
laws,  setting  the  territorial  executive  at  defiance,  etc.,  they  drew 
up  a  lengthy  memorial,  in  which  they  prayed  the  President  to 
remove  Governor  Heeder.  We  subjoin  the  two  most  noticeable 
paragraphs  in  the  memorial : 

"  Already  threats'  in  advance  have  been  made  that  no  respect 
would  be  shown  to  any  act  passed  by  this  Legislative  Assembly, 
whensoever  and  wheresoever  such  act  or  acts  may  be  passed. 
Several  papers  in  the  territory  boldly  advocate  this  position.  A 
man,  professing  to  have  been  elected  to  the  Legislature  (M.  F. 
Conway),  who  afterwards  tendered  his  resignation,  advocates  this 
doctrine  of  resistance.  The  governor  is,  and  has  been,  on  terms 
of  intimacy  with  these  very  persons ;  and,  with  him  as  their  leader, 
they  may  be  led  to  the  commission  of  acts  which  will  inevitably 
result  in  wide-spread  strife  and  bloodshed. 

"  In  conclusion,  we  charge  the  governor,  A.  H.  Keeder,  with 
wilful  neglect  of  the  interests  of  the  territory ;  with  endeavoring, 
by  all  the  means  in  his  power,  to  subvert  the  ends  and  objects 
intended  by  the  '  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill ; '  by  neglecting  the 
public  interests,  and  making  them  subservient  to  private  specu 
lation  ;  by  aiding  and  encouraging  persons  in  factious  and 
treasonable  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the  majority  of  the  citi 
zens  of  the  territory,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  in 
force  in  said  territory;  by  encouraging  persons  to  violate  the 
laws  of  the  United  States,  and  set  at  defiance  the  commands  of  the 
general  government ;  by  inciting  persons  to  resist  the  laws  which 
may  be  passed  by  the  present  Legislative  Assembly  of  this  terri 
tory  ;  and,  finally,  by  a  virtual  dissolution  of  all  connection  with 
the  present  Legislative  Assembly  of  this  territory." 

It  was  very  natural  that  these  Lycurguses  should  entertain 
doubts  about  the  validity  of  their  enactments.  That  these  might 
have  none  was  very  obvious.  Hence  they  resorted  to  a  mode  of 
ascertaining  their  validity  in  full  keeping  with  their  other  pro 
ceedings.  Instead  of  waiting  until  cases  should  arise  under  the 


THE    BOGUS  LEGISLATURE.  109 

law,  they  submitted  some  one  or  two  of  their  acts  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  territory.  That  court  was  organized  at  Shawnee, 
Missouri,  at  that  time,  doubtless,  with  some  such  an  object. 
Overlooking  the  facts  that  there  was  no  case  before  them,  that 
they  were  prejudging  any  case  that  might  arise  under  the  statute, 
that  the  party  who  itiight  be  interested  was  thus  condemned  with 
out  a  hearing,  and  that  the  whole  proceeding  was  irregular  and 
extra-judicial,  the  supreme  judge,  S.  D.  Lecompte,  and  one  of 
his  associates,  Rush  Elmore,  decided  in  favor  of  these  enactments, 
against  the  governor's  veto,  and  bolstered  up  a  lengthy  and  a  con 
fused  legal  opinion  on  the  subject  by  the  following  superb  piece  of 
irony : 

"  In  reaching  this  determination,  they  had  been  influenced  in 
no  small  degree  by  their  high  appreciation  of  the  constituent  ele 
ments  of  your  honorable  bodies.  Satisfied  thoroughly  that  in  the 
great  requisites  of  intelligence  and  public  virtue  the  Legislative 
Assembly  of  Kansas  will  compare  favorably,"  etc.,  etc. 

Nothing  could  be  cooler  than  that ;  and  yet  we  can  fan,cy  the 
sardonic  grin  of  even  these  worthy  justices  when  they  penned  it. 
An  honorable  body,  many  members  of  which  lived  in  Missouri, 
and  who  violated  their  oath  of  office  by  usurping  that  office ;  who 
had  then  plundered  the  public  of  right  and  security  by  appointing 
their  officers  for  them,  and  thus  imposing  a  host  of  foreign  petty 
tyrants  on  them ;  who  were  drunk  every  night  in  Westport,  and 
often  through  the  day  at  the  mission.  This  honorable  body,  how 
ever,  was  filling  a  very  important  place  in  a  great  drama  ;  a  fear 
fully  responsible  transaction,  in  which  some  of  the  first  officers 
of  the  nation  were  also  implicated.  It  was,  therefore,  necessary 
to  get  up  a  little  effervescence  of  this  kind  for  circulation  at  a  dis 
tance  ;  for  I  do  not  suppose  that  either  of  those  worthy  judges 
expected  that  any  one  in  Kansas  or  Missouri  would  do  more  than 
smile  at  it. 

Judge  Johnson,  the  other  associate  judge,  dissented  from  the 
opinion ;  affirming  that  any  attempt  to  decide  these  laws  valid,  as 
an  abstract  proposition,  and  before  a  case  arose  under  them,  was 
extra-judicial  and  irregular. 

The  attorne^y-general,  a  federal  officer,  also,  decided  along  with 
10 


110  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Lecompte  and  Elrnore.  This  assumption  of  the  powers  of  the 
bench  by  this  officer  was  of  a  piece  with  the  conduct  of  his 
compeers.  He  appended  the  following  to  this  elaborate  decision, 
immediately  under  their  signatures  : 

"  I  fully  concur  in  the  foregoing  opinion,  and  refrain  from  say 
ing  a  word  on  a  subject  so  well  discussed.  A.  J.  ISAACS." 

These  gentlemen  did  not  neglect  their  pecuniary  interests.  They 
had  the  assurance  to  request  Reeder's  dismissal  on  account  of 
alleged  land-speculations,  and  yet  immediately  commenced  similar 
or  far  niore  reprehensible  ones.  They  created  joint-stock  com 
panies,  bestowing  upon  them  extraordinary  privileges ;  chartered 
prospective  railroads,  giving  them  unheard-of  privileges ;  and  these 
charters  and  corporate  trusts  they  bestowed  on  their  own  mem 
bers.  Some  few  of  the  leading  border  ruffians,  who  had  placed 
them  in  the  position  they  held,  received  a  share  of  such  favors ; 
but  the  worthy  law-makers  were  accused  by  their  indignant 
friends  in  Missouri  of  keeping  everything  to  themselves. 

They  located  the  capital  at  Lecompton.  This  was  a  good  specu 
lation.  A  large  sum  of  public  money  was  to  be  expended  there 
in  building,  and  an  immense  plat  of  town  lots  was  formed  on  the 
selected  site.  All  of  the  present  territorial  Legislature,  the  terri 
torial  executive,  and  judiciary,  are  more  or  less  interested  in  this 
scheme.  It  is  generally  believed  that  each  of  the  members  of  the 
Legislature  got  a  share  in  Lecompton  for  his  vote. 

Nor  was  this  all  the  special  legislation  of  this  body.  In  cre 
ating  the  local  county  courts  they  appointed  themselves  to  nearly 
everything.  They  created  a  major-general  and  three  brigadier- 
generals  of  the  "  territorial  militia  "  from  their  own  number. 
William  P.  Richardson,  a  member  of  the  council,  and  really  a 
resident  of  Missouri,  was  elected  to  the  supreme  command,  and  L. 
J.  Eastin,  editor  of  the  Leavenworth  Herald,  H.  Cr.  Stricklar, 
also  a  member  of  the  council,  who  pretended  to  live  in  the  terri 
tory,  having  a  log  shanty  on  a  claim  unclosed  and  unfinished, 
and  William  Barber,  who  is  a  sort  of  Captain  Sutler,  brigadier- 
generals.  The  two  last  are,  in  my  opinion,  also  residents  of 
Missouri. 

In  connection  with  the  acquisitive  faculty  of  this  disinterested 


THE   BOGUS  LEGISLATURE.  Ill 

body,  I  append  the  following  letter,  sent  by  a  gentleman  in  Inde 
pendence  to  one  in  Lawrence,  immediately  after  the  adjournment 
of  the  Legislature.  It  is  a  precious  morsel  of  awakened  conscience 
and  righteous  indignation.  As  an  explanation  of  it,  I  may  state 
that  many  of  the  tools  of  the  pro-slavery  leaders  were  thoughtless, 
good-natured  young  men,  who  engaged  in  these  enterprises  through 
a  love  of  adventure,  and  because  it  was  fashionable  in  their  neigh 
borhood. 

" INDEPENDENCE,  Mo.,  Sept.  1,  1855. 

"  SIR  :  Aware,  as  I  am,  that  in  the  exposure  now  made  of  the 
contemptible  mobocratic  faction,  with  which  I  confess  with  shame  I 
have  hitherto  acted  on  the  Missouri  frontier,  I  am  placed  in  an 
unenviable  situation,  upon  the  maxim  that  '  the  biggest  rascal  is 
the  first  to  turn  state's  evidence  ; '  still,  I  am  actuated  by  the  belief 
that  the  best  reparation  I  can  make  for  the  injury  I  have  done 
society,  the  principles  of  republicanism,  and  particularly  the  rights 
of  the  actual  settlers  of  Kansas,  is  a  full  and  fair  exposition  of  the 
knavery  and  oppression  of  the  banditti  that  has  assumed,  under 
color  of  law,  to  reduce  them  to  the  abject  condition  of  slaves. 
And,  first,  it  is  true,  as  has  been  repeatedly  asserted  by  free-soil 
presses,  that  the  body  of  men  lately  assembled  at  the  Shawnee 
Mission,  in  said  territory,  and  which  has  just  adjourned,  was  com 
posed  mainly  of  foreigners  to  the  soil  of  Kansas,  and  whose  actual 
residence  was  in  the  State  of  Missouri.  In  illustration  I  furnish 
you  an  anecdote  of  an  occurrence  at  the  mission,  just  on  the  eve 
of  the  adjournment  of  these  political  missionaries.  An  acquaint 
ance  of  a  member,  who,  when  elected  to  represent  the  Fort  Scott 
district,  resided,  if  he  does  not  still  reside,  at  Lexington,  Mo.,  ap 
peared  at  the  mission  and  inquired  for  his  friend.  He  was  asked 
'  if  he  wished  to  see  the  member  from  Fort  Scott.'  His  reply 
was,  '  Fort  Hell !  —  I  wish  to  see  the  member  from  Lafayette 
County,  Mo.' 

"  Secondly,  it  is  conceded  here,  as  everywhere,  that  the  election 
was  a  fraud  on  the  actual  inhabitants  of  the  territory,  and  that 
this  legislative  body  was  elected  by  Missourians.  Pardon  another 
illustration.  The  Lawrence  district  was  known  to  be  free-soil ; 
a  body  of  from  five  to  six  hundred  Missourians  marched  upon  the 


112  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

town,  armed  with  guns,  pistols,  bowie-knives,  and  two  pieces  of 
cannon.  The  ordnance  was,  however,  left  with  the  rear-guard  at 
a  convenient  point  some  two  miles  from  Lawrence.  On  their 
arrival  they  cast  about  for  a  suitable  candidate,  —  one  who,  while 
subserving  their  schemes,  would  disgrace  his  ostensible  constitu 
ents.  This  creature  was  called  -  ,  formerly  a  waiter  and 

hostler  at  the  Union  Hotel,  in  Kansas,  Mo.,  from  whence  he  was 
dismissed  by  the  proprietor,  a  free-soiler,  because  of  the  inces 
sant  and  ultra  expression  of  his  ultra  and  rabid  abolition  senti 
ments.  It  seems,  however,  that  when  this  army  appeared  in  sight 
a  sudden  change  was  effected  in  the  gentleman's  mews.  When 
within  hailing  distance,  this  chap,  whose  enunciatory  apparatus  is, 
by  the  by,  somewhat  irregular  and  defective,  owing  to  the  absence 
of  a  bridge  between  his  nose  and  mouth,  gave  utterance  to  the 
following  announcement : 

"  '  Yente-eng  !  Inge  'ro-lavery,  'y  'od  ! ' 

"  So  the  army  elected  him  to  represent  Lawrence. 

"  As  glaring,  as  odious,  ay,  infamous  as  his  perfidy  appears,  I 
will  show  that  his  compeers  were  of  equal  turpitude.  In  the  first 
place,  if  they  concede  the  existence  of  a  federal  government,  which 
would  seem,  from  their  legislation,  matter  of  doubt,  they  have,  to 
say  the  least,  shown  no  manner  of  respect  for  its  enactments. 

"  In  the  second  place,  they  have  perpetrated  on  the  citizens  of 
Kansas  legislation  the  most  invidiously  partial,  discriminating,  and 
oppressive,  and  which  the  brief  lucid  intervals  in  their  drunken 
debauchery  failed  to  palliate  or  render  sufferable  in  the  judgment 
of  all  honorable  men.  But  we,  their  Missouri  constituents,  might 
have  pardoned  these  enormities,  inasmuch  as  we  were  not  the 
doomed  objects  of  their  vengeance,  and  only  suffered  in  the  good 
opinion  of  all  right-thinking  men  from  our  relation  to  that  body, 
—  of  which  most  of  us  are  now  heartily  ashamed,  —  had  our  rep 
resentatives  remembered  to  whom  they  owed  their  '  little  brief 
authority.'  But,  so  far  from  it,  every  railroad  company,  joint- 
stock  or  town  company,  proposed  to  be  incorporated,  must  embrace 
in  its  numbers  a  majority  of  this  Legislature.  But,  worst  of  all, 
they  have  the  modest  delicacy  to  appoint  themselves  to  nearly  all 
the  offices  created  by  them  during  the  session.  In  this  closing 


THE   BOGUS  LEGISLATURE.  113 

act  of  treachery  they  have  disappointed  the  just  expectations  of 
the  veterans  who  served  last  March  in  the  army  of  invasion,  and 
whose  unparalleled  sufferings  and  servitude  in  upholding  the  prin 
ciples  of  squatter  sovereignty  should  have  been  appreciated  and 
rewarded.  But  no.  The  judgeships,  commissionerships,  sheriff- 
alties,  etc.,  were  all  monopolized  by  our  servants;  and  we  who  did 
the  fighting,  and  the  '  cavorting,'  and  the  swearing  (when  the 
judges  of  election  required  it,  which  was  seldom),  are  left  to  starve 
at  home,  or  enlist  in  any  filibustering  enterprise  that  may  offer. 

"  In  conclusion,  I  regret  to  say  that  Atchison  and  Stringfellow 
are  dead  as  herrings  in  Missouri,  and  that  the  conservative  pro- 
slavery  party  is  ashamed  of  them,  and  regard  themselves  rowelled, 
and  repudiate  their  policy  and  tactics  in  toto. 

"ONE  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  INVASION. 

"  Editor  of  Herald  of  Freedom."" 
10* 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

REMOVAL  OF  REEDER  —  GOV.  SHANNON — THE  BIG  SPRINGS 
CONVENTION. 

THE  administration  had  determined  to  remove  Reeder.  Great 
efforts  were  made  to  form  a  plausible  pretext ;  for,  habitually  short 
sighted  although  the  national  executive  had  become,  it  had  still 
sufficient  glimmerings  of  sense  to  know  that  it  would  never  do  to 
make  the  real  motive  the  avowed  one.  The  Missourians  on  the 
frontier  were  clamoring  boisterously  for  his  removal,  and  he  was 
removed  accordingly.  He  was  accused  of  having  speculated  in 
Kaw  lands.  Now  ho  was  merely  one  of  a  company  that  proposed 
to  purchase  a  portion  of  the  Kaw  half-breed  lands,  provided  the 
general  government  would  sanction  such  a  purchase. .  The  pur 
chase  in  question  was  never  made.  It  would  naturally  be  inferred 
that  Gov.  lleeder  was  a  large  owner  of  real  estate  in  the  ter 
ritory  ;  such  is  very  far  from  being  the  case.  In  fact,  if  the  gen 
eral  government  intend  to  dismiss  governors  of  territories  for  land 
speculation,  they  may  dismiss  all  the  governors  we  have,  or  ever 
had.  I  have  yet  to  learn  that  the  governor  of  a  territory  should 
be  the  only  man  in  it  who  is  prohibited  from  speculating  in 
land. 

On  Reeder's  removal  the  office  was  tendered  to  Mr.  Dawson, 
of  Pennsylvania,  but  he  prudently  declined.  It  was  then  tendered 
to  and  accepted  by  Wilson  Shannon,  of  Ohio. 

Mr.  Shannon  is  a  man  past  middle  age.  His  form  is  tali,  but 
stoops  forward,  and  is  awkward  and  inelegant.  His  hair  is  gray, 
almost  white.  With  acquirements  not  much  above  mediocrity, 
and  abilities  rather  below  it,  it  is  difficult  to  comprehend  ho\v  he 
could  ever  have  been  Governor  of  Ohio.  Not  only  does  his  mind 


GOV.    SHANNON.  115 

ack  in  weight,  but  in  stability.  Little  confidence  although  the 
mblic  have  in  the  governor,  he  has  still  less  in  himself.  His 
crimes,  indeed,  proceed  not  so  much  from  his  venom  as  from  his 
weakness.  He  is  a  politician  without  being  a  statesman ;  not  one 
ol  the  cunning  adepts  at  political  chicanery,  but  a  working  politi 
cian,  of  the  abject  type,  who  permits  himself  to  be  moulded  and 
ised  by  others  merely  for  what  little  honor  or  interest  it  may 
.fford.  His  administration  will  ever  be  infamous,  because  it  is  one 
of  the  first  attempts  at  subjugating  the  American  people  by  cor 
rupt  and  despotic  rulers.  He  is  also  another  evidence  that  the 
weakest  man  is  often  the  greatest  tyrant.  He  is  no  Nero,  although 
like  that  tyrant  he  could  have  fiddled  while  Lawrence  was  in 
flames.  Neither  is  he  a  Duke  of  Alva.  He  is  one  of  those  men 
who  never  look  in  to  themselves  for  an  abiding  principle ;  habit, 
or  an  innate  tendency  that  way,  has  made  him  look  out  for  what 
others  said  and  others  would  pay  for. 

I  wish  I  could  throw  a  few  "  lights  "  among  these  "  shadows," 
in  order  to  relieve  the  picture,  and  give  it  a  look  of  patent  impar 
tiality  in  the  eyes  of  those  whose  conservatism  prevents  them  from 
taking  anything  like  an  extreme  view  of  either  men  or  things. 
He  is,  then,  a  good-natured,  easy  man,  except  in  certain  cases. 
A  political  habit  has  made  him  affable  to  all  who  are  in  the  circle 
of  his  possible  interests.  This  disposition  has  often  misled  some 
people  as  to  his  true  position.  In  his  company  they  would  find 
that  he  professed  regard  for  the  interests  and  rights  of  all,  and 
sometimes  deplored  or  affected  to  deplore  the  unfortunate  occur 
rences  resulting  from  his  bad  management  or  corrupt  intriguing 
with  party.  Many  have  thus  been  led  to  think  and  say  that  "  he 
was  not  such  a  bad  fellow,"  or  that  "  he  was  going  to  do  everything 
that  was  right  ?iow  ;  "  and  only  woke  up  to  the  delusion  on  the 
recurrence  of  some  startling  or  outrageous  act  with  which  he  was 
unquestionably  connected. 

I  do  not  know  that  it  is  necessary  to  the  veracity  of  an  account 
that  it  should  make  the  conduct  of  those  it  represents  sensible  or 
even  rational.  I  wish,  therefore,  to  appeal  for  the  veracity  of  my 
description  of  him,  and  to  urge  that  the  apparent  incongruities 
are  incident  to  the  subject.  Had  Governor  Shannon  been  a  good 


116  THE   CONQUEST  OF  KANSAS. 

disciple  of  temperance,  he  would,  in  all  probability,  have  been  a 
much  better  or  a  much  worse  governor.  As  it  is,  he  is  liable 
to  follow  an  erratic  course,  and  the  opinion  you  form  of  him 
depends  mainly  at  what  particular  stage  of  his  potations  you 
find  him.  While  at  member  of  Congress,  Mr.  Shannon  often 
gave  indication  of  these  symptoms  ;  but  the  care  of  an  estimable 
and  affectionate  daughter  saved  him  then  from  much  of  that  depth 
into  which  he  has  since  fallen.  She  watched  him,  guided  him, 
kept  him  sober,  and  even,  it  is  stated,  wisely  counselled  him  on 
his  public  course.  Would  that  the  administration  had  included 
her  name  in  the  territorial  appointments!  But  he  has  always 
been  a  "consistent  Democrat ;"  that  is,  according  to  the  modern 
rendering  of  the  term.  His  votes  on  that  question  (slavery  ex 
tension)  have  always  been  thrown  for  the  policy  of  the  South. 
He  has  filled  many  important  public  offices,  and  has  represented 
the  United  States  abroad  at  more  than  one  nation. 

When  Wilson  Shannon  received  his  appointment  as  Governor  of 
Kansas  he  immediately  set  out  for  the  territory.  An  effort  had 
been  made  by  the  border  men  to  secure  the  appointment  of  Secre 
tary  Woodson,  who  had  always  been  true  to  them ;  but,  though 
the  administration  yielded  to  them  in  everything  else,  it  insisted 
on  choosing  the  tool.  While  on  his  way  up  the  river,  Shan 
non  met  many  of  those  leading  Missourians  who  had  taken  an 
active  part  in  invading  the  territory.  With  these  he  associated, 
and  cordiality  was  exhibited  in  this  intercourse,  pregnant  with 
promise  for  the  future.  At  Westport,  Mo.,  one  of  the  most  vio 
lent  border  towns,  he  was  proffered  and  accepted  a  public  recep 
tion.  Besides  convivialities,  speeches  were  made,  all  relating  to 
the  policy  to  be  pursued  in  regard  to  the  territory.  To  have 
received  such  ovations,  and  have  such  interchange  of  sentiment  on 
Kansas  affairs  with  men  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  most  law 
less  and  outrageous  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  people  of  the 
territory,  was  certainly  inconsistent  with  the  dignity  of  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Kansas ;  but  if  a  doubt  of  its  impropriety  could  be  enter 
tained,  it  was  dissipated  by  the  speech  he  made  on  the  occasion, 
of  which  the  subjoined  is  the  report  of  the  able  correspondent  of 


GOVERNOR   SHANNON.  117 

he  Missouri  Democrat.  Its  accuracy  has  been  vouched  for  by 
many  who  heard  the  governor. 

•'  Gov.  Shannon  began  his  remarks  by  thanking  the  audience  for 
their  courteous  reception.  It  gratified  him,  he  said,  not  because 
i  was  personally  nattering,  but  because  it  showed  that  they  were 
not  disposed  to  decide  on  his  'official  career'  in  advance.  It 
showed  him  that  he  might  rely  on  'YOUR  AID'  in  endeavoring  to 
overcome  obstacles  which  he  was  aware  existed,  but  hoped  were 
not  insurmountable. 

;'  A  voice  —  'Yes,  you  shall  have  OUR  aid.' 

;'  He  regretted  to  see,  in  certain  portions  of  the  territory,  a  dis- 
3osition  to  nullify  the  laws  which  have  been  enacted  by  '  YOUR 
Legislature.'  This  was  a  revolutionary  movement  greatly  to  be 
ieplored.  He  '  regretted,'  he  said,  that  he  arrived  too  late  to 
make  the  acquaintance  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature.  He 
knew  nothing  of  the  laws  passed  by  them ;  but,  from  the  ability 
and  patriotism  of  the  gentlemen  who  composed  it,  he  doubted  not 
that  they  were  wise  and  judicious.  But,  even  if  they  were  not 
wise  and  judicious,  open  resistance  and  nullification  of  them  was 
not  the  proper  way  to  defeat  their  provisions.  If  they  were  un 
constitutional,  there  were  courts  to  appeal  to,  which  had  been  cre 
ated  for  the  purpose  of  deciding  such  questions. 

"  As  to  the  Legislature  that  had  recently  adjourned  at  the 
Shawnee  Mission,  he  regarded  it  as  a  legal  assembly  (cheers),  and 
thought  that  the  objections  to  its  power,  grounded  on  its  removal 
from  Pawnee,  were  puerile,  as  every  Legislature  enjoyed  the  right 
of  removing  the  seat  of  government  at  pleasure.  The  executive 
and  judiciary  of  the  territory  had  acknowledged  the  Legislature  as 
a  legal  body,  and  so  would  he  !  (Good.)  He  regarded  the  laws  as 
binding  on  every  citizen  of  the  territory,  and  would  use  all  his 
executive  power  and  authority  to  carry  them  into  effect.  (Cheers.) 

"  He  said  it  was  not  his  intention  to  address  them  on  the  vari 
ous  questions  that  divided  the  parties  in  the  territory  ;  perhaps  he 
did  not  understand  them,  and  he  had  not  expected  to  speak  on 
this  occasion. 

"To  one  subject,  however,  he  would  allude — slavery.  His 
official  life  and  character  were  not  unknown  to  a  portion,  at  least, 


118  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

of  the  citizens  of  Kansas.  He  had  no  intention  of  changing  his 
political  faith.  He  thought,  with  reference  to  slavery,  that,  as 
Missouri  and  Kansas  were  adjoining  states,  —  as  much  of  that  im 
mense  trade  up  the  Missouri v  which  was  already  rivalling  the 
commerce  between  the  United  States  and  some  foreign  countries, 
must  necessarily  lead  to  a  great  trade  and  perpetual  intercourse 
between  them,  —  it  would  be  well  if  their  institutions  should  har 
monize  ;  otherwise  there  would  be  continual  quarrels  and  border 
feuds.  He  was  for  slavery  in  Kansas.  (Loud  cheers.)" 

Gov.  Shannon  has,  I  believe,  denied  some  of  the  positions 
reported  in  this  speech ;  but,  as  his  subsequent  acts  have  more 
than  sustained  the  position  taken,  I  deem  all  proof  of  its  correct 
ness  unnecessary. 

As  if  the  fact  of  having  a  public  reception  at  Westport  was  not 
enough,  the  governor  rendered  his  position  still  more  plain  by  de 
clining  to  visit  or  hold  intercourse  with  some  of  the  most  promi 
nent  towns  in  the  territory.  He  took  up  his  residence  at  Shawnee 
Mission,  the  seat  of  government  chosen  by  the  Missouri  Kansas 
Legislature.  On  his  first  trip  up  into  the  territory  he  neglected 
to  visit  Lawrence,  then  the  most  important  town  in  it,  going  on  to 
Lecompton,  then  merely  a  paper  town  without  a  house.  Subse 
quently  he  had  occasion  to  go  through  Lawrence,  on  his  return  to 
the  mission.  The  people,  who  of  course  wished  him  for  a  friend, 
if  possible,  called  on  him ;  he  received  them  with  coolness,  held 
himself  aloof  from  the  citizens  of  the  place,  and  left  as  soon  as  he 
could,  having  declined  any  public  reception,  or  to  make  any 
speech,  or  in  any  way  to  show  sympathy  with  them.  His  pro 
ceedings  at  Westport,  coupled  with  this,  aroused  the  indignation 
of  many  of  the  settlers.  As  he  drove  off  from  Lawrence,  on  the 
occasion  referred  to,  a  few  boys  evidenced  the  sentiment  he  had 
awakened  by  groaning  for  him.  This  was  suppressed  by  the  dis 
creet  and  conservative,  but  was,  unquestionably,  an  honest  demon 
stration  of  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  regarded. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  Kansas  in  the  summer  of  1855. 
An  outside  Legislature,  inimical  to  their  interests,  and  hostile  to 
their  persons  and  opinions,  had  made  laws  for  them.  A  partisan 
judiciary  had  pronounced  on  the  validity  of  those  laws,  without 


GOVERNOR   SHANNON.  119 

hearing  a  case.  Gov.  Reeder,  who  seemed  inclined  to  do  them 
justice,  had  been  removed,  and  a  man  appointed  who  acted  with 
their  enemies,  and  who  declared  that  these  laws  must  be  obeyed, 
before  he  entered  the  territory  or  had  any  means  of  knowing  their 
true  character,  and  by  whom  imposed.  Under  these  circumstances 
there  appeared  to  be  but  one  remedy,  and  the  experience  of  other 
territories  suggested  the  remedy  and  supplied  the  precedent.  The 
state  movement  is  one  that  could  have  been  made  with  propriety 
at  any  stage  in  the  affairs  of  the  territory,  and  which  the  present 
exigency  promptly  called  for,  as  a  remedy  that  would  meet  the 
case,  and  restore  authority  to  govern  themselves  to  the  people  of 
Kansas.  In  regard  to  this  movement  the  committee  of  Congress 
affirms  : 

"  While  these  enactments  of  the  alleged  Legislative  Assembly 
were  being  made,  a  movement  was  instituted  to  form  a  state  gov 
ernment  and  apply  for  admission  into  the  Union  as  a  state.  The 
first  step  taken  by  the  people  of  the  territory,  in  consequence  of 
the  invasion  of  March  30,  1855,  was  the  circulation  for  signature 
of  a  graphic  and  truthful  memorial  to  Congress.  Your  committee 
find  that  every  allegation  in  the  memorial  has  been  sustained  by 
the  testimony.  No  farther  step  was  taken,  as  it  was  hoped  that 
some  action  by  the  general  government  would  protect  them'  in 
their  rights.  When  the  alleged  Legislative  Assembly  proceeded  to 
construct  the  series  of  enactments  referred  to,  the  settlers  were  of 
opinion  that  submission  to  them  would  result  in  depriving  them 
of  the  rights  secured  to  them  by  the  organic  law.  Their  political 
condition  was  freely  discussed  in  the  territory  during  the  summer 
of  1855.  Several  meetings  were  held  in  reference  to  holding  a 
convention  to  form  a  state  government,  and  to  apply  for  admission 
into  the  Union  as  a  state." 

Mass  meetings  and  conventions  were  held,  and  the  subject 
freely  discussed.  The  following  resolution,  adopted  at  one  of  the 
primary  mass  meetings,  will  evidence  the  character  of  the  move 
ment  : 

"  Resolved,  That  we,  the  people  of  Kansas  Territory,  in  mass 
meeting  assembled,  irrespective  of  party  distinctions,  influenced  by 
common  necessity,  and  greatly  desirous  of  promoting  the  common 


120  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

good,  do  hereby  call  upon  and  request  all  bona  fide  citizens  of- 
Kansas  Territory,  of  whatever  political  views  or  predilections,  to 
consult  together  in  their  respective  election  districts,  and  in  mass 
convention  or  otherwise  elect  three  delegates  for  each  representa 
tive  to  which  said  election  district  is  entitled  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  Legislative  Assembly,  by  proclamation  of 
Governor  Reeder,  of  date  19th  of  March,  1855;  said  delegates  to 
assemble  in  convention  at  the  town  of  Topeka  on  the  19th  day  of 
September,  185q>,  then  and  there  to  consider  and  determine  upon 
all  subjects  of  public  interest,  and  particularly  upon  that  having 
reference  to  the  speedy  formation  of  the  state  constitution,  with  an 
intention  of  immediate  application  to  be  admitted  as  a  state  into 
the  Union  of  the  United  States  of  America." 

The  first  convention  was  held  at  Big  Springs  on  the  5th  of 
September,  1855.  It  was  numerously  attended.  One  hundred 
delegates  were  present,  and  they  represented  every  district  and 
settlement  in  the  territory.  This  convention  had  several  objects. 
In  the  first  place,  it  repudiated  the  laws  and  officers  of  the  Mis 
souri  Kansas  Legislature,  and  declared  that  body  to  be  an  illegal 
usurpation.  They  made  a  call  for  another  delegate  convention  to 
be  holden  at  Topeka  on  the  17th  of  that  month,  to  determine 
whether  a  movement  to  organize  Kansas  as  a  state  should  be  set 
on  foot.  But  the  most  important  act  of  this  convention,  and  what 
made  it  the  starting-point  in  these  affairs,  was  the  nomination  of 
a  candidate  for  delegate  to  Congress.  Amongst  their  other  acts 
the  Bogus  Legislature  had  made  provision  for  an  election  to  be 
held  October  1st.  As  this  act  could  no  more  be  recognized  than 
any  other  of  a  body  declared  illegal,  and  as  the  qualifications 
required  of  voters,  in  the  shape  of  test  oaths  and  tax,  were  irreg 
ular,  in  violation  of  their  primary  rights,  oppressive,  and  illegal, 
they  determined  to  hold  an  election  on  a  different  day.  This 
election  was  to  be  regulated  by  the  prescribed  rules  of  the  March 
election,  excepting  so  far  as  appointing  judges,  etc.,  was  concerned. 
As  Governor  Shannon  was  hostile  to  the  movement,  and  recognized 
the  validity  of  the  Missouri  Kansas  Legislature,  he,  of  course,  was 
not  going  to  appoint  judges  of  election,  or  receive  returns.  Pro 
visions  were  made  for  this  by  an  "  executive  committee,"  which 


BIG   SPRINGS   CONVENTION.  121 

was  created  and  endowed  with  provisional  authority  to  assist  in 
organizing  a  state  government. 

Subjoined  are  the  most  important  of  the  proceedings  of  this 
body: 

"  Whereas,  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  guarantees  to 
the  people  of  this  republic  the  right  of  assembling  together  in  a 
peaceable  manner  for  their  common  good,  to  '  establish  justice, 
ensure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  pro 
mote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to 
themselves  and  their  posterity ; '  and  whereas  the  citizens  of  Kansas 
Territory  were  prevented  from  electing  members  of  a  Legislative 
Assembly,  in  pursuance  of  a  proclamation  of  Gov.  Reeder,  on  the 
30th  of  March  last,  by  invading  forces  from  foreign  states  coming 
into  the  territory  and  forcing  upon  the  people  a  Legislature  of  non 
residents,  and  others  inimical  to  the  interests  of  the  people  of 
Kansas  Territory,  defeating  the  objects  of  the  organic  act,  in  con 
sequence  of  which  the  territorial  government  became  a  perfect 
failure,  and  the  people  were  left  without  any  legal  government, 
until  their  patience  has  become  exhausted,  and  '  endurance  ceases 
to  be  a  virtue ; '  and  they  are  compelled  to  resort  to  the  only 
remedy  left  —  that  of  forming  •  a  government  for  themselves. 
Therefore, 

"  Resolved,  by  the  people  of  Kansas  Territory,  in  delegate  con 
vention  assembled,  that  an  election  shall  be  held,  in  the  several 
election  precincts  of  this  territory,  on  the  second  Tuesday  of  Oc 
tober  next,  under  the  regulations  and  restrictions  hereinafter 
imposed,  for  members  of  a  convention  to  form  a  constitution,  adopt 
a  bill  of  rights  for  the  people  of  Kansas,  and  take  all  needful 
measures  for  organizing  a  state  government,  preparatory  to  the 
admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  as  a  state. 

"Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  seven  be  appointed  by  the  chair, 
who  shall  organize  by  the  appointment  of  a  chairman  and  secretary. 
They  shall  keep  a  record  of  their  proceedings,  and  shall  have  the 
general  superintendence  of  the  affairs  of  the  territory,  so  far  as 
regards  the  organization  of  a  state  government ;  which  committee 
shall  be  styled  'THE  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE  OF  KANSAS  TERRI 
TORY.' 

11 


122  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  owe  no  allegiance  or  obedience  to  the 
tyrannous  enactment  of  this  spurious  Legislature ;  that  their  laws 
have  no  validity  or  binding  force  upon  the  people  of  Kansas,  and 
that  every  free  man  amongst  us  is  at  full  liberty,  consistently  with 
our  obligations  as  a  citizen  and  a  man,  to  defy  and  resist  them,  if 
he  choose  to  do  so. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  will  resist  them  primarily  by  every  peace 
able  and  legal  means  within  our  power,  until  we  can  elect  our 
representatives,  and  sweep  them  from  the  statute-book ;  and  that, 
as  the  majority  of  our  Supreme  Court  have  so  far  forgotten  their 
official  duty,  have  so  far  cast  off  the  honor  of  the  lawyer  and  the 
dignity  of  the  judge,  as  to  enter,  clothed  with  the  judicial  ermine, 
into  a  partisan  contest,  and,  by  an  extra-judicial  decision,  given 
opinions  in  violation  of  all  propriety,  have  prejudged  our  case 
before  we  could  be  heard,  and  have  pledged  themselves  to  these 
outlaws  in  advance,  to  decide  in  their  favor,  we  will,  therefore, 
take  measures  to  carry  the  question  of  the  validity  of  these  laws  to 
a  higher  tribunal,  where  judges  are  unpledged  and  dispassionate; 
where  the  law  will  be  administered  in  its  purity,  and  where  we 
can,  at  least,  have  the  hearing  before  the  decision. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  will  endure  and  submit  to  these  laws  no 
longer  than  the  best  interests  of  the  territory  require,  as  the  least 
of  two  evils ;  and  will  resist  them  to  a  bloody  issue  as  soon  as 
we  ascertain  that  peaceable  remedies  shall  fail,  and  forcible  resist 
ance  shall  furnish  any  reasonable  prospect  of  success ;  and  that, 
in  the  mean  time,  we  recommend  to  our  friends  throughout  the 
territory  the  organization  and  discipline  of  volunteer  companies, 
and  the  procurement  and  preparation  of  arms. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  cannot,  and  will  not,  submit  quietly  to  the 
surrender  of  our  great  *  American  birthright,'  —  the  elective  fran 
chise,  which,  first  by  violence,  and  then  by  chicanery,  artifice, 
weak  and  wicked  legislation,  they  have  so  effectually  accomplished 
to  deprive  us  of;  and  that  we  with  scorn  repudiate  the  '  Election 
Law,'  so  called,  and  will  not  meet  with  them  on  the  day  they 
have  appointed  for  the  election,  but  will,  ourselves,  fix  upon  a 
day  for  the  purpose  of  electing  a  delegate  to  Congress." 

In  pursuance  of  this  latter  resolution  steps  were  taken  to  hold 


BIG  SPRINGS  CONVENTION.  123 

a  popular  election  for  delegates  to  Congress  on  the  second  Tuesday 
of  October,  1 855.  The  convention  put  the  name  of  A.  H.  Reeder 
in  nomination.  Governor  Reeder  accepted  his  nomination  in  a 
speech  of  more  than  usual  fervor. 

"  As  he  paused,  there  was,  for  an  instant,  a  deep  silence,  as 
when  a  question  of  life  or  death  is  being  considered ;  every  man 
drew  a  long  breath,  but  the  next  instant  the  air  was  rent  with 
cries,  '  Yes,  we  will  strike  ! '  *  White  men  never  can  be  slaves ! ' 
'  Reeder ! '  '  Reeder ! '  '  Nine  cheers  for  Reeder  and  right ! ' 
During  his  speech  he  had  been  constantly  interrupted  by  shouts 
and  shaking  of  hands ;  but  now  the  enthusiasm  was  ungovernable, 
the  crowd  gathered  around  him  with  the  warmest  greetings." 

A  platform  was  chosen,  at  this  convention,  for  a  free-state 
party,  and  the  effort  made  to  organize  all  under  it  in  a  movement 
to  secure  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  free  state.  Below  is  a 
preamble,  and  a  synopsis  of  the  resolutions  : 

"  Whereas,  the  free-state  party  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas  is 
about  to  originate  an  organization  for  concert  of  political  action 
in  electing  our  own  officers  and  moulding  our  institutions ;  and 
whereas  it  is  expedient  and  necessary  that  a  platform  of  princi 
ples  be  adopted  and  proclaimed,  to  make  known  the  character  pf 
our  organization,  and  to  test  the  qualifications  of  candidates  and 
the  fidelity  of  members;  and  whereas  we  find  ourselves  in  an  un 
paralleled  and  critical  condition,  deprived  by  superior  force  of 
the  rights  guaranteed  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Kansas  Bill ;  and 
whereas  the  great  and  overshadowing  question,  whether  Kansas 
shall  become  a  free  or  slave  state,  must  inevitably  absorb  all  other 
issues,  except  those  inseparably  connected  with  it ;  and  whereas 
the  crisis  demands  the  concert  and  harmonious  action  of  all  those 
who,  from  principle  or  interest,  prefer  free  to  slave  labor,  as  well 
as  of  those  who  value  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  and  the 
guarantees  of  republican  institutions  by  the  constitution." 

The  first  resolution  invites  men  of  all  parties  to  join  in  the 
movement.  The  second  resolution  denounces  non-resident  voters, 
no  matter  where  from.  The  third  declares  it  the  policy  that 
Kansas  must  be  a  free  state.  The  fourth  expresses  a  determina- 


124  THE    CONQUEST  OF   KANSAS. 

tion  to  make  "  reasonable  provision  "  for  slaves  now  in  the  terri 
tory.  The  fifth  resolution,  that  no  negro,  bond  or  free,  shall  be 
permitted  to  come  to  the  territory  (this  being  the  celebrated  black- 
law  feature).  The  sixth  repudiates  the  charge  of  "  abolitionism," 
as  affixed  to  the  free-state  party.  The  seventh  asserts  the  doctrine 
of  state  rights,  and  discountenances  any  interference  with  the 
constitutional  rights  of  the  state  to  regulate  their  domestic  affairs. 
Sundry  other  resolutions  and  reports  were  adopted. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

DELEGATE   ELECTION — TOPEKA   CONVENTION. 

THERE  were  two  Topeka  conventions.  The  first,  a  primary  one, 
decided  that  the  territory  should  be  organized  into  a  state,  and 
provided  the  means.  Relative  to  the  proceedings  of  this  body, 
the  committee  of  Congress  report : 

"  They  met  at  Topeka,  on  the  19th  day  of  September,  1855. 
By  their  resolutions  they  provided  for  the  appointment  of  an 
executive  committee,  consisting  of  seven  persons,  who  were  required 
to  *  keep  a  record  of  their  proceedings,  and  shall  have  a  general 
superintendence  of  the  affairs  of  the  territory,  so  far  as  regards 
the  organization  of  the  state  government.'  They  were  required  to 
take  steps  for  an  election  to  be  held  on  the  second  Tuesday  of  the 
October  following,  under  regulations  imposed  by  that  committeb, 
'  for  members  of  a  convention  to  form  a  constitution,  adopt  a  bill 
of  rights  for  the  people  of  Kansas,  and  take  all  needful  measures 
for  organizing  a  state  government,  preparatory  to  the  admission  of 
Kansas  into  the  Union  as  a  state.'  The  rules  prescribed  were 
such  as  usually  govern  elections  in  most  of  the  states  of  the  Union, 
and  in  most  respects  were  similar  to  those  contained  in  the  procla 
mation  of  Governor  Reeder  for  the  election  of  March  30,  1855." 

The  election  for  delegates  to  the  constitutional  convention  was 
held  at  the  same  time  that  the  free-state  settlers  voted  for  dele 
gate  to  Congress.  The  pro-slavery  residents  of  the  territory 
refused  to  act  with  them,  the  existing  state  of  affairs  being  exactly 
suited  to  their  policy.  On  the  1st  of  October,  Whitfield  received 
some  three  thousand  votes  for  delegate,  at  the  election  fixed  by  the 
Bogus  Legislature,  and  received  a  certificate  from  Governor 
Shannon.  There  is  no  question  but  what  over  two  thousand  of 
11* 


126  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

the  votes  given  were  illegal  votes.  By  the  report  of  the  com 
mittee  upwards  of  eight  hundred  of  these  have  been  proved  to  be 
illegal ;  but  the  committee  did  not  institute  a  very  thorough  search 
into  this  election,  deeming  it  more  important  to  investigate  the 
March  election.  In  the  different  precincts  the  people  voted  for 
delegate,  throwing  twenty-eight  hundred  and  sixteen  votes  for 
Keeder.  In  some  of  the  precincts,  such  as  Atchison,  Kickapoo, 
Shawnee,  Church,  and  one  or  two  other  pro-slavery  points,  no  vote 
was  allowed  to  be  taken. 

About  this  time  there  was  a  rather  humorous  illustration  of 
border  ruffian  interference.  The  Bogus  Legislature,  amongst  its 
other  business,  divided  the  territory  into  counties.  Either  by 
accident,  or  on  account  of  the  multiplicity  of  business  before  them, 
they  negfected  to  locate  all  the  county  seats.  In  most  of  the 
counties  this  was  a  matter  of  no  consequence,  as  the  settlers  paid 
no  more  attention  to  the  location  of  counties  than  to  the  other 
action  of  that  body.  In  the  case  of  Leavenworth,  however,  there 
was  an  interesting  contest.  The  city  of  Leavenworth,  although  it 
contains  a  majority  of  free-state  men,  so  far  recognizes  the  Bogus 
Legislature  as  to  accept  a  city  charter  under  it.  In  doing  this, 
and  in  much  of  the  subsequent  conduct  of  the  people  there,  they 
were  influenced  partly  by  business  considerations,  and  partly  by 
timidity.  Although  the  resident  pro-slavery  population  was 
smaller  than  that  of  the  free-state,  still  it  was  numerous.  Again,  it 
is  situated  just  over  the  river  from  Platte  County,  —  a  convenience 
which  has  its  drawbacks  as  well  as  its  advantages.  The  business 
men  of  both  parties  in  Leavenworth  were  not  so  wrapt  up  in 
politics  as  to  overlook  money-making.  An  election  was  held  in 
Leavenworth  County  to  locate  the  county  seat.  This  occurred 
early  in  October.  Three  points  contended  for  the  honor.  Leav 
enworth,  the  largest,  and  now  the  largest  city  in  the  territory, 
felt  sure  of  it ;  so  sure  that  no  very  special  effort  was  made. 
Kickapoo  was  another  contestant.  Kickapoo  is  a  river  town,  be 
ing  some  ten  miles  up  the  Missouri  river  from  Leavenworth.  It 
is  a  cotton-wood  town  of  the  "  great  futurity  "  school,  and  does  a 
heavy  business  in  the  whiskey-retailing  line.  The  other  point, 
Delaware,  is  also  a  river  town,  eight  miles  below.  This  latter 


DELEGATE  ELECTION  —  TOPEKA  CONVENTION.   127 

place  has  an  admirable  faculty  for  making  a  great  place,  there 
being  scarcely  anything  of  it  now. 

As  Delaware  and  Kickapoo,  added  together  and  multiplied  by 
two,  would  not  make  Leavenworth,  it  was  clearly  evident  to  both 
modern  Kickapoo  and  Delaware  that  it  was  a  hopeless  case  unless 
"something  was  to  turn  up."  Previous  elections  had  taught  them 
a  lesson,  and  furnished  a  valuable  precedent.  Western  Missouri 
is  just  over  the  river  from  Kickapoo,  and  many  of  the  citizens  of 
the  former  place  have  an  interest  in  the  latter.  So  it  is  with  Del 
aware  ;  many  of  the  most  deeply  interested  speculators  in  this  yet- 
to-be  Babylon  live  in  Clay  and  Platte  Counties,  Missouri.  Under 
these  circumstances  it  is  not  wonderful  that  it  was  not  difficult 
to  arouse  an  interest  in  this  election  in  Missouri.  Another  thing 
against  Leavenworth  —  it  was  reputed  to  be  an  "  abolition  hole." 
The  election  came  off.  Leavenworth  polled  some  five  or  six  hun 
dred  votes,  which  I  suppose  the  town  and  county  adjacent  could 
do  at  that  time.  Between  Kickapoo  and  Weston  the  steam-ferry 
ran  free  all  day.  Missourians  poured  over  as  they  had  done  at 
former  elections,  being  naturalized  in  the  ferry-boat  by  a  cere 
mony  in  which  whiskey,  bread  and  cheese,  figured  extensively. 
Kickapoo,  which  might  have  been  able  to  poll  one  hundred  and 
fifty  votes,  rolled  up  eight  hundred  for  the  county  seat. 

At  Delaware,  also,  they  attended  to  their  interests.  A  steamer 
was  chartered  to  run  between  Delaware  and  any  point  on  the 
other  side  where  there  were  voters.  Public  sentiment  was  aroused 
by  a  band  of  music,  free  whiskey,  and  other  edibles,  and  kept 
aroused,  by  objurgations  on  the  "  d — d  abolitionists  of  Leaven 
worth  ! "  Delaware  struck  out  a  new  feature  in  electioneering. 
Instead  of  being  satisfied  with  one  day's  voting,  they  kept  their 
polls  open  and  the  boat  running  until  they  had  time  to  ascertain 
how  many  votes  had  been  polled  at  Kickapoo,  and  also  as  much 
longer  as  it  required  to  make  up  a  larger  vote.  By  the  evening 
of  the  third  day  they  had  obtained  nearly  nine  hundred  (they 
could  not  have  thrown  more  than  fifty  legal  votes) ;  so  the  polls 
closed  in  triumph.  The  first  authority,  to  whom  these  election 
returns  were  made,  declared  in  favor  of  Kickapoo ;  deciding  that 
keeping  polls  open  for  three  days  was  an  "unheard  of  irregular- 


128  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

ity."  Kickapoo  was  jubilant.  Leavenworth  felt  sore.  Her  pro- 
slavery  men  were  grievously  indignant.  So  long  as  this  kind 
of  operation  had  been  directed  against  the  "  abolitioners,"  it  was 
fun ;  but  now  they  began  to  realize  a  touch  of  "  squatter  sover 
eignty,  as  enunciated  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill."  The  Leav 
enworth  Herald,  whose  pro-slavery  editor  had  been  a  member  of 
the  Bogus  Council  of  the  Shawnee  Mission,  began  to  print  moral 
lessons  and  homilies  on  the  "  tendencies  of  these  things."  All  of 
the  respectable,  which  means  the  property-holding,  pro-slavery 
men  about  Leavenworth,  looked  solemn;  so  much  so  that  their 
friends  were  seriously  apprehensive  that  they  would  "  ketch  re 
ligion." 

The  Kickapoo  Pioneer,  a  fire-eating,  pro-slavery  paper,  taunted 
Mr.  Easton,  of  the  Leavenworth  Herald,  about  his  sudden  conver 
sion  to  the  "  purify-the-polls  "  doctrine  :  and  finished  a  somewhat 
sarcastic  article  by  asking,  "  Who  elected  you  to  the  Legislature  ?" 
This  was  severe,  but  fair.  In  the  dilemma,  the  Herald  got  off  the 
following  interesting  morsel,  being  part  of  a  "  grievous  article  " 
two  columns  long : 

"  Much  has  been  said  by  the  abolition  presses  throughout  the 
country  about  '  armed  invasions  of  Kansas  by  the  border  ruffians 
of  Missouri ; '  but,  as  we  then  asserted,  and  still  assert,  they  were 
acting  solely  in  self-defence ;  and  history  will  tell  of  the  purity 
of  their  purposes,  and  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  they  vindicated. 
They  came  here  actuated  by  the  noblest  of  human  sentiments, 
determined  to  ward  off  a  blow  which  was  aimed  against  their 
institutions,  and  against  their  peace.  As  such,  with  open  arms 
we  welcome  them ;  and,  when  victory  crowned  our  common  efforts, 
and  the  black  flag  of  abolitionism  was  trailed  in  the  dust,  how 
grateful  were  the  feelings  which  we  experienced  to  those  who  had 
rallied  with  us  to  a  hand-to-hand  encounter  with  the  aggressive 
foes! 

"  But,  did  any  pro-slavery  man  in  or  out  of  Kansas  for  a 
moment  imagine  that,  by  reason  of  such  elections,  Kansas  had  sur 
rendered  unconditionally,  and  that  Missouri  had  made  the  conquest 
of  the  territory  for  the  sole  use  and  benefit  of  Platte  County  upon 
her  border  ?  and,  worse  than  this,  to  be  made  the  plaything  and 


DELEGATE   ELECTION  —  TOPEKA    CONVENTION.        129 

puppet  of  a  few  demagogues  and  hucksters  in  Weston  and  Platte 
city  ?  The  idea  is  simply  absurd." 

Absurd  though  it  might  be,  it  still  was  a  "  fixed  fact."  Eveu 
Kickapoo  had  to  bite  the  dust  before  the  sovereign  will  of  "  ma 
jority."  The  election  was  referred  to  a  court,  which  decided  in 
favor  of  Delaware.  This  was,  at  least,  consistent ;  for,  as  all  the 
pro-slavery  courts,  which  means  all  the  courts  in  the  territory,  had 
decided  in  favor  of  bogus  authority,  it  was  not  going  to  do  to 
establish  so  dangerous  a  precedent  as  setting  an  election  aside  on 
account  of  any  irregularity. 

The  Constitutional  Convention  assembled  at  Topeka  on  the 
twenty-third  of  October,  1855.  It  was  by  far  the  most  respect 
able  body  of  men,  in  point  of  talent,  that  ever  convened  in  Kan 
sas  ;  indeed,  it  would  have  compared  favorably  with  legislative 
bodies  anywhere.  Talent  and  the  weak  vanity  which  apes  it  were 
there ;  true  virtue  and  a  more  plastic  school  of  morality ;  patri 
otism  and  nurnber-one-ism ;  "  outside  influence  "  and  a  lobby  ; 
sober,  staid,  business  habits,  brandy,  temperance,  whiskey,  prayers 
by  the  chaplain,  profanity,  and  oyster-suppers.  It  lacked  in  none 
of  the  great  essentials. 

It  was  composed  of  three  distinct  classes  in,  I  should  suppose, 
nearly  equal  proportions.  First,  there  were  the  stern  men  of 
unyielding  principles,  who  realized  the  full  responsibility  of  the 
struggle  in  Kansas;  and,  in  doing  so,  felt  the  necessity  of  making 
the  interests  of  the  cause  the  only  consideration  until  a  happier 
state  of  things  could  be  brought  about.  Then  there  was  a  class, 
mostly  young,  who,  while  deeply  sensible  of  the  interests  of  Kan 
sas,  were  not  entirely  oblivious  to  their  own.  These  were  true 
citizens  and  first-rate  free-state  men.  They  were  determined  to 
do  their  duty  by  the  country,  and  that  Kansas  should  go  ahead 
as  a  free  state,  and  that  they  should  go  ahead  with  it.  They 
were  not  anxious  about  any  present  emolument,  as  the  facilities 
for  obtaining  it  were  moderate,  very ;  but,  aware  that  Kansas  had 
to  cut  her  future  greatness  out  of  her  present  "  raw  material," 
were  anxious  to  be  manufactured  into  the  great  men  aforesaid. 
The  third  class  was  one  more  difficult  to  describe.  It  consisted  of 
politicians  who  were — no,  not  broken  down,  as  that  they  only 


130  THE   CONQUEST    OF  KANSAS. 

would  have  been  if  they  had  stayed  at  home ;  but,  in  short,  of 
"  men  who  had  seen  some  little  of  their  country's  service."  Some 
of  these  gentlemen  came  to  Kansas  without  any  ostensible  occu 
pation,  but  all  of  them  had  "  served  their  time  "  at  working  in 
wire.  As  manoeuvring  is  an  essential  part  of  legislation,  now-a- 
days,  they  were  highly  useful.  They  were  determined  not  to  let 
the  press  of  more  important  business  permit  them  to  neglect  the 
proper  formation  of  parties  in  the  territory.  As  this  was  merely 
a  philanthropic  desire  to  prevent  the  spread  of  political  unortho- 
doxy,  they  were,  of  course,  highly  commendable.  That  they  elec 
tioneered  with  the  young  members  was  natural ;  they  electioneered 
with  everybody.  As  soon  as  such  characters  see  a  man  they 
approach  him  by  the  irresistible  force  of  political  gravitation. 
They  grapple  him  by  the  button-hole,  and,  with  head  anxiously 
bent  towards  their  victim,  they  explain  "  the  meaning  of  all  this." 
It  may  be  that  they  were  eloquent  on  the  excellence  of  some  party, 
which  was  perfect,  immutable,  and  eternal ;  or  the  formation  of  a 
"  state  ticket "  as  soon  as  Kansas  should  "  come  into  our  glorious 
Union."  If  the  latter,  the  victim  was  assured  that  he  "  must  be 
a  candidate  for  something;  "  "  the  public  cannot  afford  to  lose  his 
services."  And,  if  the  victim  blush,  or  hesitate,  or  say  something 
about  "  not  caring  for  office,  only  will  let  my  friends  do  as  they 
please,"  the  politician  goes  off  in  a  wrapt  study  foj  a  moment,  and 
then,  as  if  inspired  by  an  idea,  releases  the  button-hole,  and,  slap 
ping  the  victim  on  the  shoulder,  exclaims,  "Look  here,  I  have 
it  —  I'll  attend  to  this  !  The  fact  is  we  must  act  together.  Union 
is  strength,  you  know."  Our  politicians  are  adepts  at  that  trick. 
Like  Satan,  they  make  free  to  offer  "all  the  kingdom  in  the 
world"  to  those  who  will  "  fall  down  and  worship  them." 

I  do  not  say  that  such  was  the  particular  convention  at  Topeka, 
in  order  to  show  it  was  a  corrupt  body.  I  believe,  take  it  all 
in  all,  it  was  as  honorable  and  devoted  as  any  representative  body 
ever  is  in  these  times.  Their  self-denying  position  was  a  guaran 
tee  for  their  sincerity.  I  only  mention  it  to  show  that,  in  all  the 
great  requisites  for  modern  law-making,  it  was  "  nothing  lacking." 
One  feature  there  was  not  in  the  convention,  that  is,  a  pro-slavery 
delegate.  There  were  men  from  the  South,  however. 


DELEGATE  ELECTION  —  TOPEKA  CONVENTION.   131 

Most  of  the  states  in  the  Union  were  represented.  The  close- 
calculating  man  from  "  way  down  east,"  in  Maine  or  New  Hamp 
shire,  the  impulsive  and  proud  South  Carolinian,  the  astute  and 
earnest  thinker  from  Massachusetts,  the  hospitable  and  frank 
member  from  Kentucky  or  Tennessee,  a  politician  from  New 
York,  an  old  hunker  or  fossiliferous  Whig  from  Pennsylvania,  or 
an  Ohio  man  who  had  "left  that  state  because  he  was  growing 
fanatical."  Then  there  was  a  fair  sprinkling  from  the  Western 
States,  —  Suckers,  Wolverines,  Hoosiers,  with  some  who  had  been 
to  Iowa  or  Wisconsin.  The  "  Old  Dominion"  had  a  couple  of 
representatives  who  dated  from  the  pine-girt  hills  of  Roanoke. 
There  was  an  English  clergyman ;  a  Baptist  preacher  from 
Missouri,  of  what  particular  "  shell "  I  cannot  say,  for  he  kept 
his  religion  within  it  while  at  Topeka.  A  son  of  the  "  Emerald 
Isle  "  was  also  there.  He  had  lived  in  Indiana,  in  Tennessee,  — 
but  I  tire  the  reader. 

The  business  of  the  convention  progressed  with  considerable 
expedition.  There  was,  of  course,  the  usual  amount  of  speechi 
fying  ;  but  no  more  than  was  requisite  for  the  "political  economy  " 
of  the  body.  The  majority  of  the  members  worked  night  and 
day,  —  by  day  in  the  hall,  at  night  in  the  committee-rooms.  Each 
man  who  could  get  a  copy  of  the  constitution  of  the  state  he  came 
from,  did  so,  and  when  anything  varying  from  that  standard  was 
offered,  rose  to  explain  that  such  a  feature  "  was  not  in  the  consti 
tution  "  of  "  Indiany,"  or  "  Pennsylvany."  By  dint  of  the  friction 
a  constitution  was  produced,  —  as  good  a  specimen  of  organic  law 
as  can  be  found  in  the  West,  with  rather  less  of  a  statutory  char 
acter  than  is  usually  placed  in  such  documents. 

By  this  constitution  it  was  decided  that  "  slavery  shall  not  ex 
ist  in  the  state ;  "  although,  by  express  provision,  those  slaves  now 
in  the  territory  are  permitted  to  be  held  in  it  until  July  4th,  1857. 
The  boundaries  are  those  laid  down  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill ; 
although  a  definition  of  the  boundaries  to  include  only  two  hun 
dred  miles  of  the  north-eastern  portion  was  strongly  advocated. 
Married  women,  under  this  constitution,  are  to  be  secured  their 
right  to  property  obtained  either  before  or  after  marriage,  and  an 
equal  right  to  control  or  educate  their  children.  In  all  prosecu- 


132  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

tions  for  libel,  the  truth,  as  alleged,  is  to  be  given  in  evidence,  and 
received  as  a  justification.  A  state  university  and  normal  schools 
are  to  be  established.  The  judiciary  is  to  be  elective.  Civilized 
and  friendly  Indians  are  to  be  admitted  to  citizenship.  An  amus 
ing  discussion  occurred  on  this  measure,  relative  to  the  words  in 
the  report,  when  drafted,  "  shall  conform  to  the  habits  of  the 
whites;"  it  being  believed  that  some  of  the  "habits  of  the 
whites  "  would  make  a  rather  singular  basis  for  the  elective  fran 
chise,  or  political  power  generally.  It  was  suggested  that  the  ca 
pacity  to  drink  a  pint  of  raw  whiskey  be  deemed  an  evidence  of 
"  conforming  to  the  habits  of  the  whites."  Topeka  was  selected 
as  the  temporary  seat  of  government;  the  location  of  a  perma 
nent  seat  being  left  with  the  Legislature.  Some  little  time  was 
consumed  by  a  venerable  Whig  from  "  the  Commonwealth  of  Penn 
sylvania,"  who  wished  that  Kansas  be  not  called  a  state,  but  the 
"  Commonwealth  of  Kansas."  The  proposition  was  not  adopted. 

To  this  constitution  there  were  two  addenda.  One  of  these 
was  a  provision  for  a  free  banking  system.  The  other  was  a  reso 
lution  of  instructions  to  the  first  Legislature,  requiring  them  to 
frame  a  law  to  exclude  free  blacks  from  settling  in  the  territory. 
These  two  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  as  separate  articles. 
The  article  relative  to  the  exclusion  of  free  negroes,  called  the 
"  black-law,"  created  considerable  discussion.  Many  wished  to 
include  it  in  the  constitution.  This  resolution  was  one  of  the 
humbugs,  or  tests,  which  decide  nothing,  while  they  create  a  party. 
In  deciding  upon  its  merits  neither  Legislature  nor  people  took  a 
true  or  comprehensive  view  of  the  question.  To  have  a  commu 
nity  of  white  people  only  is  certainly  desirable ;  but,  instead  of 
discussing  this  in  connection  with  its  comparative  justice  and  hu 
manity,  the  whole  issue  turned  thus.  An  advocate  of  the  measure 
would  get  a  man  by  the  button-hole,  and  say : 

"  Look  here,  —  this  black -law  is  a  great  thing.  They  accuse 
us  Kansas  folks  of  being  abolitionists.  Now  we  an't  abolition 
ists,  are  we  ?  " 

"No,  SIR!" 

"  No,  sir-ee  —  I  know  we  an't ;  so  the  thing  is  to  vote  for  the 
'black-law,*  and  that  will  prove  we  an't  '  abolitionists.'  " 


DELEGATE  ELECTION  —  TOPEKA  CONVENTION.   133 

So  Kansas  voted  for  the  "black-law"  to  demonstrate  that  she 
was  not  an  "  abolitionist." 

It  was  on  a  Saturday  night  when  the  convention  drew  its  labor 
to  a  close.  For  some  days  back  the  revising  committee  had  been 
working  night  and  day.  At  last  the  organic  law  was  finished,  and 
the  members  of  that  convention  clustered  round  to  sign  it.  Their 
names  stand  recorded  in  the  order  I  take  them. 

ROBERT  KLOTZ.  —  Major  Klotz  was  a  Pennsylvania  Democrat, 
of  the  days  when  there  was  a  Democracy  in  Pennsylvania;  but 
he  eschews  the  "national"  kind.  He  was  an  officer  in  Mexico, 
and  served  gallantly  at  the  National  Bridge.  He  has  reddish  hair 
and  whiskers,  which  circle  his  good-humored  face  like  a  flame  of 
fire ;  and  he  has  a  happy  faculty  for  laughing  himself,  which  gen 
erally  spreads  like  contagion  whenever  he  gets  on  his  feet  to  speak. 
He  did  not  indulge  in  long  speeches ;  but  would  occasionally  rise 
with  a  sharp  or  sarcastic  question  "  for  information,"  and  spoke 
whenever  he  fancied  anything  wrong  was  about  to  occur. 

MARCUS  J.  PARROTT.  —  Mr.  Parrott  is  a  lawyer,  —  a  South  Car 
olinian  by  birth,  but  who  came  from  Ohio  to  Kansas.  He  is  a 
young  man  of  dark  complexion  and  Southern  temperament.  He 
was  an  administration  Democrat  when  he  came  to  Kansas ;  but 
I  scarcely  feel  safe  in  laying  down  dates  for  the  opinions  of  this 
class  of  politicians  after  they  have  experienced  "  squatter  sove 
reignty  as  enunciated  under  the  Kansas  Nebraska  bill."  Of 
thorough  acquirements  and  profound  thought,  he  was  yet  paralyzed 
by  a  listless  indolence  truly  Southern. 

MARK  W.  DELAHAY  is  a  character,  —  a  Democrat  of  the 
"  majority  "  kind.  He  came  to  Kansas  a  worshipper  of  "  squat 
ter  sovereignty  as  enunciated,"  etc. ;  and  regarded  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  as  the  "  greatest  moral  hero  of  the  age."  Mr.  Delahay 
spoke  often.  In  person  he  is  tall  and  dignified ;  for  his  face,  take 
a  portrait  of  the  Czar  Nicholas,  and  add  a  little  saturnine  expres 
sion.  When  he  speaks,  he  has  a  habit  of  leaning  forward  and 
poking  out  his  arm,  with  his  hand  and  forefinger  stretched  as  if  he 
had  got  an  idea  on  the  end  of  it,  and  was  anxious  to  send  it  home. 
He  said  in  the  convention  that  he  "  would  as  soon  buy  a  nigger 
as  buy  a  mule  ;  "  which  I  believe ;  and,  indeed,  think  he  would 
12 


134  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

rather,  if  lie  got  it  for  the  same  money.  He  was  the  laborious 
advocate  throughout  the  session  of  a  resolution  to  endorse,  save 
and  redeem  Douglas  and  his  Kansas  Nebraska  bill.  As  a  politi 
cian  he  is  earnest,  as  a  free-state  man  conservative,  as  a  gentle 
man  bland  and  serene.  He  is  not  a  Maine-Law  fanatic. 

W.  R.  GRIFFITH  I  do  not  clearly  remember.  The  ghost  of 
something  like  a  quiet  figure,  rising  once  or  twice  to  a  point  of 
explanation,  comes  occasionally  and  vaguely  on  my  mental  retina, 
and  makes  me  think  I  have  seen  him ;  but  I  will  not  be  positive. 

G.  S.  HILLIER. —  Mr.  Hillier  is  a  Western  man.  I  think  he 
was  a  Whig,  but  has  been  a  Republican  in  Kansas.  He  is  tall, 
pleasant-looking,  and,  I  think,  a  family  man,  from  his  appearance. 
He  spoke  often  briefly,  but  never  made  a  formal  speech,  and 
seemed  to  think  it  more  important  to  "  watch  "  than  to  pray. 

WM.  HICKS  was  a  quiet  n^ember,  who,  in  remembering  he  was  a 
free-state  man,  seemed  to  sink  most  of  his  other  political  views. 
He  voted  quietly  and  consistently. 

S.  N.  LATTA.  —  Judge  Latta  has  been  a  conservative  Whig  ; 
sympathized  with  the  conservative  national  men,  and  finally  grew 
into  a  conservative  Republican.  He  is  a  very  useful  man  withal. 
Never  made  a  speech  of  any  lenglh,  but  spoke  when  he  had  some 
thing  to  say.  He  is  a  tall  man,  of  uncertain  age,  and  a  bachelor. 

JOHN  LANDIS  looks  like  a  border  ruffian  ;  but  he  is  not.  A 
right  stanch,  good  free-state  man  he  has  been.  I  am  not  positive 
about  his  politics,  but  I  think  he  is  some  kind  of  a  Democrat. 

C.  W.  STEWART,  H.  BCRSON,  J.  M.  ARTHUR,  and  J.  L.  SATLE. 
—  These  are  very  fair  specimens  of  the  quiet  members  of  the 
convention.  They  spoke  occasionally,  but  never  inflicted  speeches. 
They  are  AVestern  men,  or  have  been  for  some  time  in  the  West. 

CALEB  MAY  is  a  character;  a  Missourian,  tall,  dark-vis 
aged  and  stern.  He  is  one  of  those  men  you  would  not  like  to 
meet  for  an  enemy.  He  was  a  free-state  man,  of  the  black-law 
school,  but  had  a  remembrance  that  he  had  been  a  Democrat. 
He  was  a  good  and  true  man,  however,  but  rigid  and  stern. 

SAMUEL  MEWHINNY  spoke  seldom  in  the  convention,  but  was 
listened  to  respectfully  when  he  did. 


DELEGATE    ELECTION  —  TOPEKA    CONVENTION.        135 

A.  CURTIS.  —  Mr.  Curtis  spoke  often,  but  never  long.  He  was 
zealous  on  the  black-law. 

ALMON  HUNTING  is  one  of  those  dark-garmented,  white  neck- 
clothed,  estimable  gentlemen,  whom  you  can  no  more  convert 
into  a  Western  man  by  bringing  him  West,  than  you  can  cultivate 
an  Osage  orange  into  a  dahlia.  He  is  an  elderly  gentleman. 
He  was  a  working  man,  and  kept  a  close  watch  of  business.  I 
think  he  is  a  Republican. 

R.  KNIGHT.  —  The  Rev.  Richard  Knight  was  an  Englishman 
and  a  clergyman.  A  man  of  ability,  he  was  fully  conscious  of  its 
possession.  As  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Education,  he 
devoted  much  of  his  attention  to  that  department.  An  ultra  anti- 
slavery  man,  he  carried  his  opinions  to  an  extreme  which  prevented 
him  from  having  sufficient  respect  for  those  who  differed  from  him. 
He  was  tall,  and  striking  in  figure,  but  not  handsome.  Cold, 
self-possessed,  and  selfish,  he  walked  through  the  convention  not 
loved,  but  respected. 

O.  C.  BROWN.  —  Mr.  Brown,  like  the  other  members  of  the 
great  family  of  Brown,  was  a  person  of  some  consequence,  and 
rather  a  prominent  member. 

W.  GRAHAM. —  Dr.  Graham  is  a  son  of  the  Emerald  Isle, 
although  you  would  scarcely  recognize  him  as  one.  He  has  been 
in  Tennessee  and  Indiana,  and,  I  believe,  some  other  states,  and 
has  become  westernized.  He  is  a  short,  chunky  man;  was  a 
Democrat  till  his  party  went  off  and  left  him. 

MORRIS  HUNT.  —  Philosophers  who  find  a  resemblance  between 
sound  and  sense  will  trace  a  pleasant  instance  in  our  friend 
Morris  Hunt !  How  pleasant  and  euphonious  the  name  !  and  just 
so  the  pleasant-faced,  blue-eyed  down-easter.  Judge  Hunt,  be 
sides  one  labored  speech,  made  a  great  many  less  ambitious  efforts. 
He  had  been  a  Whig  ;  may  be  one  yet,  for  aught  I  know. 

J.  H.  NESBITT.  —  Mr.  Nesbitt  might  have  set  for  Rembrandt's 
"  Jew ;  "  dark-visaged,  and  dark-bearded.  He  took  a  fair  share 
in  the  proceedings,  and  was  of  the  Democrats. 

C.  K.  HOLLIDAY.  —  Mr.  Holliday  is  a  Pennsylvanian,  a  lawyer, 
and  a  man  of  ability.  He  was  often  out  of  the  hall,  but  held  a 
respectable  position  when  in  it. 


136  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

DAVID  DODGE.  —  Mr.  Dodge  came  from  Iowa  to  Kansas,  and  I 
forgot  where  he  was  from  formerly.  He  was  a  lawyer,  a  bachelor, 
arid  a  Democrat ;  the  two  latter  phases  he  may  change,  as  he  is 
young  yet.  He  is  one  of  those  fine  young  men,  whom  I  can  conscien 
tiously  recommend  to  all  mothers  of  marriageable  daughters.  He 
introduced  quite  a  creditable  proposition  about  the  location  of  the 
capital.  It  was  a  theory,  however,  and  theory  now-a-days  never 
locates  capitals. 

J.  A.  WAKEFIELD.  —  I  have  already  given  some  account  of  the 
judge,  and  must  not  trespass  on  the  reader's  patience ;  but  to 
dismiss  the  venerable  gentleman  in  this  way  would  not  do.  What 
should  we  have  done  at  that  Topeka  Convention  without  those 
speeches  of  Judge  Wakefield's  ?  There  was  something  delicious  in 
them,  which  broke  the  dull  monotony  of  egotism  and  politics. 
The  judge  is  an  old  man.  He  is  a  Western  man ;  a  Virginian 
to  begin  with.  He  has  been  in  Kentucky,"  Eelenoy,"  Iowa,  and 
was  one  of  the  first  settlers  in  Kansas.  The  judge,  amongst  his 
other  accomplishments,  has  a  faculty  for  quoting  Latin.  He  has 
"  ben  a  judge  whar  there  was  thirty  lawyers  a  practisin' ;  "  has 
filled  a  prominent  sphere  in  politics.  He  fills  a  large  sphere  any 
where. 

W.  Y.  ROBERTS.  —  Mr.  Roberts  came  from  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania.  He  has  been  in  the  Legislature  of  that  state,  a  fact  of 
which  he  informed  the  convention  repeatedly  during  the  session. 
Tall,  rigid,  slim,  and  attenuated,  he  looked  like  a  mummy  which 
had  undergone  the  process  of  resuscitation.  Upon  parliamentary 
usage  he  was  aufait.  It  was  delightful  to  contemplate  him  as 
he  rose  to  correct  some  juvenile  members  for  a  breach  of  rules,  or 
to  explain  considerately  to  the  unenlightened  how  such  and  such 
things  ought  to  be.  On  these  occasions  his  small  eye  glistened 
with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  a  man  who  feels  how  much  of  a  blessing 
it  is  for  the  world  to  enjoy  his  services,  and  he  pointed  his  long, 
bony  finger,  as  if  both  Cushing's  and  Jefferson's  manuals  were 
condensed  at  the  end  of  it.  He  was  the  living  impersonation  of  a 
Pennsylvania  Hunker  Democrat. 

Gr.  W.  SMITH.  —  When  I  first  saw  the  portly  and  venerable 
figure  of  Judge  Smith  I  regarded  him  as  the  "  tallest  man  "  in 


DELEGATE   ELECTION  —  TOPEKA   CONVENTION.        137 

the  convention.  He  was  a  Pennsylvania  Whig,  slightly  old  fogy- 
ish.  The  judge  has  seen  some  little  public  service  in  his  time, 
and  is,  upon  the  whole,  a  sensible  man.  He  made  good  speeches, 
but  rather  lost  caste  on  account  of  some  voting,  which  the  critical 
did  not  choose  to  regard  as  consistent.  He  is  an  open  and  frank 
personage. 

J.  A.  THOMPSON  I  have  been  trying  to  remember.  I  have  a 
favorable  impression  of  him,  though  my  memory  will  not  carry  me 
into  the  particulars. 

G.  A.  CUTLER.  —  The  doctor  is  a  young  Kentuckian,  and  a 
pretty  good  fellow.  He  spoke  often,  and  made  one  rather  affect 
ing  effort  in  favor  of  the  "  black-law."  He  is  a  republican,  but 
has  a  holy  horror  of  "  niggers"  and  "  abolitionists." 

J.  K.  GOODIN,  of  Blanton's  Bridge,  north  end,  is  an  expatriated 
Buckeye,  having  been  all  his  life  a  "  consistent  Democrat."  He 
got  into  disgrace  by  not  knowing  how  to  vote  on  the  "  Delahay 
resolution,"  endorsing  Douglas.  He  begged  to  be  excused.  The 
convention  would  not  excuse.  "Well,  you  must  excuse  me  —  I 
cannot  vote,"  said  Joel,  in  the  most  lamentable  tone ;  but  the  con 
vention  was  inexorable. 

J.  M.  TUTON.  —  The  Rev.  J.  M.  Tuton  has  been  a  Missourian, 
but  not  of  the  border  ruffian  caste.  Although  a  "  divine,"  he  has 
some  faith  in  temporal  weapons,  for  I  have  seen  him  flourish  a 
long  Western  rifle  in  circumstances  where  there  might  have  been 
a  chance  for  him  to  use  it.  He  spoke  often  on  the  current  busi 
ness.  He  had  sometimes  trouble  to  catch  the  speaker's  eye,  and 
I  have  seen  him  stand  for  five  minutes  at  a  time  in  hopes  of  filling 
a  vacancy.  He  was  a  "  black-law  man,"  and  was  generally  "  down 
on  "  everything  he  was  pleased  to  consider  "  abolitionism."  He 
was,  singularly  enough,  opposed  to  allowing  slave-owners  more 
than  one  year  to  take  their  slaves  from  the  territory,  declaring, 

"  I  kem  to  Kansas  to  live  in  a  free-state,  an'  I  don't  want 
niggers  a'  trampin'  over  my  grave." 

THOMAS  BELL  has  not  left  an  impression  on  my  memory  strong 
enough  to  put  on  paper. 

11.  H.  CROSBY.  —  Mr.  Crosby  was  the  youngest  member  of  the 
convention.  He  came  from  "  'way  down  in  Maine,"  but  has 
12* 


13b  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

recently  been  in  Wisconsin.  A  republican,  young,  earnest,  and 
enthusiastic,  he  received  some  sharp  twitting  from  the  older  and 
more  experienced  politicians. 

P.  C.  SCHUYLER.  —  Judge  Schuyler  was  by  far  the  most  digni 
fied-looking  member  of  the  convention.  An  old  man,  of  large 
figure,  and  gray  hair,  unusually  dignified  and  urbane.  He  spoke 
often,  is  a  republican  in  politics,  and  took  an  active  part. 

J.  S.  EMERY.  —  Mr.  Emery  was  an  active  member.  A  young 
New  Yorker,  a  Democrat  (not  national),  ambitious,  and  nervous; 
he  held  a  respectable  place. 

I  have  been  thus  particular  in  drawing  these  pictures,  for  this 
was  an  important  body  in  Kansas  history,  and  all  its  phases  are 
worth  remembering. 

Two  of  the  most  important  characters  who  figure  in  the  conven 
tion  I  have  not  spoken  of  yet,  and  they  have  been  the  two  most 
prominent  men  in  the  territory.  I  mean,  J.  H.  LANE,  who  was 
president  of  the  convention,  and  CHARLES  ROBINSON. 

I  will  not  attempt  a  portraiture  of  either  of  these,  as  my  feel 
ings  might  mislead  me.  I  subjoin  an  article  on  them  both,  penned 
by  one  of  the  ablest  writers  who  ever  wrote  about  Kansas,  and 
who  was  well  qualified  to  write  about  these  men.  I  will  merely 
state,  Colonel  Lane,  the  president  of  the  convention,  was  also  the 
Democratic  leader  of  the  convention.  Robinson  was  the  leader  of 
the  Republicans.  Lane,  with  all  his  faults,  was  not  without  many 
good  qualities.  He  was  indefatigable,  restless,  warm-hearted,  and 
brave;  as  a  politician,  he  was  "of  the  politicians."  Robinson 
was  the  very  reverse  of  Lane.  To  strangers  reserved,  and  almost 
cold ;  he  never  courted  popularity  by  seeking  favors  with  all.  He 
has  many  of  the  elements  out  of  which  great  men  are  made ;  but 
I  leave  the  picture  to  the  writer  of  the  annexed  extracts : 

"  Kansas  has  more  great  men,  perhaps,  than  any  other  country 
of  its  size  and  age  on  the  globe.  If  any  one  doubts  this,  we  need 
only  refer  to  our  Atchisons  and  Stringfellows,  our  Smiths  and 
Lanes,  our  Pomeroys  and  Robinsons,  to  vindicate  triumphantly 
our  position.  Deferring,  until  a  future  occasion,  particular  men 
tion  of  all  others,  we  proceed  to  speak  of  two  —  Governor  Robin 
son  and  General  Lane  —  whose  names  have  been  associated  more 


DELEGATE   ELECTION — TOPEKA    CONVENTION.       139 

intimately,  perhaps,  with  our  political  affairs,  than  any  others. 
We  shall 

'  Speak  of  them  as  they  are  — 
Nothing  extenuate  or  set  down  aught  in  malice.' 

Robinson  is  cool-headed,  cautious,  and  calculating;  just  the  man 
to  plan  and  direct.  Lane  is  hot-headed,  rash,  regardless  of  con 
sequences,  but  not  wanting  in  bravery  ;  just  the  man  to  carry  out 
the  plans  and  directions.  Robinson  looks  ahead,  counts  the  cost 
of  everything,  weighs  every  consideration,  no  matter  how  trifling, 
and  comes  to  an  unchangeable  conclusion.  Lane  looks  only  to  the 
present,  acts  only  for  to-day,  never  gives  a  thought  about  how  his 
acts  will  appear  in  history,  and  considers  a  '  bird  in  the  hand 
worth  two  in  the  bush.'  Whilst  Robinson  thinks  communities, 
like  children,  must  have  time  to  grow  and  mature,  Lane  would 
move  further  West  in  search  of  a  faster  people,  if  Kansas  did  n't 
get  to  be  a  well-formed,  full-grown  state  at  a  jump.  Robinson  is 
an  Eastern  man ;  Lane  is  a  cross  between  a  Western  mountaineer 
and  a  Broadway  dandy.  One  never  was  known  as  a  politician ; 
the  other,  until  lately,  was  never  known  as  anything  else.  Neither 
are  finished  speakers.  Robinson  is  a  good  thinker,  and,  we  should 
judge,  writes  better  than  he  speaks.  Lane  can't  sit  still  long 
enough  to  write  anything,  if  he  can  write  at  all.  He  has  always 
been  used  to  mounting  a  stump,  whenever  an  idea  struck  him  as 
worthy  of  notice,  and  '  letting  off '  extemporaneously.  He  is  a 
capital  stump  orator;  his  style  is  not  Ciceronian,  nor  Websterian  ; 
it  is  not  copied  from  the  classic  masters ;  it  is  peculiarly  Laneish. 
Here  's  a  portraiture,  drawn  from  life.  Time  and  place,  night 
and  a  crowded  meeting;  a  tall,  wiry,  Hoosierish-looking  fellow 
mounts  the  stand ;  both  hands  in  his  breeches'  pockets ;  both  eyes 
shut ;  mouth  full  of  tobacco.  Somebody  in  a  remote  corner  of  the 
hall  commences  stamping ;  others  take  it  up,  and  the  applause  be 
comes  general.  Quiet  restored,  the  fellow  on  the  stand  straightens 
his  face  and  legs,  and  commences :  '  The  American  flag  still 
waves  —  STILL  WAVES  !  Beneath  its  stars  and  stripes,  we  will 
oppose  any  and  all  attempts,  come  from  whatever  source,  to  tram 
ple  upon  our  rights  as  American  citizens  — AS  AMERICAN  CITIZENS!  ' 
&c.  As  he  warms  with  his  subject,  he  makes  fewer  repetitions 


140  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

and  more  gestures,  letting  fall  unique  sayings  and  good  hits  in 
chunks.  If  a  ludicrous  idea  strikes  him  -while  soaring  aloft 
spread-eagle  fashion,  he  sputters  it  out,  even  if  it  spoils  what  he 
has  just  said.  « It 's  worth  as  much  to  hear  Colonel  Lane  speak, 
when  he  lets  himself  loose,  as  it  is  to  go  to  the  Theatre,'  is  a  com 
mon  remark  with  Young  America.  In  short,  as  Micawber  would 
observe,  Lane  is  great  on  '  turning  up,'  —  is  here,  there,  and  every 
where  at  the  same  time  —  to-day  at  the  bottom,  to-morrow  at  the 
top  of  the  heap ;  always  on  the  strongest  side ;  a  groat  lover  of 
excitement,  and  will  have  it ;  a  great  lover  of  office,  and  will  have 
it ;  will  always  be  a  favorite  with  the  people,  and  will  be  true  to 
them  —  so  long  as  they  are  true  to  him." 

Such  were  the  component  parts  of  the  Topeka  convention,  and 
such  the  result  of  their  labors.  Saturday  night  was  lost  in  Sun 
day  morning  when  those  labors  were  completed ;  but  there,  in  that 
hall  in  Topeka,  in  the  darkness  of  the  midnight,  these  men,  as  the 
representatives  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  pledged  themselves  to 
sustain  the  movement  thus  given  to  the  world.  When  they  had 
finished  their  work,  three  long  and  loud  cheers  were  given  for  the 
"  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Kansas,"  and  the  echoes  of  that 
cheer  broke  the  stillness  around  the  slumbering  Topeka,  and  echoed 
far  up  the  valley  of  the  Kaw. 


CHAPTER  X. 

PAT  LAUGHLIN —  PARDEE  BUTLER  —  LAW  AND  ORDER 
CONVENTION. 

EARLY  in  the  summer  of  1855,  a  young  Irishman,  named  Pat 
rick  Laughlin,  who  lived  in  the  territory  near  Doniphan,  became 
an  active  participant  in  the  free-state  movement.  He  had  been 
reputed  a  pro-slavery  man  at  first,  but  affected  to  be  impressed  in 
favor  of  free-state  principles  out  of  sympathy  with  the  free-state 
men,  and  condemnation  of  the  conduct  of  Missouri.  After  the 
March  election  meetings  were  held  in  the  neighborhood  of  Doni 
phan,  as  they  were  held  in  all  parts  of  the  territory,  to  discuss  the 
state  of  affairs  and  devise  a  remedy.  Into  these  meetings  Laugh 
lin  intruded  himself  under  pretence  of  being  a  convert  to  the 
cause.  Mr.  Laughlin  is  a  young  man  under  thirty.  He  has  re 
sided  in  Kentucky,  in  which  state  I  believe  he  kept  a  grocery  for 
a  short  time.  His  person  is  rather  under  middle  height,  and  thick 
set.  His  head  is  large,  face  rather  flabby,  red  and  pimpled.  He 
exhibited  some  little  ability,  had  received  a  good  common  educa 
tion,  would  speak  passably  well,  and  was  possessed  of  an  unusual 
amount  of  cunning.  In  the  free-state  meetings  he  pretended  to 
have  been  converted  from  the  pro-slavery  faith  by  the  outrages  of 
the  Missourians,  and  was,  under  the  circumstances,  willing  to 
work  to  make  Kansas  a  free  state.  During  the  summer  he  was 
elected  one  of  the  delegates  from  Doniphan  precinct  to  the  Big 
Springs  Convention. 

At  this  time  the  necessity  of  arming  the  people  of  the  territory, 
and  putting  them,  if  possible,  in  the  shape  of  an  available  military 
force,  was  keenly  felt.  It  was  by  violence  and  force  of  arms  that 
the  rights  of  the  citizens  of  Kansas  had  been  wrested  from  them, 


142  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

and  it  was  only  by  resistance  that  the  recurrence  of  such  outrages 
could  be  prevented.  Different  opinions  prevailed  as  to  how  this 
should  be  done.  The  timidly  conservative,  afraid  to  do  anything 
that  might  draw  the  attention  of  their  enemies,  and  perhaps  pre 
cipitate  an  attack,  offered  objections  to  nearly  every  scheme  pro 
posed,  and  steadily  refused  their  assent  to  all  efficacious  means. 
The  great  masses,  however,  were  willing  to  have  an  organized 
popular  militia,  to  act  openly  and  devote  such  time  as  could  be 
spared.  The  difficulty  in  the  way  of  this  was  the  time  it  would 
consume.  The  settlers  were  all  hurried  with  their  buildings, 
their  business,  or  their  farms,  and  could  only  be  induced  to  desert 
these  to  drill  or  wield  arms  when  the  danger  became  so  imminent 
as  to  bring  the  moment  of  action ;  nevertheless,  independent 
military  companies  were  formed  in  many  localities,  and  an  effort 
made  to  secure  arms,  of  which  the  settlers  were  deficient.  Be 
sides  these  organizations  several  secret  military  organizations 
were  formed.  The  most  important  of  these  was  the  Kansas 
Legion.  Its  object  was  to  enroll  men  to  be  ready  at  any 
moment  for  the  defence  of  the  territory.  It  also  had  signs 
and  passwords,  by  which  one  member  could  appeal  to  others  for 
assistance  in  case  he  was  attacked  by  the  common  enemy.  They 
were  bound  by  an  obligation  to  secrecy.  This  organization,  which 
has  acquired  some  celebrity,  never  held  the  position  in  the  terri 
tory  which  it  is  often  supposed  to  have  held.  It  was  short  in  its 
duration,  and,  while  most  flourishing,  was  limited  in  extent  as 
regards  the  territory.  Many  of  those  who  enrolled  in  it  disap 
proved  of  its  unnecessary  secrecy,  got  tired  of  its  useless  require 
ments  and  formality,  and,  while  they  saw  nothing  really  improper 
in  its  character  or  objects,  contended  that  these  would  be  better 
served  with  independent  companies.  Besides,  its  secrecy  and 
mode  of  operating  gave  an  opportunity  of  filling  important  places 
in  it  to  men  who  had  not  the  confidence  of  their  respective  commu 
nities.  It  was,  to  some  extent,  an  imitation  of  the  Blue  Lodge  of 
Missouri,  although,  unlike  that  body,  it  did  not  propose  to  inter 
fere  with  the  rights  of  others,  but  only  to  defend  its  own.  From 
the  secret  character  of  the  organization,  and  the  causes  I  have 


PAT   LAUGHLIN.  143 

enumerated,  it  fell  into  disrepute  a  few  months  after  it  was  organ 
ized. 

Into  this  Kansas  Legion  Pat  Laughlin  was  admitted,  and  suc 
ceeded  so  far  in  gaining  confidence  that  he  was  chosen  to  form 
boveral  new  encampments,  and  did  so.  At  the  Big  Springs  Con 
vention  he  made  most  zealous  declarations  in  favor  of  free-state 
principles,  and  was  placed  on  some  of  the  most  important  com 
mittees.  Returning  to  Doniphan,  Laughlin  formed  an  encamp 
ment  or  branch  of  the  Kansas  Legion,  and  administered  the  oath 
of  secrecy  to  a  considerable  number  of  the  citizens  of  that  place, 
whom  the  necessity  for  defence  and  the  novelty  of  the  mode  pro 
posed  induced  to  join  it.  Amongst  those  thus  initiated  was  a 
Mr.  Collins,  who  had  a  saw-mill  in  Doniphan.  Mr.  Collins  was 
a  Western  man,  a  prominent  free-state  man  in  that  locality,  and 
became  an  officer  in  the  Legion  referred  to. 

At  what  particular  moment  Pat  Laughlin  concluded  to  desert 
the  cause  in  which  he  was  thus  actively  engaged,  or  whether  he 
had  been  all  along  a  spy  and  a  traitor,  is  and  must  remain  a  mys 
tery.  His  own  statements,  about  an  awakened  conscientiousness 
and  sudden  opening  of  his  eyes  to  the  evils  of  this  organization, 
are  clearly  incredible.  His  neighbors  in  Doniphan  do  not  hesi 
tate  to  state  that  he  was  bought  up,  and  even  specify,  amongst 
other  articles  received,  "  a  cow."  Whether  such  purely  merce 
nary  motives  prevailed  with  him,  or  if  he  felt  that  he  could,  in 
the  position  and  with  the  power  entrusted  to  him,  make  more  by 
going  back  to  the  pro-slavery  men  than  by  remaining,  is  a  matter 
of  no  consequence.  He  began  to  covenant  with  the  pro-slavery 
leaders,  not  only  about  Doniphan  but  in  Atchison  and  over  in 
Missouri,  and  after  due  deliberation  published  his  expose,  which 
obtained  some  little  notoriety  at  the  time,  from  the  fact  that  the 
pro-slavery  press  were  anxious  to  publish  anything  that  would,  or 
might,  militate  against  the  free-state  men.  In  this  publication 
Laughlin  not  only  distorted  the  facts,  but  made  many  misstate- 
ments ;  still  a  perusal  of  his  expose  offers  nothing  particularly 
remarkable. 

Had  Laughlin  remained  content  with  making  the  expose,  it 
probably  would  have  elicited  nothing  more  than  the  hearty  con- 


144  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

tempt  of  all  with  whom  he  had  been  acting.  He  was  taken  by  the 
hand,  patronized  by  the  pro-slavery  leaders,  who  doubtless  in 
tended  to  turn  his  peculiar  qualities  to  account.  While  thus  act 
ing  with  these  men  he  was  secretly  intriguing  with  the  enemies  of 
the  free-state  men  about  Doniphan,  and  fomenting  in  the  bosoms  of 
the  violent  borderers  hostility  to  these  men,  thus  endangering 
their  personal  safety.  It  was  at  this  stage  of  affairs  that  Mr. 
Collins  chanced  to  meet  Laughlin  in  the  office  of  a  physician.  As 
was  natural,  violent  words  passed  between  them,  and  there  would 
probably  have  been  violence  of  some  kind  but  for  the  interference 
of  the  bystanders. 

It  was  on  the  ensuing  morning,  the  25th  of  October,  that  the 
unhappy  rencontre  took  place.  Laughlin's  pro-slavery  friends 
assert  that  Collins  was  armed  and  seeking  Laughlin  when  the 
affair  happened ;  but  the  fact  of  its  occurrence  close  to  the  saw 
mill  of  Mr.  Collins,  where  the  latter  gentleman  and  his  sons  were 
employed,  and  the  fact  that  Laughlin  and  three  or  four  other  pro- 
slavery  men  were  there,  armed,  makes  it  certain  that  they  came 
there  armed.  That  Collins  was  also  armed  and  prepared  for  a 
conflict  is  likely.  After  they  had  come  together,  and  warm  words 
had  passed  between  them,  it  is  probable  that  they  might  have 
parted  peaceably  had  not  Laughlin  thrown  an  insulting  remark 
towards  Collins.  The  latter  instantly  turned  on  him.  A  pro- 
slavery  man,  who  stood  thirty  yards  off,  fired  at  Collins,  and  it  is 
supposed  hit  him.  Collins  discharged  his  gun  without  effect,  and 
as  Laughliii  drew  a  pistol  and  pointed  it  at  Collins,  the  latter 
grasped  his  gun  by  the  barrel  and  advanced  on  him,  when  Laugh 
lin  fired.  Collins  fell  dead,  and  his  sons  and  nephews  fled,  but 
not  till  there  had  been  some  more  firing  and  fighting  with  bowie- 
knives,  in  which  several  were  wounded  on  both  sides.  Laughlin 
was  seriously  wounded  with  a  knife  early  in  the  scuffle. 

This  occurrence  did  not,  of  course,  do  much  towards  allaying 
popular  excitement.  Meanwhile,  Laughlin  was  taken  to  the  town 
of  Atchison,  where,  after  he  had  recovered,  he  was  employed  as  a 
salesman  in  a  pro-slavery  man's  store. 

It  was  only  a  short  time  before  this  that  occurrences  of  an  out 
rageous  nature  took  place  in  Atchison.  Atchison  is  close  to  the 


PARDEE   BUTLER.  145 

Missouri  river.  It  is  a  small  place,  and  most  of  its  citizens  are 
violent  pro-slavery  men.  It  has  generally  been  regarded  as 
unsafe  for  free-state  men  to  be  about  it. 

In  July,  or  early  in  August,  a  female  slave  belonging  to  a  man 
in  Doniphan  had  been  so  abused  by  her  master  that  she  committed 
suicide  by  throwing  herself  in  the  Missouri  river.  Anxious  to 
secure  themselves  from  the  consequences  of  their  own  villany, 
and  at  the  same  time  make  a  little  political  capital  out  of  their 
crimes,  those  responsible  for  the  sad  fate  of  the  unhappy  creature 
had  the  assurance  to  charge  her  suicide  to  the  "  abolitionists." 
To  have  charged  anti-slavery  men  with  aiding  the  escape  of 
negroes  might  have  been  a  probable  story ;  and,  true  or  false, 
would  have  gained  credit.  To  suppose,  however,  that  even  the 
most  ultra  anti-slavery  man  would  have  recommended  the  poor 
woman  to  kill  herself,  —  much  less  that  any  human  being,  no  mat 
ter  how  degraded,  would  calmly  listen  to  and  act  on  such  advice, 
—  is  simply  preposterous.  In  Atchison,  at  that  time,  there  was  a 
Mr.  J.  W.  B.  Kelley.  This  man  would  certainly  not  have  been 
regarded  as  an  "abolitionist"  anywhere  but  in  the  town  of 
Atchison.  He  was  a  free-state  man,  however,  and  the  pro-slavery 
men  were  determined  that  none  such  should  be  permitted  to  remain 
in  Atchison.  He  was  seized  by  a  mob,  beaten  and  abused,  and 
then,  to  the  detriment  of  his  pecuniary  interests,  driven  from  the 
place. 

It  was  in  the  month  of  August  that  the  Rev.  Pardee  Butler 
fell  into  their  hands.  The  Atchison  Squatter  Sovereign  thus 
describes  it : 

"  On  Thursday  last  one  Pardee  Butler  arrived  in  town  with  a 
view  of  starting  for  the  East,  probably  for  the  purpose  of  get- 
ing  a  fresh  supply  of  free-soilers  from  the  penitentiaries  and  pest 
holes  of  the  Northern  States.  Finding  it  inconvenient  to  depart 
before  morning,  he  took  lodgings  at  the  hotel,  and  proceeded  to 
visit  numerous  portions  of  our  town,  everywhere  avowing  himself 
a  free-soiler,  and  preaching  the  foulest  of  abolition  heresies.  He 
declared  the  recent  action  of  our  citizens  in  regard  to  J.  W.  B. 
Kelley,  the  infamous  and  unlawful  proceedings  of  a  mob ;  at  the 
same  time  stating  that  many  persons  in  Atchison,  who  were  frec- 
13 


146  THE  CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

soilers  at  heart,  had  been  intimidated  thereby,  and  feared  to  avow 
their  true  sentiments;  but  that  he  (Butler)  would  express  his 
views  in  defiance  of  the  whole  community. 

"  On  the  ensuing  morning  our  townsmen  assembled  en  masse, 
and,  deeming  the  presence  of  such  persons  highly  detrimental  to 
the  safety  of  our  slave  property,  appointed  a  committee  of  two  to 
wait  on  Mr.  Butler  and  request  his  signature  to  the  resolutions 
passed  at  the  late  pro-slavery  meeting  in  Atchison.  After  perus 
ing  the  said  resolutions,  Mr.  B.  positively  declined  signing  them, 
and  was  instantly  arrested  by  the  committee. 

"  After  the  various  plans  for  his  disposal  had  been  considered, 
it  was  finally  decided  to  place  him  on  a  raft  composed  of  two  logs 
firmly  lashed  together ;  that  his  baggage  and  a  loaf  of  bread  be 
given  him ;  and,  having  attached  a  flag  to  his  primitive  bark, 
emblazoned  with  mottoes  indicative  of  our  contempt  for  such  char 
acters,  Mr.  Butler  was  set  adrift  on  the  great  Missouri,  with  the 
letter  II  legibly  painted  on  his  forehead. 

"  He  was  escorted  some  distance  down  the  river  by  several  of 
our  citizens,  who,  seeing  him  pass  several  rack-heaps  in  quite  a 
skilful  manner,  bade  him  adieu  and  returned  to  Atchison. 

"  Such  treatment  may  be  expected  by  all  scoundrels  visiting  our 
town  for  the  purpose  of  interfering  with  our  time-honored  institu 
tions,  and  the  same  punishment  we  will  be  happy  to  award  all 
free-soilers,  abolitionists,  and  their  emissaries." 

The  Rev.  Pardee  Butler  held  some  property  in  Missouri,  oppo 
site  Atchison.  He  had  a  claim  in  the  territory,  with  a  house  and 
improvements  upon  it.  There  he  and  his  family  reside.  He  is  a 
tall  man,  but  slim  and  delicate,  and  has  a  good  deal  the  look  of 
a  Western  preacher.  I  do  not  think  there  is  much  of  the  "  abo 
litionist,"  as  the  term  is  employed  in  the  East,  about  him. 

He  gave  an  account  of  his  own  experience,  mentioning  that  one 
of  the  editors  of  the  pro-slavery  paper  published  there  was  an 
active  member  of  the  mob,  and  that  he  played  the  part  of  an  artist 
in  painting  his  face,  and  that  he  also  towed  out  his  strange  craft 
into  the  stream.  While  many  of  the  mob  were  reckless  charac 
ters,  they  were  led  on  by  those  who  claimed  to  be  the  "  respecta 
ble  "  people  of  the  place.  When  he  was  thus  turned  adrift  to  the 


PARDEE   BUTLER.  147 

mercy  of  the  stream,  the  facetious  ruffians  affixed  a  flag  to  his 
strange  craft,  with  the  following  inscriptions : 

"  Eastern  Emigrant  Aid  Express.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Butler, 
Agent  for  the  Underground  Railroad."  "  The  way  they  are  served 
in  Kansas."  "For  Boston."  "Cargo  Insured,  —  unavoidable 
danger  of  the  Missourians  and  the  Missouri  River  excepted." 
"  Let  future  Emissaries  from  the  North  beware.  Our  hemp  crop 
is  sufficient  to  reward  all  such  scoundrels." 

This  was  wickedly  clever,  but  evidently  intended  for  outside 
effect,  as  they  well  knew  that  their  victim  had  probably  never  seen 
Boston,  and  knew,  probably,  as  little  of  the  hated  Emigrant  Aid 
Society  as  they  did  themselves.  After  he  was  painted  and  other 
wise  tricked  out  by  these  articles,  they  ventured  to  quiz  him  on 
his  appearance,  and  recommended  him  to  go  East  and  lecture, 
telling  him  ironically  that  he  would  "  make  a  fine  speculation 
of  this." 

The  progress  of  the  state  movement  in  Kansas  had  from  the 
first  alarmed  the  border  ruffians.  When  they  had  carried  all  the 
elections,  —  succeeded  in  getting  pro-slavery  tools  appointed  to  all 
the  territorial  offices  under  the  executive,  —  had  made  laws  for 
Kansas  under  which  it  would  be  impossible  for  Kansas  to  come  in 
as  a  free  state,  and  even  appointed  the  local  officers  to  enforce 
them,  —  they  thought  they  had  most  certainly  succeeded  in  the 
struggle,  and  were  inclined  to  resent  and  crush  out  violently  all 
counter-movements  which  might  interfere  with  such  arrangements. 
The  fact  is,  there  was  a  large  population  in  Kansas  who  were 
opposed  to  slavery.  Many  of  them,  when  they  came  to  the  terri 
tory,  cared  little  about  the  question;  but,  being  free-state  men, 
and  thus  suffering  from  slavery-extension  aggression,  they  soon 
learned  to  hate,  not  only  the  oppressors,  but  the  system  of  slavery, 
from  the  violent  extension  of  which  they  suffered.  The  pro-slavery 
men  residing  in  the  territory,  and  especially  the  border  Missou 
rians,  felt  particularly  aggrieved  at  the  existence  of  free-state 
settlers  in  the  territory.  This  emigration  of  men  from  free  states 
they  have  always  regarded  as  peculiarly  aggravating.  Well  did 
they  know  that  the  institution  of  slavery  would  never  be  apt  to 
flourish  in  Kansas  while  such  a  population  was  on  its  soil.  To 


148  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

get  rid  of  them,  therefore,  became  a  fixed  object  in  their  minds, 
was  publicly  discussed,  and  resolved  on  in  a  most  bitter  spirit. 

For  months  after  the  Bogus  Legislature  had  gene  through  its 
farce  of  legislation  no  attempt  had  been  made  to  enforce  its 
edicts.  There  was  no  power  in  the  territory  to  enforce  them,  and 
Missouri  could  not  be  always  in  Kansas.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  and  with  the  object  of  overthrowing  the  state  movement, 
a  Law  and  Order  Convention  was  held  in  Leavenworth  on  the  14th 
of  November.  This  meeting,  or  convention,  was  called  by  notices 
signed  by  some  fourteen  pro-slavery  men ;  but  it  was  well  known 
throughout  the  territory  that  Gov.  Shannon,  and  others  of  the 
territorial  officials,  had  an  active  hand  in  it,  and  that  the  whole 
thing  was  concocted  by  the  border  Missourians  and  these  together. 

This  convention  was  the  origin,  or  starting-point,  of  "  law  and 
order  "  in  Kansas.  Here  it  was  that  the  pro-slavery  party,  both 
in  Missouri  and  the  territory,  claimed  the  title  "  law  and  order 
party."  They  knew  that  the  territorial  law  was  their  creature, 
and  that  in  enforcing  it  their  policy  was  safe.  Hence  they,  with 
a  coolness  that  was  preposterous  following  their  numerous  out 
rages,  declared  themselves  the  orderly,  law-loving  party,  and 
banded  thus  together  to  sustain  each  other  by  mutual  pledges  that 
the  "  law  "  would  be  enforced. 

In  spite  of  its  importance  this  convention  was  not  very  numer- 
ously  attended.  Outside  of  the  citizens  of  Leavenworth  there 
were  not  more  than  eighty  persons  present,  and  by  far  the  larger 
portion  of  these  were  from  Missouri.  The  leading  men  on  the 
Missouri  border  were  there.  The  Stringfellows  were  officers  of 
the  convention,  and  several  of  the  vice-presidents  and  secretaries 
were  residents  of  Missouri.  It  may  look  a  little  strange  that  the 
governor  of  the  territory  should  take  an  active  part  in  a  popular 
meeting  of  this  kind,  the  avowed  object  of  which  was  the  execution 
of  the  laws  by  popular  force.  Still  more  singular  is  it  that  Grov. 
Shannon  should  take  an  active  part  in  an  assemblage  where  the 
violent  Missouri  borderers  had  the  sway,  and  where  its  character 
as  a  simple  pro-slavery  convention  was  so  apparent.  The 
governor,  in  doing  this,  conclusively  showed  that  he  was  the  tool 


.LAW   AND    ORDER   CONVENTION.  149 

of  the  Missouri  borderers,  and  blindly  obedient  in  their  scheme  of 
subduing  Kansas  to  slavery. 

Governor  Shannon  reported  himself  to  that  convention  as  a 
delegate  from  Douglas  County,  where  Lawrence  is  situated,  in 
Tvhich  he  did  not  then  reside ;  nor  do  I  suppose  there  were  three 
men  in  that  county,  or  anywhere  else,  who  knew  they  had  the 
honor  to  be  represented  by  the  governor.  Governor  Shannon  was 
elected  president  of  the  convention.  The  chairman  first  elected 
was  Major  Richardson,  a  Missourian,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Missouri  invaders,  a  man  of  violent  temper,  and  reckless  charac 
ter,  who  had  been  a  member  of  the  Bogus  Council,  and,  while 
legislating  for  Kansas,  got  himself  elected  by  that  body  as  major- 
general  of  the  Kansas  militia.  Into  the  chair  just  vacated  by 
this  person  Governor  Shannon  entered,  and  made  an  indiscreet 
partisan  speech,  in  which  he  declared  that  he  would  enforce  obe 
dience  to  the  laws  enacted  at  the  Shawnee  Mission ;  and  he  called 
upon  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded  to  aid  him  in  enforcing 
the  laws.  He  took  occasion  to  denounce  the  constitutional  move 
ment  at  Topeka  ;  declared  it  treasonable,  and  expressed  his  deter 
mination  that  such  a  state  of  affairs  must  not  be  permitted.  In 
this  speech  he  also  alluded,  in  disrespectful  terms,  to  the  majority 
in  Congress,  and  said  that,  in  the  next  presidential  election,  the 
party  with  which  he  then  acted  would  carry  everything  before 
them. 

There  were  only  two  prominent  speakers  before  that  convention, 
Governor  Shannon  and  Mr.  John  Calhoun,  Surveyor  General  of 
the  territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas.  The  border  ruffians, 
pleased  to  get  federal  dignitaries  thus  to  fiddle  for  them,  kindly 
permitted  these  gentlemen  to  lay  down  the  "  law,"  and  cheered 
them  in  encouragement  of  this  official  error. 

If  Shannon's  speech  was  improper  and  indefensible,  that  of 
Calhoun  was  bitterly  partisan  and  violent.  He  denounced  free- 
state  men  as  "  vile  abolitionists,"  and  there  was  no  epithet  too 
mean  to  hurl  at  this  class,  —  the  large  majority  of  Kansas  citi 
zens.  He  said  they  "  were  so  vile  they  would  lick  the  slime  off 
the  meanest  penitentiary  in  the  land;"  and,  progressing  in  his  vio 
lent  and  profane  tirade,  declared,  "  they  would"  bow  down  and 
13* 


150  '  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

worship  the  devil  if  he  would  only  help  them  to  steal  a  nigger." 
It  would  be  needless  to  add  that  a  public  officer,  who  could  evince 
such  partisan  vulgarity,  did  not  scruple  to  lend  himself  to  all  the 
violence  for  which  this  meeting  was  convened. 

A  platform  of  resolutions  was  adopted  to  send  out  to  the 
world.  These  had  nothing  necessarily  to  do  with  the  objects  of 
the  convention,  and,  as  they  were  merely  intended  for  outside 
effect,  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  revising  committee,  who  kept 
remodelling  them  until  they  could  not  have  been  recognized. 
Several  other  speakers  addressed  this  convention.  These  were  of 
the  border  ruffian  class,  and  their  speeches  were  denunciations  of 
the  state  movement,  and  threats  to  enforce  the  bogus  laws,  until 
the  "Missouri  river  should  run  red  with  blood." 

Mr.  Parrot,  a  free-state  man,  who  had  been  an  associate 
Democrat  with  Governor  Shannon  in  this,  tried  to  speak,  but  was 
not  permitted  to  do  so.  Shannon,  as  president  of  the  convention, 
refused  to  notice  him,  and  Stringfellow  told  him  that  "  the  con 
vention  did  not  want  to  hear  a  free-state  man." 

Before  this  convention  adjourned  it  pledged  itself  to  sustain  the 
governor  whenever  he  should  call  on  them  to  enforce  the  law. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

THE   RESCUE   OF   BRANSON. 

WHILE  the  political  sentiment  arising  from  the  slavery  question 
has  been  the  moving  cause  of  all  the  difficulty  in  Kansas  Ter 
ritory,  quarrels  about  claims  have  often  been  the  means  of  pre 
cipitating  them.  The  inefficiency  of  the  authorities  to  preserve 
the  rights  of  the  settlers,  the  scarcity  of  courts  or  judicial  officers, 
and  the  little  confidence  felt  in  what  there  was  of  these,  prevented 
the  people  from  securing  their  rights  to  their  claims,  or  obtaining 
redress  for  any  grievance  upon  them.  In  some  localities  the  set 
tlers  of  both  shades  of  political  faith  commenced  a  struggle  for 
the  possession  of  a  desired  spot.  One  of  these  contested  places 
was  Hickory  Point,  a  heavy  body  of  timber  lying  some  miles 
south  of  the  Wakarusa,  on  the  Santa  Fe  road.  As  this  was  a 
valuable  piece  of  timber  land,  in  the  midst  of  the  richest  prairies, 
the  earliest  settlers  flocked  into  it. 

The  first  settlers  of  that  region  were  free-state  men  from  Indi 
ana.  Other  free-state  men,  from  the  "Western  States  generally, 
and  some  of  them  from  Missouri,  also  settled  there.  After  the 
grove  had  been  mostly  taken  by  the  settlers,  some  pro-slavery 
men  came  in,  took  claims,  and  some  of  them  jumped  claims 
already  taken.  In  some  of  the  cases  where  these  claims  were 
invaded  the  persons  holding  them  had  forfeited  their  right  to 
them  by  their  absence  ;  but  in  several  other  instances  the  seizure 
was  violent  and  fraudulent.  In  the  same  vicinity,  at  the  lower 
end  of  the  grove,  on  the  Santa  Fe  road,  a  town  called  Palmyra  had 
been  laid  off,  and  early  in  the  summer  of  1855,  a  party  of  men 


152  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

from  Missouri  came  up  and  ordered  the  settlers  in  the  place  to 
leave  it,  or  they  would  be  driven  away ;  and  serious  apprehensions 
of  violence  and  bloodshed  were  entertained.  The  settlers  mostly 
kept  their  ground.  It  was  with  much  the  same  spirit  that  the 
pro-slavery  men  who  came  and  settled  in  the  grove  were  ani 
mated.  One  of  these  men,  Franklin  Coleman,  not  only  took  vio 
lent  possession  of  several  claims,  but  stole  the  building  materials, 
which  had  been  prepared  by  a  free-state  man,  from  another  claim, 
and  built  a  house  for  himself  with  them. 

A  might  be  expected,  the  free-state  and  pro-slavery  settlers  had 
many  angry  bickerings,  and  probably  nothing  but  the  numbers  of 
the  free-state  men  prevented  the  earlier  effusion  of  blood.  One 
cause  of  ill-will  was  the  aid  the  free-state  men  rendered  each 
other.  So  much  was  this  the  case  that  even  Coleman,  in  his  own 
statement  of  the  transaction  afterwards,  could  not  refrain  from 
saying, 

"  This  he  did  "  —  alluding  to  Branson  —  "  by  encouraging  free- 
state  men  to  settle  about  him,  giving  them  timber  from  his  land, 
and  informing  them  of  vacant  claims.  In  pursuance  of  this,  he 
and  his  friends  invited  a  man  named  Dow,  an  Ohioan  and  an  abo 
litionist,  to  occupy  a  claim  adjoining  my  own;  a  claim  that 
belonged  rightly  to  Wm.  White,  of  West-port,  Mo." 

I  thus  quote  Coleman's  own  statement,  in  order  to  show  the 
true  cause  of  the  quarrel.  On  this  claim  of  Dow's  (for  the  reader 
will  understand  the  nature  of  a  claim  of  a  man  living  in  West- 
port),  this  man,  Coleman,  with  several  of  his  pro-slavery  neighbors, 
cut  timber,  burnt  a  lime-kiln,  and  otherwise  invaded  his  rights,  for 
the  obvious  purpose  of  causing  difficulty.  Having  already  burned 
one  lime-kiln,  they  proceeded  to  cut  timber  for  another,  when 
they  had  plenty  of  timber  on  their  own  claims.  Dow  determined 
to  put  a  stop  to  this,  and  notified  them  that  they  must  not  attempt 
anything  further  of  the  kind.  Just  before  this,  Mr.  Branson  had 
received  an  anonymous  letter,  ordering  him  to  leave.  This, 
beyond  all  doubt,  came  from  his  pro-slavery  neighbors,  and  was 
a  rich  document,  between  bad  chirography,  inflammable  threats,  and 
questionable  grammar.  These  pro-slavery  men  had  worked  them 
selves  into  a  passion,  and  had  threatened  to  kill  and  drive  off  all 


THE  HESCUE  OF  BRANSON.  153 

the  free-state  settlers  in  the  grove.  That  this  was  not  a  mere 
empty  threat  was  unhappily  proved. 

On  the  21st  of  November,  Mr.  W.  Dow  left  the  house  of  Mr. 
Branson,  where  he  boarded,  as  he  was  an  unmarried  man,  and,  as 
it  was  close  to  his  claim,  and,  taking  with  him  a  small  wagon- 
skein,  which  had  been  broken,  went  up  the  Santa  Fe  road,  tow 
ards  a  blacksmith's  shop,  to  have  it  repaired.  As  he  went  to  the 
blacksmith's  shop  he  passed  in  sight  of  the  houses  of  Coleman, 
Hargus,  and  Buckley,  the  two  latter  pro-slavery  neighbors  of  Cole- 
man.  Shortly  after  Dow  got  to  the  shop,  he  was  followed  by 
these  three  men,  who  came  armed  with  guns.  Seeing  their  threat 
ening  aspect,  Dow  avoided  a  discussion  at  first,  but  they  com 
menced  abusing  him,  and  denounced  him,  saying  they  would  cut 
timber  from  the  claim  in  question.  During  the  discussion,  one  of 
these  men,  Harrison  Buckley,  raised  his  gun,  cocked  it,  and  pre 
sented  it  at  Dow,  who,  looking  at  him  steadily,  said, 

"  You  would  not  shoot  me,  Buckley?  " 

The  villain's  hand  had  not  nerve  enough  for  the  murder  he  had 
contemplated,  and  he  dropped  his  gun.  Apprehensive  of  further 
violence,  Dow  left  the  shop  and  started  back.  Coleman  followed 
him,  and  soon  overtook  him,  arid  the  two  men  were  seen  by  sev 
eral  thus  going  down  the  Santa  Fe  road.  Buckley  and  Hargus 
followed,  but  at  a  distance  near  enough  to  see  what  happened. 
When  Dow  and  Coleman  got  opposite  Coleman's  house,  which 
was  some  yards  from  the  road,  they  parted,  and  Coleman  went  to 
his  house,  and,  standing  on  his  door-step,  cocked  and  presented 
his  gun  at  Dow's  back,  who  was  going  from  him  down  the  road, 
pulled  the  trigger,  but  the  cap  burst,  and  it  did  not  go  off. 

The  bursting  of  the  cap  startled  Dow,  who  turned  round  and 
looked  at  Coleman.  They  were  about  twenty-five  yards  apart, 
when  Coleman,  who  had  put  on  a  fresh  cap,  presented  the  piece 
at  his  victim.  Dow  threw  up  his  hand,  as  if  to  implore  him  to 
desist,  but  the  appeal  full  on  an  inhuman  heart.  The  next 
moment  Coleman  fired,  and  a  portion  of  the  contents,  a  heavy 
load  of  slugs  and  buckshot,  from  a  shot-gun,  entered  the  heart 
of  the  unhappy  Dow.  He  fell  where  he  stood,  and  his  head  lay 
in  the  wheel-track  of  the  Santa  Fe  road,  while  the  blood  coursed 


154  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

amono-st  the  dust  from  the  wounds  in  the  breast  and  neck  of  the 

o 

young  man. 

It  was  a  November  noon  when  the  deed  was  done,  and,  although 
several  saw  the  occurrence,  the  body  lay  unheeded  where  it  fell. 
Hargus  and  Buckley  soon  came  up  to  Coleman,  and  they  talked 
together,  at  first  fiercely  and  boastingly ;  but  that  silent  figure 
lying  dead  —  dead  !  —  fall  in  their  sight,  would  have  smitten  the 
most  remorseless  with  a  guilty  fear,  if  not  a  pang  of  conscience. 
It  was  now  feared  that  the  free-state  settlers  would  revenge  the 
death  of  their  friend,  and  Coleman,  taking  his  family  and  house 
hold  effects  in  a  wagon,  started  back  to  Missouri.  One  of  his 
guilty  associates  and  another  pro-slavery  man,  who  lived  close  by, 
and  saw  the  affair,  also  left  with  their  effects  and  families  for 
Missouri. 

Through  the  whole  afternoon  the  body  of  that  young  man  lay 
neglected  where  he  had  fallen.  About  evening,  Mr.  Branson, 
having  heard  something  of  the  affair,  went  up  and  brought  the 
dead  body  of  his  friend  home.  Whether  he  had  died  as  he  had 
fallen,  or  had  lived  in  expiring  agony,  without  a  drop  of  water 
or  a  friend  to  raise  him,  will  never  be  known. 

By  the  26th  of  the  month  no  action  had  been  taken  by  the 
authorities,  and,  as  the  inference  was  that  the  murderers  would 
go  unpunished,  a  meeting  of  the  settlers  was  called  at  Hickory 
Point,  and  assembled  on  the  day  in  question.  The  action  of  the 
meeting  was  marked  by  no  violence ;  they  merely  passed  resolu 
tions  deploring  and  condemning  the  murder,  and  appointed  a 
committee,  whose  duty  it  should  be  to  take  steps  to  bring  the 
murderers  to  justice.  As  some  of  the  more  indignant  of  the  set 
tlers  were  in  favor  of  burning  the  houses  of  the  murderers,  a 
resolution  was  passed,  condemning  and  deprecating  such  an  act, 
even  against  these  men. 

Meanwhile  the  fearful  murderer  had  fled  to  Westport.  There 
he  met  Sheriff  Jones,  then  postmaster  of  that  place,  and,  after 
counselling  with  him  and  others  of  the  Westport  border  ruffians,  it 
was  concluded  that  Coleman  must  go  through  the  farce  of  giving 
himself  up.  It  is  stated  —  and  I  have  no  doubt  of  its  truth  — 
that  he  had  received  assurances  that  he  would  be  protected. 


THE   RESCUE    OF   BRANSON.  155 

Coleman,  therefore,  went  to  the  Shawnee  Mission,  and,  after  going 
through  the  farce  of  surrendering  himself  to  Governor  Shannon, 
started  up  into  the  territory  with  Jones,  for  the  ostensible  purpose 
of  eoing  to  Lecompton  to  be  examined.  But  a  deep  and  villanous 
i'lot  had  been  laid,  and  it  was  desired  to  use  what  could  be  made 
of  this  incident  to  further  that  design.  The  law  and  order  con 
vention  had  declared  that  the  bogus  officers  should  be  sustained  ; 
and  now  all  that  was  wanted  was  an  opportunity. 

Jones  and  his  quondam  prisoner  stopped  at  Franklin,  where 
they  began  to  contemplate  the  state  of  affairs.  There  they  were 
joined  by  Buckley  and  Hargus,  one  of  whom  had  also  been  in 
Missouri,  but  had  returned  to  "  see  the  fun."  Here  these  gentry 
concocted  their  scheme,  which  was  nothing  less  than  to  arrest  Mr. 
Branson,  carry  him  to  Lawrence,  where  it  was  presumed  he  would 
be,  under  such  circumstances,  rescued ;  and  then  that  there  would 
be  a  very  pretty  casus  belli. 

The  manner  in  which  they  had  to  proceed  about  this  showed 
the  character  of  the  whole  affair.  Jones  had  got  a  commission 
for  a  justice  of  the  peace  all  filled  but  the  name ;  and  found  a 
man  named  Cameron,  a  recreant  free-state  man,  of  low  repute, 
who,  vain  man,  for  the  title  "justice  of  the  peace"  was  willing  to' 
sell  what  little  he  had  of  principle. 

Before  this  patent  justice  Buckley  came ;  and,  swearing  that  he 
was  afraid  of  his  life  for  threats 'made  by  Jacob  Branson,  this 
Esquire  Cameron  issued  a  peace-warrant  for  the  arrest  of  said 
Branson,  doing  so  at  the  same  time  he  received  his  commission 
from  Jones.  The  next  thing  was  to  secure  a  posse.  Coleman,  it 
was  decided,  should  not  go;  but  he  was  unloading  the  pistols  and 
guns,  and  making  other  preparations  for  the  expedition.  Before 
long  a  party  of  fifteen  men,  including  Jones,  Hargus,  and  Buckley, 
were  ready  for  the  expedition.  It  was  night  when  they  left 
Franklin  ;  and  they  proceeded  up  along  the  sloping  bottom  of  the 
"Wakarusa  until  they  reached  Blanton's  Bridge.  There  they  re 
freshed  their  "  inner  man,"  many  of  them  being  about  half-intox 
icated,  and  proceeded  onwards  toward  Hickory  Point.  There  they 
made  some  accessions  to  their  force  from  the  pro-slavery  residents, 
until  they  numbered  somewhere  between  twenty  and  twenty-five. 


156  THE    CONQUEST    01?   KANSAS. 

At  the  time  these  men  passed  Blanton's  Bridge  they  were 
seen  by  a  young  free-state  man  from  Lawrence,  Mr.  S.  P.  Tamum, 
who  was  returning  thither  from  the  meeting  that  day  at  Hickory 
Point.  He  rode  in  amongst  Jones'  posse  before  he  knew  who  or 
what  they  were.  They  at  first  took  him  for  one  of  their  friends 
coming  to  assist  them  ;  and  some  of  them  were  indiscreet  enough 
to  let  drop  a  few  hints  about  their  mission  before  they  suspected 
that  their  visitor  might  be  on  the  other  side.  After  they  had 
started  off  towards  Hickory  Point,  Mr.  Tappan  learned  enough  to 
know  the  motives  of  their  visit,  and  hurried  back  to  warn  his 
friends. 

It  was  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  at  night.  Old  Jacob 
Branson  was  in  bed  asleep,  his  family  asleep  around  him,  when  he 
was  awakened  by  a  stir  around  the  house.  Just  at  that  moment 
there  was  a  knock  at  his  door. 

"  Who  is  there  ?  "  inquired  Branson. 

"  Friends,"  was  the  answer. 

"  Come  in." 

But  scarcely  had  he  uttered  the  word,  when  the  frail  door  was 
burst  open,  and  a  band  of  armed  men  rushed  into  the  apartment. 
The  foremost  man  was  Jones.  Drawing  a  pistol,  and  pointing  it 
at  Branson,  who  had  got  out  of  bed,  and  was  standing  before 
him,  he  said : 

"  You  're  my  prisoner  !  " 

"  What  for  —  and  what  authority  ?  "  stammered  Branson. 

"  I  'm  the  sheriff  of  Douglas  County,"  said  Jones.  But  he 
showed  no  writ.  As  Branson  seemed  to  hesitate,  Jones  resumed : 

"  Look  sharp  —  you  must  go  with  us." 

"  You  would  n't  hurry  me.  If  I  have  to  go,  I  shall  go  when  I 
get  ready." 

"  God  d— n  you !  "  said  Jones.  "  I  '11  blow  you  to  h— 11  if 
you  don't  get  ready  directly  !  " 

Thus  pressed,  Mr.  Branson  dressed  and  got  ready  to  go  with 
them  ;  while  his  family,  frightened  and  distressed,  feared  that  the 
bloody  fate  of  Dow  was  about  to  befall  the  head  of  their  family. 
Two  of  the  murderers  of  Dow  they  saw  with  the  party,  and 
several  other  of  their  violent  pro-slavery  neighbors. 


TIIE    RESCUE    OF   BRANSON.  157 

Branson  was  taken  out  and  placed  on  a  mule,  and  the  posse  and 
their  prisoner  rode  off.  As  soon  as  they  had  done  so,  a  young 
lad,  who  had  been  staying  at  Branson's,  started  to  alarm  the 
neighbors. 

It  was  as  beautiful  a  moonlight  night  as  ever  smiled  on.  the 
prairies  of  Kansas.  The  moon  was  about  the  full,  and  the  sky 
was  clear,  and  the  air  mild,  for  November.  Jones  and  his  band 
did  not  proceed  direct  for  Lawrence.  They  rode  backwards  and 
forwards  in  the  point,  between  the  houses  of  the  pro-slavery 
men,  drinking,  whenever  they  could  get  anything  to  drink,  and 
passing  profane  and  obscene  jokes.  At  length  the  volunteers 
they  had  picked  up  in  the  point  left  them,  and  Jones,  with  his 
prisoner  and  fourteen  of  the  posse,  rode  down  the  road  that  leads 
from  the  prairie  highlands  near  Hickory  Point,  towards  Blanton's 
Bridge. 

As  Branson  felt  somewhat  uneasy  as  to  what  would  be  the 
sequel  of  this  nocturnal  adventure,  he  addressed  a  man  who  was 
riding  near  him,  inquiring  what  he  was  taken  for. 

"  Dun-no,"  replied  the  man,  curtly. 

A  little  further  on  Branson  addressed  another,  who  he  thought 
looked  more  decent,  and,  to  his  inquiries,  this  person  replied : 

"  0,  well,  I  believe  it 's  a  peace-warrant  only." 

"  Where  are  we  going?" 

"  Lawrence,  I  believe." 

Branson  breathed  a  little  more  freely  when  he  heard  of  his 
probable  destination  ;  although  he  doubted  if  they  would  venture 
to  take  him  there. 

About  this  time  Jones  rode  up  to  him,  and,  fancying  he  might 
be  more  communicative,  asked : 

"  There  was  a  meeting  in  the  grove,  to-day,  near  your  house,  of 
at  least  a  hundred  men,  was  there  not  ?  " 

"  There  was  a  meeting.  The  neighbors  round  held  a  meeting 
where  Dow  was  murdered,  to  see  if  the  murderers  could  not  be 
brought  to  justice." 

For  a  moment  this  threw  a  disagreeable  damper,  but  Jones 
resumed  : 

14 


158  TUB    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

"  They  were  Yankees,  mostly,  with  Sharpe's  rifles,  were  they 
not  ?  " 

"  There  might  have  been  Yankees  there,  but  not  very  many. 
It  was  mostly  the  neighbors.  They  did  not  attend  the  meeting 
armed." 

"  That 's  a  d — d  lie  !  "  exclaimed  several. 

"  I  wish,  boys,"  said  Jones,  "  that  we  had  got  there  before 
those  hundred  Yankee  abolitionists  got  off.  We  have  had  no 
fun." 

"  D — n  'em  !  — we  would  have  given  'em  h — 11 !  "  cried  several 
voices.  "We'd  a  show'd  'em  how  to  pass  resolutions."  And, 
with  these  and  sundry  other  valiant  threats  about  what  they 
would  have  done  if  they  could  only  have  met  "  those  hundred 
abolitionists,"  they  rode  on. 

Now  the  intention  was  to  have  Branson  rescued  in  Lawrence ; 
a  plot  which  I  believe  would  have  worked  to  a  charm,  only  some- 
tking  interfered  to  prevent  it.  Mr.  Tappan  and  the  young  man 
who  had  left  Branson's  had  both  been  busy;  and  about  fourteen 
of  the  neighbors  were  gathered  near  Mr.  Abbott's  house,  near  which 
Jones'  posse  had  to  pass  on  their  way  to  Blanton's  Bridge.  So 
quickly  had  they  gathered,  and  so  dilatory  was  the  posse  in  its 
perambulations,  that  the  little  party  at  Abbott's  began  to  think 
they  had  taken  another  road,  when  the  man  on  guard  gave  the 
alarm,  and,  rushing  out  into  the  road,  they  saw  Jones  and  his  men 
rapidly  advancing.  Jones  and  his  party,  in  spite  of  their  anxiety 
to  find  the  "hundred  abolitionists,"  evidently  felt  that  "discretion 
was  the  better  part  of  valor,"  and,  turning  their  horses  off  the 
road  into  the  prairie,  attempted  to  shy  past  the  party.  On  this 
the  free-state  men  immediately  spread  out  as  if  to  intercept  them. 
Jones  then  turned  into  the  road  with  his  party,  when  the  others 
also  folded  in  and  formed  in  the  road  before  them.  The  posse 
halted,  and  Jones  cried, 

"  What 's  up  ?  " 

"That's  what  we  want  to  know,"  said  one  of  the  . free-state 
men.  And  several  of  his  party  asked  Jones,  in  return, 

"What 'sup?" 

There  was  a  pause,  which  Branson  broke  by  saying, 


THE   RESCUE    OF   BRANSON.  159 

"  They  have  got  me  prisoner  here." 

"  Is  that  you,  Branson  ?  " 

"  Yes." 

"  Well,  come  this  way,"  said  Mr.  Abbott. 

"  If  you  move,"  said  several  of  the  posse,  "we  will  shoot  you." 

"  I  am  going,"  said  Branson  to  Jones. 

"  I  will  shoot  you  if  you  do,"  was  the  response. 

"Come  ahead!"  cried  S.  N.  Wood;  "  D— n  them,  if  they 
shoot,  we  will." 

Jacob  Branson,  who  was  in  the  midst  of  his  captors,  rode 
through  them  and  joined  his  friends.  Not  a  gun  was  fired. 

"  Whose  mule  is  that  ?  "  asked  several. 

"Belongs  to  them,"  said  Branson. 

"  Then  get  off,  and  drive  it  back." 

Branson  dismounted,  and  was  sent  into  the  house.  The  mule 
was  turned  towards  its  owners,  but  hesitated  as  if  in  the  uncer 
tainty  between  "  serving  two  masters."  At  this  juncture  Mr.  S. 
N.  Wood  stepped  up  to  it,  aiW  expedited  its  departure  for  the 
pro-slavery  ranks  by  a  couple  of  kicks. 

"  Gentlemen,"  said  Jones,  "if  you  don't  give  Branson  up  we 
will  fire ! " 

"We  have  nothing  to  do  with  it,"  was  the  response. 

At  this  moment  the  pro-slavery  men  raised  their  guns,  and  were 
heard  cocking  them.  At  this  interesting  moment  the  rescuers 
raised  their  pieces,  and  the  sharp  click  of  more  than  one  Sharpe's 
rifle  was  heard. 

And  here  let  me  state,  in  explanation,  that  the  "forty  abolition 
ists"  in  buckram,  about  whom  Sheriff  Jones  prepared  an  affidavit 
that  found  its  way  to  the  President,  nevertheless,  were  neither 
more  nor  less  than  fifteen  persons.  Of  these,  eight  were  armed 
with  Sharpe's  rifles,  one  had  got  a  shot-gun,  a  few  had  revolvers, 
and  one  man,  whose  anxiety  to  be  there  hurried  him  too  much  to 
make  preparation,  had  actually  nothing  in  the  shape  of  arms. 
Thus  the  parties  were  equal  numerically.  It  was  soon  evident, 
however,  that  the  border  ruffians  felt  it  was  not  their  mission  to 
shoot  on  that  occasion ;  a  conclusion  precipitated,  no  doubt,  by  a 
humane  desire  to  "  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood." 


160  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Jones  got  off  his  horse,  and  tried  everything  in  his  power,  from 
threats  to  coaxing,  from  curses  to  "  soft  sawder,"  to  induce  them 
to  give  up  Branson;  but  his  efforts  only  seemed  to  amuse  the 
men  he  talked  to. 

"  I  'm  the  Sheriff  of  Douglas  County,"  he  said ;  but  this  was 
received  with  jeers.  He  then  went  on  to  threaten  that  he  should 
have  five  thousand  men  to  come  up  and  "  wipe  out  Lawrence  and 
all  of  them."  This  threat  had  no  effect.  He  then  took  several 
members  of  the  rescuing  party  aside,  and  tried  to  persuade  them 
into  the  propriety  of  letting  him  take  Branson.  Amongst  others 
whom  he  thus  took  aside,  was  Mr.  Samuel  C.  Smith,  of  Lawrence. 
Jones  said,  confidentially : 

"  I  'm  sorry  to  see  a  person  of  your  appearance  here,  sir;  but  I 
hope  you  will  use  your  influence  with  these  men  to  prevent  them 
from  doing  this." 

"  My  appearance,  sir,  is  very  much  at  your  service,"  was  the  dry 
response. 

"My  name  is  Jones;  I'm  the  Sheriff  of  Douglas  County,  and 
I'm  United  States  Marshal.  \Vhat  is  your  name,  sir?" 

Mr.  Smith  hesitated ;  but,  remembering  that  he  had  a  patro- 
nimic  that  could  not  be  sworn  to,  replied : 

"  My  name  is  Smith." 

Smith  —  Jones.  The  bogus  sheriff  looked  incredulous,  but  con 
tinued  : 

"  If  Branson  is  given  up  I  will  say  nothing  about  this;  but  if 
not,  I  will  bring  up  five  thousand  men,  and  then  it  will  be  an 
affair  not  to  be  trifled  with.  Let  Branson  go  with  me.  I  will 
pledge  my  word  of  honor  that  he  will  not  be  hurt." 

"  Mr.  Jones,  Branson  can't  go  with  you  to-night."  This  Mr. 
Smith  enunciated  in  his  dry,  deliberate  way.  The  bogus  sheriff 
fared  no  better  with  the  others,  or,  rather,  he  fared  worse ;  for 
there  were  not  lacking  those  who  cursed  the  Bogus  Legislature  in 
general,  and  all  the  bogus  officers  in  particular ;  and  very  espe 
cially  Esquire  Cameron,  under  whose  newly-fledged  dignity  this 
outrage  had  occurred,  as  they  learned  from  Jones,  who  now  stated 
that  he  had  a  writ  for  the  arrest,  issued  by  "  Esquire  Cameron." 

Finding  that  it  was  utterly  impossible  to  do  anything  in  the 


THE   RESCUE    OF   RRANSON.  161 

way  of  coaxing  or  threatening,  and  not  being  willing  to  fight,  the 
valiant  border  ruffian  chief,  who  had  led  more  than  one  band  up 
into  the  territory,  on  voting  and  warlike  deeds  intent,  was  obliged 
to  lace  about,  and  make  the  best  of  his  way,  by  a  circuitous  route, 
to  Franklin. 

Shortly  after  the  rescue  was  effected,  several  other  men  from 
the  neighborhood  of  Hickory  came  to  Abbott's.  The  party  re 
mained  th'ere  for  a  short  time,  and  then,  considering  it  unsafe  to 
disperse  and  go  back  to  their  homes,  those  connected  with  the  res 
cue  took  up  their  line  of  march  for  Lawrence.  It  was  after  mid 
night  before  they  started,  and  that  little  body  of  men  might  have 
been  seen  winding  along  the  low  grounds  of  the  Wakarusa,  under 
the  clear  moonlight.  That  moon  was  far  in  the  west,  and  its 
beams  were  paler  and  the  night  darker,  as  they  entered  Lawrence. 
It  might  be  an  hour  before  day  when  the  "  beat  of  the  alarming 
drum  "  roused  up  the  half-slumbering  citizens.  Apparently  un 
important  although  this  affair  was,  those  who  comprehended  the 
state  of  political  matters  in  the  territory  well  knew  its  signifi 
cance.  The  threat  of  Sheriff  Jones,  that  five  thousand  men  would 
soon  be  in  Lawrence,  was  felt  to  be  too  likely  a  thing  to  be  trifled 
with.  The  "  resolutions,"  so  often  passed  at  meetings  and  con 
ventions,  to  the  effect  that  "  the  bogus  laws  and  the  bogus  officers 
would  be  resisted,"  had  been  realized,  and  that,  too,  under  cir 
cumstances  most  favorable  to  the  rescuers;  for  the  arrest  of  Bran 
son  was  so  violent  and  irregular,  and  the  circumstances  so  aggra 
vated,  that  scarcely  a  legal  officer  in  the  community  could  have 
sustained  himself  in  such  arrest. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

THE   WAKARUSA   WAR. 

WHEN  Sheriff  Jones  returned  to  Franklin  he  felt  very  sore. 
The  design  was  to  have  Branson  rescued  in  the  hated  Lawrence. 
In  this  he  had  failed ;  besides  he  had  been  worsted  by  a  hastily- 
gathered  party  of  Branson's  neighbors,  and  had  yielded  to  a  force, 
to  say  the  most  of  it,  equal  to  his  own.  How  could  the  bully, 
who  had  vomited  out  threats  of  annihilation  against  "  hundreds  of 
abolitionists,"  appear  before  his  confreres,  after  being  so  humili- 
atingly  worsted?  Under  this  state  of  feeling  he  wrote  a  note  to 
Col.  Boone,  of  "VYestport,  his  business  partner,  and  as  active  a 
border  ruffian  as  himself.  What  this  despatch  was  we  can  only 
guess,  for  I  have  never  seen  a  copy ;  but  its  contents  may  be 
guessed  from  the  remarks  of  Jones  at  the  time  to  those  around 
him  when  he  sent  the  messenger  with  the  despatch. 

"  That  man  is  taking  my  despatch  to  Missouri,  and,  by  Gr-d,  I 
will  have  revenge  before  I  see  Missouri !  " 

Amongst  those  present,  when  this  despatch  was  sent  off,  was  a 
pro-slavery  man,  who  had  come  to  Kansas  from  a  free  state,  — 
Iowa.  Impressed  by  the  recklessly  irregular  course  pursued  by 
Jones,  he  interposed,  and  said  : 

"  There  's  a  right  way  and  a  wrong  way  of  doing  things. 
We  're  the  4  law  and  order '  party,  and  having  got  right,  want  to 
keep  right.  You  ought  to  have  sent  your  despatch  to  the  gov 
ernor,  and  asked  him  to  give  you  the  men." 

u  D — n  the  governor  !  "  —  Jones,  with  all  his  faults,  is  remark 
ably  candid ;  and  if  he  ever  goes  into  a  manoeuvre  that  could  be 
called  a  "  dodge,"  it  is  only  on  the  suggestion  of  others.  Thus, 


THE   WAKARUSA   WAK.  163 

when  his  "  law  and  order  "  friend  urged  that  "  the  governor  could 
call  out  the  militia,"  he  responded  : 

"  Where's  the  militia?" 

"  Well,  the  force  that  comes  to  help,  you  know,  ought  to  be 
militia." 

"  That 's  their  business ;  —  they  '11  see  Shannon,  I  guess." 

"  Yes ;  but  the  governor  has  pledged  himself  to  support  the 
laws,  and  he  is  the  person  to  apply  to." 

After  further  cogitation  the  following  despatch  was  penned,  and 
sent  by  Hargus  to  the  governor ;  he  starting  only  half  an  hour 
after  the  first  messenger : 

"  DOUGLAS  COUNTY,  K.  T.,  Nov.  27,  1855. 

"  Sin :  Last  night  I,  with  a  posse  of  ten  men,  arrested  one 
Jacob  Branson,  by  virtue  of  a  peace-warrant  regularly  issued, 
who,  on  our  return,  was  rescued  by  a  party  of  forty  armed  men, 
who  rushed  on  us  suddenly  from  behind  a  house,  upon  the  road 
side,  all  armed  to  the  teeth  with  Sharpe's  rifles. 

"  You  may  consider  an  open  rebellion  as  having  already  com 
menced  ;  and  I  call  upon  you  for  THREE  THOUSAND  MEN,  to  carry 
out  the  laws.  Mr.  Hargus  (the  bearer  of  the  letter)  will  give 
you  more  particularly  the  circumstances. 

"  Most  respectfully, 

"  SAMUEL  J.  JONES, 

"To  his  Excellency,  "  Sheriff  of  Douglas  County. 

"  WILSON  SHANNON, 

"  Governor  of  Kansas  Territory." 

Now  the  governor,  as  well  as  Sam.  J.  Jones,  was  perfectly 
aware  that  the  "  militia  of  Kansas  Territory  "  was  a  myth ;  a 
thing  impalpable  and  unsubstantial.  True,  the  Bogus  Legislature 
had  conferred  upon  those  of  its  own  members  who  were  ambitious 
of  military  distinction,  such  titles  as  major-general  or  brigadier- 
general.  A  very  fair  sprinkling  of  these  military  gentlemen 
were  residents  of  Missouri,  and  the  rank  and  file  were  purely 
imaginative  characters ;  "  law  and  order "  goblins,  conjured  up 
by  an  act  of  the  Bogus  Legislature,  but  without  a  local  "  hab- 


164  THE    CONQUEST    OF  KANSAS. 

itation  or  a  name."  Gov.  Shannon,  speaking  on  the  subject, 
says : 

"And  it  may  be  stated  here  that  the  militia  of  Kansas  were  at 
this  time  (and  still  are)  totally  unorganized.  The  Legislature 
had,  it  is  true,  elected  two  major-generals  in  the  southern,  and 
one  in  the  northern  division,  as  well  as  some  brigadiers ;  but,  so 
far  as  the  rank  and  file  are  concerned,  the  organization  was  not 
oven  commenced." 

To  make  a  demand  for  three  thousand  "  militia,"  under  such 
circumstances,  was  certainly  a  very  cool  thing  in  Jones,  but  not 
half  so  cool  as  it  was  for  the  governor  to  issue  the  following  des 
patch  : 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  SIIAWNEE  Miss.,  K.  T.5  > 
JVov.  27,  1855.  5 

"MAj.  GEN.  WM.  P.  RICHARDSON  — 

"  SIR  :  Reliable  information  has  reached  me  that  an  armed  mil 
itary  force  is  now  in  Lawrence  and  that  vicinity,  in  open  rebellion 
against  the  laws  of  this  territory,  and  that  they  have  determined 
that  no  process  in  the  hands  of  the  sheriff  of  that  county  shall  be 
executed.  I  have  received  a  letter  from  S.  J.  Jones,  Sheriff  of 
Douglas  County,  informing  me  that  he  had  arrested  a  man  under 
a  warrant  placed  in  his  hands,  and,  while  conveying  him  to  Le- 
compton,  he  was  met  by  an  armed  force  of  some  forty  men,  and 
that  the  prisoner  was  taken  out  of  his  custody,  and  defiance  bid  to 
the  laws.  I  am  also  duly  advised  that  an  armed  band  of  men 
have  burnt  a  number  of  houses,  destroyed  personal  property,  and 
turned  whole  families  out  of  doors  in  Douglas  County.  "War 
rants  will  be  issued  against  those  men,  and  placed  in  the  hands  of 
the  Sheriff  of  Douglas  County  for  execution.  He  has  written  to 
me,  demanding  three  thousand  men  to  aid  him  in  the  execution  of 
the  process  of  the  law. 

"You  are,  therefore,  hereby  ordered  to  collect  together  as  large 
a  force  as  you  can  in  your  division,  and  repair  without  delay  to 
Lecompton,  and  report  yourself  to  S.  J.  Jones,  Sheriff  of  Douglas 
County,  together  with  the  number  of  your  forces,  and  render  him 
all  the  aid  and  assistance  in  your  power  in  the  execution  of  any 
legal  process  in  his  hands.  The  forces  under  your  command  are 


THE   WAKARUSA   WAR.  165 

to  be  used  for  the  sole  purpose  of  aiding  the  sheriff  in  executing 
the  law,  and  for  no  other  purpose. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  obedient  servant, 

"  WILSON  SHANNON." 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  SHAWNEE  MISSION,  K.  T.,  > 
JVov.  27,  1855.  5 

"GEN.  H.  J.  STRICKLAR  — 

"  SIR  :  I  am  this  moment  advised  by  letter  from  S.  J.  Jones, 
Sheriff  of  Douglas  County,  that  while  conveying  a  prisoner  to 
Lecompton,  whom  he  had  arrested  by  a  virtue  of  a  peace-warrant, 
he  was  met  by  a  band  of  armed  men,  who  took  said  prisoner  forci 
bly  out  of  his  possession,  and  bid  open  defiance  to  the  execution 
of  law  in  this  territory.  He  has  demanded  of  me  three  thousand 
men  to  aid  him  in  carrying  out  the  legal  process  in  his  hands. 
As  the  southern  division  of  the  militia  of  this  territory  is  not  yet 
organized,  I  can  only  request  you  to  collect  together  as  large  a 
force  as  you  can,  and  at  as  early  a  day  as  practicable,  and  report 
yourself,  with  the  men  you  may  raise,  to  S.  J.  Jones,  Sheriff  of 
Douglas  County,  to  whom  you  will  give  every  assistance  in  your 
power  towards  the  execution  of  the  legal  process  in  his  hands. 
Whatever  forces  you  may  bring  to  his  aid  are  to  be  used  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  aiding  the  said  sheriff  in  the  execution  of  the  law, 
and  no  other. 

"It  is  expected  that  every  good  citizen  will  aid  and  assist  the 
lawful  authorities  in  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  the  territory  and 
the  preservation  of  good  order. 

"Your  ob't  serv't, 

"  WILSON  SHANNON. 
"To  GEN.  STRICKLAR." 

It  will  be  seen  that  Gov.  Shannon  dates  his  epistle  from  "  head 
quarters."  The  military  spirit  was  no  doubt  uppermost  in  his 
mind,  and  as  commander-in-chief  he  goes  to  work  in  a  style  which 
would  have  been  ridiculous,  if  he  had  not  known  that  the  defi 
ciencies  of  Kansas  "  militia  "  would  be  amply  made  up  in  Mis 
souri. 

To  show  that  the  governor  did  more  than  merely  know  this,  I 


166  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

subjoin  the  following  "  extra,"  published  at  Independence,  over 
the  names  of  two  citizens  of  repute  in  that  quarter  : 

"INDEPENDENCE,  Mo.,  Dec.  2. 

"An  express,  in  at  ten  o'clock  last  night,  says  all  the  volun 
teers,  ammunition,  &c.,  that  can  be  raised  will  be  needed.  The 
express  was  forwarded  by  Gov.  Shannon  to  Col.  Woodson,  and 
by  Woodson  to  this  place,  to  be  transmitted  to  various  parts  of 
the  county.  Call  a  meeting,  and  do  everything  you  can. 

"  DRS.  McMURRY  AND  HENRY." 

This  was  circulated  widely  in  Missouri,  the  Col.  Woodson  re 
ferred  to  being  an  eminent  border  ruffian  of  Independence,  who 
had  invaded  the  territory  before. 

While  Gov.  Shannon,  under  Jones'  instruction,  was  thus  busy, 
Col.  Boone,  of  Westport,  who  had  received  the  other  despatch 
from  Jones,  was  not  idle.  He  issued  a  violent  war  despatch,  con 
taining  assertions  that  the  free-state  men  of  Kansas  had  not  only 
rescued  Branson  from  Jones,  but  were  committing  unheard-of 
atrocities,  burning  houses,  killing  people,  and  driving  pro-slavery 
men  away.  This  kindled  the  first  flame,  and  many  proceeded  to 
the  territory,  in  obedience  to  it,  or  the  dictates  of  the  secret  Blue 
Lodge  rather,  in  which  all  of  these  matters  were  discussed  and 
settled.  In  order  to  create  effect,  Col.  Woodson,  of  Independ 
ence,  Mo.  (who  had  been  actively  at  work  before  he  wrote),  and 
Dr.  McMurry,  of  the  same  place,  wrote  to  Col.  Boone  relative  to 
the  authenticity  of  his  despatch.  This  called  out  the  following 
reply,  which  was  extensively  circulated  : 

"  SHAWNEE  MISSION,  JVbv,  30,  5  Jl.  M. 
"To  DR.  McMuRRY  AND  COL.  SAM'L  WOODSON  : 

"  Your  favor  was  received.  I  thought  I  was  too  well  known 
in  the  community  to  be  thought  capable  of  practising  a  hoax. 
The  marshal  has  a  requisition  from  the  governor  to  arrest  forty- 
two  men  in  Lawrence,  and  they  refuse  to  give  them  up,  and  he 
calls  for  volunteers,  and  if  the  citizens  refuse  to  aid  him,  I  cannot 
help  it.  They  also  say  publicly  that  they  will  take  Coleman  and 
Jones,  and  hang  them  both. 


THE   WAKARUSA   WAR.  167 

"  They  are  drilling  in  the  open  prairie  every  day,  and  have 
five  fine  pieces  of  artillery,  and  openly  bid  defiance  to  the  laws. 

"  A  large  number  of  them  were  seen  crossing  from  Delaware 
and  Leaven  worth  yesterday,  going  to  Lawrence. 

"  A  member  of  the  Legislature  was  from  there  yesterday  morn 
ing  for  guns.  We  can  only  send  twenty.  Jones  also  sends  for  a 
wagon-load  of  ammunition  and  cannon. 

"  Now  act,  or  not,  as  you  please ;  if  you  will  send  the  cannon 
here,  I  will  take  it  there  myself.  In  haste, 

"  A.  G.  BOONE." 

Similar  despatches  and  inflammable  circulars  were  spread 
throughout  the  towns  of  Western  Missouri,  and  soon  all  these 
towns,  and  indeed  the  whole  of  Western  Missouri,  was  disturbed, 
and  large  numbers  sprang  to  arms.  By  regulations  adopted  in 
the  blue  lodges  at  that  time,  those  who  could  not  go  were  mulcted 
in  a  certain  sum  of  money  to  sustain  those  who  did.  Besides  this 
forced  levy,  voluntary  contributions  were  resorted  to,  and  large 
sums  raised  and  expended ;  for  only  those  who  have  some  little 
experience  in  the  commissariat  of  an  army  can  form  an  estimate 
of  the  expense  of  keeping  over  one  thousand  men  in  the  field. 
Besides  other  stores,  several  wealthy  and  respectable  friends  of  the 
cause  subscribed  a  barrel  of  whiskey  each.  The  Mayor  of  Kansas 
city  gave  one  barrel,  nor  did  he  stop  there.  The  following  des 
patch  was  sent  from  Kansas  city  to  encourage  the  "  ruffians  "  of 
Platte  : 

"  KANSAS  CITY,  Mo.,  Dec.  3,  8  p.  M. 

"  Mr.  Payne,  the  mayor  of  this  city,  went  to  Liberty  to-day, 
and  succeeded  in  raising  two  hundred  men  and  one  thousand  dol 
lars  for  the  assistance  of  Jones." 

In  order  to  show  the  object  they  had  in  view,  I  give  the  follow 
ing  despatch,  sent  back  to  Missouri  by  those  who  first  went  up.  It 
was  published  as  an  extra,  in  flaming  characters  : 

"  INDEPENDENCE,  Dec.  3,  8  p.  M. 

"  Jones  will  not  make  a  move  until  there  is  sufficient  force  in 
the  field  to  ensure  success.  We  have  not  more  than  three  hundred 


168  THE    CONQUEST   OP   KANSAS. 

men  in  the  territory.  You  will,  therefore,  urge  all  who  are  inter 
ested  in  the  matter  to  start  immediately  for  the  seat  of  war.  There 
is  no  doubt  In  regard  to  having  a  fight,  and  we  all  know  that  a 
great  many  have  complained  because  they  were  disappointed  here 
tofore  in  regard  to  a  fight.  Say  to  them,  now  is  the  time  to  show 
game,  and,  if  we  are  defeated  this  time,  the  territory  is  lost  to  the 
South. 

"  Signed  by  T.  J.  Shaw,  II.  T.  Chiles,  E.  0.  Chiles,  J.  C.  Irwin, 
E.  C.  Renick." 

The  signers  of  this  paper  belong  to  a  class  considered  respecta 
ble  in  their  own  localities,  and,  I  have  no  doubt,  influential. 

Governor  Shannon,  having  issued  orders  to  call  out  the  "  militia," 
on  the  27th  of  November,  and  having  taken  the  initiatory  steps  to 
have  the  whole  border  ruffian  force  of  Missouri  poured  into  the 
territory  to  murder  the  settlers,  happened  to  think,  about  two  days 
afterwards,  that  the  proper  course  would  have  been  to  issue  a 
proclamation,  and  proceeded  to  do  so  on  the  29th,  as  follows : 

"PROCLAMATION. 
"  THE   GOVERNOR    OF    KANSAS    TERRITORY. 

"  Whereas,  reliable  information  has  been  received  that  a  numer 
ous  association  of  lawless  men,  armed  with  deadly  weapons,  and 
supplied  with  all  the  implements  of  war,  combined  and  confeder 
ated  together  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  opposing,  by  force  and 
violence,  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  this  territory,  did,  at  the 
County  of  Douglas,  on  or  about  the  26th  of  this  month,  make  a 
violent  assault  on  the  sheriff  of  said  county,  with  deadly  weapons, 
and  did  overcome  said  officer,  and  did  rescue  from  his  custody,  by 
force  and  violence,  a  person  arrested  by  virtue  of  a  peace-warrant, 
and  then  and  there  a  prisoner,  holden  by  the  said  sheriff,  and  other 
scandalous  outrages  did  commit  in  violation  of  law  : 

"  And  whereas,  also,  information  has  been  received  that  this 
confederated  band  of  lawless  men  did,  about  the  same  time,  set  fire 
to  and  burn  down  a  number  of  houses  of  peaceable  and  unoffending 
citizens,  and  did  destroy  a  considerable  amount  of  personal  property, 
and  have  repeatedly  proclaimed  that  they  would  regard  no  law  of 


THE   WAKARUSA   WAR.  169 

this  territory,  resist  by  force  of  arms  all  officers,  and  those  aiding 
and  assisting  them  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  or  any  process 
issued  in  pursuance  thereof: 

"  And  whereas,  also,  I  have  received  satisfactory  information 
that  this  armed  organization  of  lawless  men  have  proclaimed  their 
determination  to  attack  the  said  Sheriff  of  Douglas  County,  and 
rescue  from  his  custody  a  prisoner,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of 
executing  him  without  a  judicial  trial,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
threatened  the  life  of  the  said  sheriff  and  other  citizens :  Now, 
therefore,  to  the  end  that  the  authority  of  the  laws  may  be  main 
tained,  and  those  concerned  in  violating  them,  brought  to  immedi 
ate  and  condign  punishment,  and  that  the  said  Sheriff  of  Douglas 
County  may  be  protected  from  lawless  violence  in  the  execution 
of  the  lawful  warrants  and  other  process  in  his  hands,  I,  Wilson 
Shannon,  governor  of  said  territory,  have  issued  this  my  proclama 
tion,  calling  on  all  well-disposed  citizens  of  this  territory  to  rally 
to  the  support  of  the  laws  of  their  country,  and  requiring  and  com 
manding  all  officers  civil  and  military,  and  all  other  citizens  of  this 
territory,  who  shall  be  found  within  the  vicinity  of  these  outrages, 
to  be  aiding  and  assisting,  by  all  means  in  their  power,  in  quelling 
this  armed  organization,  and  assisting  the  said  sheriff  and  his 
deputies  in  recapturing  the  above-named  prisoner,  and  aiding  and 
assisting  him  in  the  execution  of  all  legal  processes  in  his  hands. 
And  I  do  further  command  that  the  district-attorney,  for  the  dis 
trict  in  which  these  outrages  took  place,  and  all  other  persons  con 
cerned  in  the  administration  or  execution  of  the  laws,  cause  the 
above  offenders,  and  all  such  as  aided  or  assisted  them,  to  be  im 
mediately  arrested  and  proceeded  with  according  to  law. 

"  Given  under  my  hand  and  the  seal  of  this  territory,  this  29th 
day  of  November,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  eighteen  hundred 
and  fifty-five. 

"  [L.  s.]  WILSON  SHANNON. 

"  By  the  Governor:  D.  WOODSON,  Sec'y  of  the  Territory." 

Whether  the  authorship  of  this  document  belongs  to  Governor 
Shannon  or  Secretary  Woodson  is  doubtful ;  but  from  what  little 
I  know  of  the  facts,  I  incline  to  believe  that  it  was  concocted  by 
15 


170  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

both  of  them  at  Shawnee  Mission,  and  penned  by  Woodson  at 
Lecompton  on  the  80th.  That  gentleman  went  up  from  Shawnee 
Mission  to  Lecompton  on  the  30th.  The  proclamation  was 
received  and  printed  at  Leavenworth  on  the  first  of  December. 

General  Eastin,  the  editor,  bogus  councilman,  brigadier  of 
"  militia,"  &c.,  gave  publicity  to  the  pronunciamcnto,  and  also  to 
the  following  documents,  which  were  issued  on  the  same  handbill, 
and  circulated  freely  in  Platte,  Buchanan,  and  Clay  Counties, 
Mo.,  although  I  never  heard  of  but  one  having  been  seen  in  the 
territory : 

"  Head-quarters  of  Second  Brigade  of  Northern  Division  of  > 
Kansas  Militia,  LEAVENWORTH  CITY,  JVbi>.  28,  1855.    5 

"  To  the  Militia  of  the  Second  Brigade  : 

"  Information  has  been  received  by  me  that  a  state  of  open 
rebellion  is  now  in  existence  in  Douglas  County,  Kansas  Territory. 
This  is,  therefore,  to  command  the  militia  of  my  brigade  of  the 
Northern  Division  to  meet  at  Leavenworth  city,  on  Saturday,  1st 
day  of  December,  1855,  at  11  o'clock,  A.  M.,  armed  and  equipped 
according  to  law,  and  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness,  subject  to 
the  order  of  Major-General  W.  P.  Richardson. 

"  Bring  your  arms  and  ammunition  along. 

"  LUCIAN  J.  EASTIN, 

"  Brig.  Gen.  of'ld  Brigade,  Northern  Division  Kansas  Militia" 

"  TO   ARMS  !    TO    ARMS  ! 

"  It  is  expected  that  every  lover  of  law  and  order  will  rally  at 
Leavenworth  on  Saturday,  December  1st,  1855,  prepared  to  march 
at  once  to  the  scene  of  rebellion,  to  put  down  the  outlaws  of  Doug 
las  County,  who  are  committing  depredations  upon  persons  and 
property,  burning  down  houses,  and  declaring  open  hostility  and 
resistance  to  the  laws,  and  have  forcibly  rescued  a  prisoner  from  the 
sheriff.  Come  one,  come  all !  The  laws  must  be  executed.  The 
outlaws,  it  is  said,  are  armed  to  the  teeth,  and  number  one  thousand 
men.  Every  man  should  bring  his  rifle,  ammunition,  and  it  would 
be  well  to  bring  two  or  three  days'  provisions.  Let  the  call  be 
promptly  obeyed.  Every  man  to  his  post,  and  do  his  duty. 

"  MANY  CITIZENS." 


THE   WAKARUSA    WAR.  171 

About  the  same  time  the  following  document  was  read  before  a 
meeting  in  Platte  city,  Mo.  It  was  addressed  to  a  certain  gen 
eral  in  Leavenworth,  and  handed  by  that  accommodating  individual 
to  the  proper  parties  : 

"  DEAR  GENERAL  :  The  governor  having  called  out  the  militia, 
this  is  to  inform  you  to  order  out  your  division,  and  proceed  forth 
with  to  Lecompton.  The  governor  not  having  the  power,  you  can 
call  on  the  Platte  Rifle  Company,  as  our  neighbors  are  always 
ready  to  help  us.  Do  not  implicate  the  governor,  whatever  you 
do." 

This  copy  I  obtained  from  a  gentleman,  who  copied  it  from 
hearing  it  read  several  times.  He  also  appended  a  signature, 
reported  to  have  been  attached  to  the  letter ;  but,  as  a  certain  high 
territorial  officer  under  the  national  executive  has  sworn  and  sub 
scribed  to  an  affidavit,  in  which  it  is  certified  that  he  did  not  send 
such  a  letter,  I,  therefore,  append  no  name,  not  wishing,  of  course, 
to  implicate  any  one  else,  and  let  the  reader  conclude  that  it  must 
have  been  one  of  the  base  fabrications  of  the  border  ruffians,  got 
up  for  effect. 

As  the  report  has  been  circulated  that  the  bonafidc  inhabitants  of 
the  territory  were  first  called,  and  that,  failing  to  realize  a  sufficient 
force  thus,  the  Missourians  volunteered,  and  were  received;  I 
will  state,  that  so  far  from  this  being  the  case,  the  first,  and  only 
men  in  camp  ayainst  Lawrence  for  several  days,  came  from  Mis 
souri.  The  first  company,  consisting  of  about  fifty  persons,  from 
the  neighborhood  of  Independence  and  Westport,  came  up  on  the 
29th  of  November,  and  halted  and  camped  at  Franklin.  Imme 
diately  on  their  arrival  I  rode  down  from  Lawrence  to  see  them. 
They  had  six  wagons,  a  buggy,  and  spring-wagon,  which  were 
drawn  up  in  a  semi-circle,  in  an  opening  near  the  centre  of  the 
village.  They  were  a  motley  crew.  A  considerable  number  of 
them  were  shooting  at  a  mark ;  all  had  been  drinking,  and  many 
were  staggering  about  tipsy.  From  their  appearance  I  should 
judge  that  they  were  the  scum  and  riff-raff  of  the  two  places  men 
tioned,  and  had  doubtless  been  easiest  started,  from  the  fact  of 
having  no  occupation.  They  were  the  pioneer  party,  and  had  no 


172  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

territorial  functionaries,  bogus  or  otherwise,  with  them,  or  near 
them,  when  I  saw  them.  They  freely  admitted  that  they  were 
from  Missouri. 

They  were  not  yet  under  military  orders,  and  did  not  keep  a 
very  strict  camp.  They  were  loud  in  denunciation  of  the  "  aboli 
tionists,"  and  profuse  in  threats  about  "  drawing  a  bead  on  a  blue- 
bellied  Yankee,"  and  -"  running  the  d — d  abolitionists  out  of  the 
territory."  About  the  avowed  casus  belli,  the  rescue  of  Branson, 
they  seemed  to  know  or  care  nothing. 

I  append  the  following  extracts  from  statements  made  by  Gov 
ernor  Shannon,  which  ought  to  be  authority  as  to  tne  persons  that 
composed  the  invading  army  : 

"  I  can  thus  account  for  the  intense  excitement  which  was  gen 
erated  among  the  pro-slavery  men  of  the  Missouri  frontier,  and 
which  finally  resulted  in  their  flocking  to  the  aid  of  the  upholders 
of  territorial  law  in  Kansas. 

"  Missouri  has  fifty  thousand  slaves  in  that  portion  of  her  terri 
tory  which  borders  upon  the  frontiers  of  Kansas.  By  estimating 
the  average  value  of  each  of  these  slaves  at  six  hundred  dollars  (a 
low  rate),  we  have  a  total  of  $30,000,000.  Now,  should  Kansas 
become  a  free  state,  it  would  be  ruinous  to  the  slave-holding  inter 
ests  of  Missouri." 

While  I  venture  to  take  exceptions  to  the  governor's  conclusions, 
still  there  is,  unquestionably,  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  his  premises. 
It  is  also  certain  that  something  of  the  feeling  to  which  the 
governor  alludes  existed;  but  whether  it  arose  solely  from  the 
cause  which  he  mentions,  or  from  desire  to  extend  slavery  into  the 
territory,  hatred  to  all  that  was  inimical  to  slavery  extension,  or 
from  a  desire  to  secure  political  power  to  nationalize  the  institu 
tion,  is  a  point  on  which  men  may  differ. 

The  governor  further  says  : 

"  Missouri  sent  not  only  her  young  men,  but  her  gray-headed 
citizens  were  there ;  the  man  of  seventy  winters  stood  shoulder  to 
shoulder  with  the  youth  of  sixteen." 

If  this  were  true  it  would  only  show  that  the  mischief  was 
deeply  seated,  when  the  experienced  and  influential  should  thus 
readily  engage  in  an  outrage  in  a  neighboring  territory. 


THE   WAKARUSA  WAR.  173 

These  men  from  the  first,  and  all  through  the  campaign,  claimed 
to  be  acting  as  territorial  "  militia,"  and  that  they  were  acting 
under  orders  from  the  governor.  How  true  this  was  may  be 
judged  from  the  following  apologetic  statement  from  Shannon: 

"  These  men  came  to  the  Wakarusa  camp  to  fight ;  they  did  not 
ask  peace ;  it  was  war  —  war  to  the  knife.  They  would  come ;  it  was 
impossible  to  prevent  them.  What,  then,  was  my  policy?  Cer 
tainly  this ;  to  mitigate  an  evil,  which  it  was  impossible  to  sup 
press,  by  bringing  under  military  control  these  irregular  and 
excited  forces.  This  was  only  to  be  accomplished  by  permitting 
the  continuance  of  the  course  which  had  already  been  adopted, 
without  my  knowledge,  by  Generals  Richardson  and  Stricklar ; 
that  is,  to  have  the  volunteers  incorporated,  as  they  came  in,  into 
the  already  organized  command.  A  portion  of  these  men,  who 
were  mostly  from  Jackson  County,  Mo.,  reported  themselves  to 
Sheriff  Jones,  by  giving  in  a  list  of  their  names,  as  willing  to  serve 
in  their  posse  ;  and  he,  after  taking  legal  advice  upon  the  question, 
determined  to  receive  them.  They  were  accordingly  enrolled." 

It  would  be  useless  to  follow  the  governor  through  the  fallacies 
of  the  above  statement.  Its  sophistry  is  too  glaring,  and  the 
assigned  reason  altogether  inconsistent.  If  the  two  generals  dis 
obeyed  him  in  thus  enrolling  militia,  it  was  certainly  an  odd 
"  policy  "  on  his  part  to  endorse  it.  That  it  was  the  hope  of 
thereby  preventing  their  attack,  will  be  proved  false  in  the  sequel. 
The  fact  is  that  all  of  these  apologies  were  only  thought  of,  and 
set  forth,  at  a  much  later  date,  when  the  consequences  of  his  im 
prudence  became  apparent. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

WAKARUSA  WAR — ITS   INCIDENTS. 

THE  morning  after  the  rescue  of  Branson  there  was  a  meeting 
held  in  Lawrence.  Mr.  S.  N.  Wood,  one  of  the  rescuers,  was  called 
to  the  chair,  and  took  it  with  a  sword  belted  to  his  waist.  The 
chairman  gave  an  account  of  the  rescue,  and  stated  his  participa 
tion  in  it.  Mr.  Branson  was  called  on,  and  in  simple  style  re 
lated  the  occurrence.  He  spoke,  also,  of  his  murdered  friend 
Dow.  In  conclusion,  he  appealed  to  them  for  support ;  but  said 
if  they  wished  it  he  would  go  home,  and,  if  necessary,  die  there. 

His  address  was  received  with  acclamations,  and  the  hastily 
gathered  meeting  declared  that  he  should  be  protected.  They  also 
passed  resolutions  declaring  that  no  officer  under  that  Bogus  Legis 
lature  should  be  allowed  to  make  arrests.  Several  prudent  voices 
dissented  from  any  public  action  on  this,  but  the  majority  were 
determined.  In  doing  so  there  is  no  question  but  they  were 
merely  carrying  out  the  expressed  wish  of  the  meetings  and  con 
ventions  held  in  the  territory.  The  position  taken  called  for 
resistance  to  these  bogus  officers.  And  when  this  rescue  had  been 
considered,  with  all  the  aggravating  circumstances  connected  with 
the  arrest,  it  indeed  presented  a  true  issue  of  the  point  in  dispute. 
So  thought  and  so  said  the  first  meeting  held  in  Lawrence. 

But  there  was  another  view  of  the  question,  and  that  the  more 
thoughtful  were  not  slow  to  take ;  in  fact,  Dr.  Robinson  took  it 
from  the  first.  It  was  that  Lawrence  must  not  assume  anything 
for  which  it  was  not  responsible,  be  the  quarrel  just  or  unjust.  It 
was  well  known  that  a  pretext  was  sought  to  destroy  Lawrence, 
and  it  was  determined  that  the  ruffians  should  have  no  apology 
for  their  attack,  if  it  was  to  be  made.  In  the  afternoon  session  of 


THE    WAKARUSA    WAR.  175 

the  same  day,  it  was  therefore  decided  that  Lawrence  had  and 
would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  matter,  leaving  the  position  to 
be  taken  by  any  of  its  citizens,  with  regard  to  the  bogus  laws,  for 
their  own  individual  action  at  such  times  as  the  pretended  officers 
might  assail  them.  This  position,  when  taken,  was  not  supposed 
to  concede  anything.  All  united  in  regarding  the  laws  and  offi 
cers,  imposed  by  the  body  of  men  who  assembled  at  the  Shawnee 
Mission,  as  having  no  power  or  effect,  and  that  the  action  of  any  of 
these  would-be  officers  was  simply  a  case  of  assault  on  any  one  on 
whom  they  might  pretend  to  operate.  But  those  who  managed  the 
defence  of  Lawrence  reasoned  that  they  could  not  organize  a  force 
contemplating  resistance  to  any  body  of  men  simply  because  these 
men  pretended  to  be  legislators  or  officers.  In  doing  so  they 
would  refer  their  rights  to  the  arbitration  of  violence,  which  they 
were  not  inclined  to  do. 

A  war  kindled  thus  might  have  been  most  disastrous  in  its  conse 
quences,  and  have  furthered  the  schemes  of  the  Southern  nullifiers. 
It  was  a  love  of  the  Union,  and  a  patriotic  desire  to  save  it  from  the 
flames  of  civil  discord,  that  induced  the  prudent  and  high-minded 
men  entrusted  with  the  defence  to  forbear  raising  a  warlike  issue 
themselves  on  this.  It  was  hoped  that  Congress,  just  then  about 
to  assemble,  would,  the  moment  the  case  was  presented,  take  steps 
to  secure  the  rights  of  the  settlers,  without  resorting  to  civil  war. 
But  they  had  not  even  then  fully  realized  the  inveterate  purpose 
of  their  enemy,  or  the  weakness  of  the  government  to  aid  them. 

In  consideration  of  the  threatening  aspect  of  affairs,  a  commit 
tee  of  safety,  composed  of  ten  persons,  was  formed  for  the  protec 
tion  of  the  town.  These  selected  Dr.  llobinson,  one  of  their  num 
ber,  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  defence ;  and  that  gentleman, 
with  their  consent,  authorized  Col.  Lane,  who  had  distinguished 
himself  in  the  Mexican  war,  to  take  immediate  charge  of  the  field 
force.  Other  officers  of  experience  were  there  to  assist  in  defence, 
if  necessary. 

While  these  steps  were  taken,  and  some  two  hundred  men  were 
mustered  into  service,  it  was  concluded  to  keep  everything  as 
quiet  as  possible,  to  make  as  few  warlike  demonstrations  as  was 
compatible  with  safety,  and  not  send  to  other  portions  of  the 


176  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

territory  until  assistance  was  imperatively  demanded.  While  Gen. 
Robinson  and  the  committee  were  thus  at  work,  meetings  were 
held  every  night,  and  also  in  the  day-time.  The  state  of  affairs 
was  freely  and  warmly  discussed,  and  whenever  the  leaders  saw 
that  the  popular  excitement  ran  too  high  they  adroitly  diverted  it 
by  letting  it  off  in  resolutions. 

The  rescue  happened  on  the  26th,  and  it  v;as  the  29th  before 
the  first  company  of  Missourians  came  up  and  encamped  at  Frank 
lin,  as  stated  in  last  chapter.  All  of  this  time  Jones  had  never 
been  heard  from,  and  his  movements  could  only  be  inferred  from 
the  thousand  rumors  constantly  afloat.  All  of  the  rescuers  re 
turned  to  Hickory  Point,  where  they  lived,  except  Messrs.  S.  N. 
Wood,  S.  F.  Tappan,  and  S.  C.  Smith,  who  lived  in  Lawrence; 
Branson  also  remained.  Shortly  after  the  Committee  of  Safety 
organized,  and  as  soon  as  reliable  information  that  a  hostile  force 
was  beginning  to  assemble  had  reached  them,  they  determined 
that  the  issue  must  be  placed  in  its  legitimate  shape.  It  was 
known  that  the  armed  force  was  really  gathering  to  attack  and 
destroy  Lawrence,  and  as  Lawrence  was  not  connected  with  the 
rescue,  they  deemed  it  proper  that  she  should  not  be  compromised 
by  it.  Branson  was,  therefore,  requested  to  remove  himself  to 
some  other  part  of  the  territory,  where  he  could  be  safe.  The 
three  persons  connected  with  the  rescue,  who  lived  in  Lawrence, 
were  also  requested  to  leave,  as  the  town  was  unwilling  to  organ 
ize  a  force  for  the  defence  of  their  persons  against  the  threatening 
force;  although  Gen.  Robinson,  the  committee,  and  the  people 
of  Lawrence  were  willing,  and  would  be  prepared  to  defend  the 
town  and  citizens  against  any  and  all  attacks  from  a  hostile  force. 

The  reader  will  doubtless  think  that  this  was  avoiding  the  issue, 
and  such  refusal  to  sustain  such  men  publicly  in  an  honorable  act, 
for  which  they  respected  them  in  their  hearts,  was  undignified, 
inconsistent,  and  timorous  policy.  To  such  I  would  merely  say 
that  diplomacy  in  time  of  war,  and  indeed  at  all  other  times,  is  a 
science. 

All  day  on  the  29th  of  November,  Missourians  had  been  drill 
ing  and  shooting  at  a  mark  in  Franklin.  The  first  company  thus 
up,  was,  as  I  have  stated,  fifty  men.  A  rumor  came  into  Law- 


THE     WAKARUSA    WAR.  177 

rence,  at  dusk  on  that  evening,  that  a  reinforcement  of  seven  hun 
dred  men  had  arrived,  and  that  Lawrence  was  to  be  attacked  that 
night.  I  went  out  into  the  streets  of  Lawrence  that  night,  and, 
though  all  was  quiet  enough,  found  here  and  there  a  guard  pacing 
the  streets  with  a  Sharpe's  rifle  on  his  arm  ;  and  a  few  other  silent 
indications  I  noted  told  that  those  who  had  assumed  the  respon 
sibility  of  defence  "slumbered  not,  nor  slept."  The  moon  was 
not  up,  and  the  stars  shone  but  dimly  through  a  haze  of  smoky 
air,  the  prairie  grass  being  in  a  flame  in  several  directions.  Some 
teams,  that  had  come  in  from  Westport  at  dusk,  had  reported  hav 
ing  met  armed  horsemen,  and  men  in  wagons,  with  arms,  ammuni 
tion,  and  provisions,  coming  up  from  Missouri.  One  man  said  there 
was  a  company  drilling  at  Franklin  in  the  afternoon.  I  also 
learned  that  a  meeting  had  been  convened  at  AVestport  the  day 
after  the  rescue  of  Branson,  and  that  runners  were  sent  to  seven 
counties  to  raise  men  ;  later  still,  that  they  were  enrolling  men  at 
Independence,  and  mulcting  those  who  would  not  go,  in  five  dollars, 
to  defray  expenses.  Under  these  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising 
that  there  should  be  a  good  deal  of  uneasiness  ;  indeed,  I  was  only 
surprised  that  there  should  not  have  been  more.  Groups  w,ere 
assembled  here  and  there.  Hearty  bursts  of  laughter  occasionally 
told  that  some  few  discredited  the  danger,  or  despised  it ;  but  seri 
ous  whisperings,  and  talk  about  the  "  seven  hundred  men  at  Frank 
lin,"  showed  that  others  were  not  so  easy.  Indeed,  all  knew  that 
if  Lawrence  was  not  attacked  that  night  it  was  only  because  its 
enemies  could  not  raise  force  enough  to  venture. 

About  eight  o'clock  two  men  came  in,  and  reported  themselves 
as  just  up  from  Franklin,  and  that  the  seven  hundred  men  were 
really  there.  I  entered  the  chamber  where  the  Committee  of 
Safety  was  deliberating,  and  found  by  their  anxious  looks  and 
preparations  that  the  report  was  credited.  Having  been  in  Frank 
lin  that  day,  I,  for  several  reasons,  doubted  its  truth,  and  urged 
the  propriety  of  such  a  fact  being  positively  known  if  it  was  true. 
In  company  with  Mr.  Wm.  Hutchinson,  a  member  of  the  commit 
tee,  I  walked  down  to  Franklin  that  night.  When  we  entered 
Franklin  we  found  all  silent,  and  the  place  where  the  camp  had 
been  was  deserted.  The  town  appeared  to  be  wrapped  in  sleep, 


178  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

and  not  a  noise  was  heard  but  the  creaking  of  the  swinging  sign 
in  front  of  the  tavern,  and  the  sound  of  our  footsteps  as  we  walked 
through.  Being  anxious  to  know  where  these  men  had  got  to, 
and  whether  they  had  received  the  reported  reinforcements,  we 
went  on.  Immediately  below  Franklin  the  ground  breaks,  and 
there  are  one  or  two  miles  of  flat  bottom  between  that  point  and  the 
Wakarusa.  Just  as  we  were  leaving  Franklin  we  saw  a  couple 
of  sentries,  with  their  guns,  pacing  in  front  of  us.  As  we  ap 
proached  they  walked  up,  as  if  they  wished  to  interrogate ;  but 
we  passed  them  with  a  blunt  "  Good-night,"  and  they  did  not  ven 
ture  to  molest.  We  had  only  gone  about  eighty  yards  when  first 
the  one  and  then  the  other  discharged  their  pieces.  We  knew 
that  they  had  not  fired  at  us,  and  kept  a  sharp  look-out,  well 
knowing  that  it  was  a  signal  to  those  below.  The  Missourians 
had  moved  their  camp  down  into  the  timber  of  the  "Wakarusa, 
and  pitched  it  a  quarter  of  a  mile  below  the  ford  on  the  Cali 
fornia  road.  This  became  the  celebrated  Wakarusa  camp. 
They  had  received  some  reinforcements  that  evening,  but  they 
were  light,  and  they  had  not  force  enough  to  make  the  attack. 
Having  ascertained  enough  to  know  this,  we  returned. 

Next  day  I  again  went  down  to  their  camp.  A  portion  of 
them  had  moved  up  to  Franklin  for  the  convenience  of  the  groce 
ries,  and  were  drinking  and  swearing,  and  shooting  at  a  mark. 
They  had  several  wagons  there,  from  which  banners  with  all  kinds 
of  mysterious  devices  were  fluttering.  When  I  got  to  tbe  camp  in 
the  bottom,  I  learned  that  there  were  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men  there.  Hiding  on  down  the  road,  I  saw  four  men  stationed 
as  guard  near  the  ford.  They  were  reclining  on  the  ground  when 
I  first  saw  them,  with  long  rifles  in  their  hands.  As  I  approached 
they  sprang  up  to  their  feet  and  eyed  me  closely ;  but  I  rode  on 
without  paying  any  attention  to  them,  and  they  did  not  molest 
me.  While  going  down  the  road  I  met  several  teams  and  horse 
men  coming  up.  They  were  all  armed ;  I  conversed  with  most 
of  them,  and  learned  they  were  from  Missouri.  Indeed,  as  they 
were  coining  up  the  Westport  road,  which  leads  through  Indian 
reserve  to  the  state,  this  was  apparent.  One  lot  of  these 
invaders  particularly  struck  me.  The  party  was  composed  of  five 


TUB    WAKARUSA    WAR.  179 

men.  They  had  two  ox-teams.  They  were  dressed  in  homespun, 
and  looked  like  Western  farmers  of  the  poorer  class.  Three  of 
them  were  young,  one  of  these  quite  a  lad.  A  middle-aged  man, 
with  a  forbidding  look,  and  a  face  like  a  bottle-brush,  sat  in  the 
first  wagon  ;  an  old  man  of  sixty,  his  hair  gray,  beside  him.  As 
they  approached,  I  reined  up  my  pony,  and  saluted  them.  They 
returned  my  salutation,  and  stopped  their  wagons. 

"  Are  there  many  more  of  the  boys  on  the  road?  "  I  asked. 

"  Yes,  lots  of  'em,"  responded  one  of  the  young  men. 

"  AVhere  are  you  from  ?  " 

"  We  're  from  the  neighborhood  of  Independence." 

"  Are  there  many  more  coming  from  that  quarter?  " 

"  Yes ;  we  started  ahead  of  the  company ;  we  're  three  days 
out.  How  many  are  in  camp  ?  " 

"  0,  well,  not  quite  two  hundred." 

"  By  G — d  !  is  that  all  ?  "  exclaimed  two  of  them,  in  a  breath ; 
and  one  asked,  "  How  many  Yankees  are  there  in  Lawrence?  " 

"  I  cannot  say  exactly;  a  good  many  of  them." 

"  Look  here,"  said  one  of  these  youngsters,  who  evidently  felt  a 
little  uneasy,  "  where  is  our  camp  ?  How  far  is  it  from  Law 
rence  ?  " 

"  0,  it 's  just  across  the  creek  at  the  ford.  It  is  six  miles  from 
Lawrence." 

While  this  was  passing,  the  old  man,  who  had  not  yet  said  a 
word,  got  out  of  the  wagon,  and,  coming  over  to  me,  laid  his  great 
rugged  hands  on  my  horse's  mane,  and  looked  up  at  me  from  a 
sharp  gray  eye  that  time  had  not  dimmed  much.  There  was  a 
whole  volume  of  interrogation  in  that  keen,  scrutinizing  look  ;  and 
as  I  looked  down  in  his  hard  wrinkled  face  with  as  bland  a  smile 
as  possible,  I  could  read  his  suspicions  in  every  lineament  of  those 
wrinkled  features. 

"  An't  you  a  Yankee  ?  "  he  at  length  asked. 

"  O,  no  ;  I  'm  a  Sucker." 

"  D — n  it !  I  knew  he  was  all  right,"  said  the  half-tipsy  man. 
The  old  gentleman  was  evidently  not  reassured ;  but  appeared  to 
be  at  a  loss  how  to  continue  his  inquiries.  One  of  the  young  men 
broke  in  here. 


180  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

"Look  here,  stranger,  did  you  ever  see  any  of  them  Sharpe's 
rifles?" 

"  Yes,  I  have  seen  them." 

"  What  sort  o'  fixin'  are  they  ?  " 

"  Terrible  gun." 

"  Say  they  kin  load  'em  ten  times  a  minute  —  'sthat  so?  " 

"  Expect  it  is." 

"  Well,  how  'n  thunder  can  they  do  it  ?  " 

"  It 's  done  by  machinery,"  we  rejoined  very  mysteriously. 

"  Is  it  a  revolvin'  fixin'  ?  "  asked  the  youngest  of  the  lot. 

"  Not  exactly." 

"  Well,  how  fur  kin  they  carry  ?  " 

"  0,  well,  I  do  not  believe  all  the  stories  they  tell  of  them. 
Indeed,  I  am  confident  that  they  cannot  carry  a  ball  with  any  de 
gree  of  accuracy  much  more  than  a  mile ;  that  is,  to  do  close 
shooting."  I  said  this  with  as  much  coolness  as  possible,  and  it 
required  an  effort  to  repress  a  smile  as  I  saw  the  anxious  faces  of 
the  inquirers. 

"  Have  they  got  any  cannons,  them  Yankees?" 

"  They  say  that  they  have  plenty  of  them,  and  any  quantity  of 
grapeshot  and  bomb-shells,  and  every  other  infernal  machine ;  but 
I  don't  believe  it." 

My  avowed  scepticism  did  not  appear  to  relieve  them,  and  they 
drove  on,  looking  very  anxious. 

Shortly  after  I  left  them,  I  galloped  off  the  road  towards  the 
east,  and,  after  a  desperate  ride  through  bushes,  and  a  somewhat 
unsafe  and  disagreeable  fording  of  the  Wakarusa,  at  a  place  below 
which  looked  shallow,  but  where  there  was  no  road,  I  came  up  to 
the  Wakarusa  camp  from  the  other  side,  and,  tying  up  my  horse, 
went  in  amongst  them.  I  found  most  of  them  anxious  and  rather 
despondent.  They  had  expected  that  two  or  three  thousand  men 
would  have  been  in  their  camp  before  this ;  and,  as  they  had  heard 
terrible  stories  about  a  "  thousand  men  in  Lawrence,"  they  saga 
ciously  concluded  that  they  were  not  very  safe.  How  they  cursed 
those  who  were  coming  for  their  dilatoriness ;  d — d  the  leaders 
for  their  bad  management,  and  swore  at  the  "  big  bugs  "  who  had 


THE    WAKARU3A    WAR.  181 

got  them  into  it,  and  thus  left  them,  and  the  pro-slavery  men  in 
the  territory  for  not  helping  them  ! 

"  Look  here,"  said  one  pretty  determined-looking  chap,  in 
buckskin  breeches,  and  a  red  flannel  shirt ;  "  look  here,  if  them 
infernal  Yankees  should  take  it  into  their  head  to  come  down  here 
we  would  be  in  a  darned  nice  scrape !  " 

"  Pshaw  !  "  said  another ;  "  we  could  use  up  a  nation  o'  them 
white-livered  Yankees." 

"  Not  so  fast,  Tom,"  said  a  third.  "  If  a  thousand  o'  them 
fellows  were  to  come  to  town  with  them  infernal  guns  o'  theirn, 
they  'd  make  this  here  patch  pretty  hot,  I  tell  you." 

Before  I  left  the  camp,  another  reinforcement  of  five  wagons 
and  a  lot  of  horsemen  arrived  from  Clay  County,  Mo.  They  had 
some  of  the  stolen  public  arms  with  them,  and  one  cannon. 
Over  one  of  the  wagons  a  large  flag  floated.  In  the  centre  of  it 
there  was  a  large  purple  star.  These  men  were  received  with 
yells  and  enthusiasm ;  the  camp  resounded  with  shouts  and  wild 
screams.  In  the  midst  of  these  the  strange  flag  was  hoisted  on  a 
tree  in  the  centre  of  the  camp.  I  rode  oif  unpcrceived,  as  it  went 
up  amidst  the  wildest  shrieks  and  yells,  and,  as  I  looked  back, 
and  saw  the  filibusters'  flag  floating  over  them,  felt  thankful  that 
they  had  not  disgraced  the  flag  of  our  common  country. 

It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  as  I  returned  through  Franklin. 
The  revellers  were  still  there.  Most  of  them  were  tipsy,  and  a 
few  were  stretched  out  on  the  sward  hopelessly  drunk.  One  of 
their  number,  a  swarthy-looking  disciple  of  Paganini,  in  home 
spun  pants,  and  dirty  blue  shirt,  was  perched  on  a  log,  playing  on 
the  fiddle,  while  a  group  of  wild-looking,  tipsy  men  were  dancing 
round  him,  and  cutting  all  kinds  of  capers.  Another  half-tipsy 
crowd  were  trying  to  prop  up  the  back  of  a  little  log  grocery, 
while  they  sung, 

V  "  Y/e  've  camped  in  the  wilderness 

For  a  few  days,  for  a  few  days  ; 
We  've  camped  in  the  wilderness, 

And  then  we  're  going  home. 
I  Ve  a  right  up  yonder,"  <fco. 

When  a  copy  of  the  governor's  message  reached  Lawrence, 
16 


182  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

which  it  did  two  days  after  its  date,  —  a  copy  being  brought  from 
the  frontier  of  Missouri,  —  it  aroused  the  liveliest  indignation.  A 
committee  of  the  citizens  was  appointed  to  report  on  it,  which 
they  did  as  follows  : 

"  That  the  allegations  contained  in  the  proclamation  aforesaid 
are  false  in  whole,  and  in  part ;  that  no  such  state  of  facts  exists 
in  this  community ;  that  if  such  representations  were  ever  made 
to  Governor  Shannon,  the  person  or  persons  who  made  them  have 
grossly  deceived  him.  That  no  association  of  lawless  men,  armed 
with  deadly  weapons,  has  ever  been  formed  in  this  community  for 
the  purpose  of  resisting  the  laws  of  the  country,  trampling  upon 
the  authority  of  its  officers,  destroying  the  property  of  peaceable 
citizens,  or  molesting  any  person  in  this  territory,  or  elsewhere,  in 
the  enjoyment  of  their  rights." 

A  day  or  two  afterwards  a  memorial  to  Congress  was  framed, 
and  numerously  signed.  When  it  was  drawn  up,  the  Missouri 
"posse,"  or  "  militia,"  had  commenced  their  depredations,  and  it 
alludes  to  this : 

"  To  the  Honorable  the   United  States   Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  in  Congress  assembled  : 

"  Your  memorialists,  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  resi 
dents  of  Kansas  Territory,  respectfully  represent  unto  your  honor 
able  body  that,  without  any  justifiable  cause  whatever,  Governor 
Shannon  has  caused  to  be  issued  a  proclamation,  and  under  it 
military  orders  have  been  issued,  calling  upon  the  militia  of  Kan 
sas  and  Missouri  to  meet  at  certain  points  within  the  territory, 
armed  and  equipped,  and  to  march  against  certain  portions  of  our 
people  and  territory.  Copies  of  such  proclamation,  military 
orders,  and  a  letter  from  Daniel  Woodson,  Secretary  of  the  Ter 
ritory,  to  Lucien  J.  Eastin,  editor  of  the  Kansas  Herald,  are 
herewith  inclosed ;  from  which  it  will  be  seen  that  your  memorial 
ists  are  exposed  to  the  authorized  march  of  a  military  force  from 
Missouri,  who  are  arresting  our  citizens,  and  committing  depreda 
tions  on  persons  and  property  only  known  in  cases  of  war  between 
hostile  countries.  Devoted  as  we  are  to  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union,  and  estimating  neither  as  secondary  to  slavery,  we  ear- 


THE   WAKARUSA   WAR.  183 

nestly  invoke  the  interposition  of  Congress  so  far  as  to  send  for 
persons  and  papers  to  substantiate  the  truth  of  our  statements 
herewith  inclosed." 

That  it  was  no  part  of  Jones'  object  to  make  peaceable  arrests 
is  clear  from  the  fact  that  he  came  into  Lawrence  on  the  first  of 
December,  and  went  about  the  streets  without  any  one  paying  the 
slightest  attention  to  him,  —  that  is,  to  molest  him.  Mr.  S.  N. 
Wood,  who,  at  first  refused  to  leave  town,  and  said  they  could 
arrest  him,  accosted  Jones,  and  invited  him  to  dinner.  Jones 
never  said  a  word  about  having  writs  against  him.  He  was  evi 
dently  in  town  merely  on  a  military  reconnoisance. 

The  invaders  began  to  get  very  uneasy  about  this  time.  Both 
officers  and  men  were  apprehensive  of  an  attack  ;  hence  General 
Eastin  sent  the  following  letter  to  Governor  Shannon : 

"  LEAVENWORTH,  K.  T.,  Nov.  SQth,  1855. 

"  GOVERNOR  SHANNON  :  Information  has  been  received  here 
direct  from  Lawrence,  which  I  consider  reliable,  that  the  outlaws 
of  Douglas  County  are  well  fortified  at  Lawrence  with  cannon  and 
Sharpe's  rifles,  and  number  at  least  one  thousand  men.  It  will, 
therefore,  be  difficult  to  dispossess  them. 

"  The  '  militia '  in  this  portion  of  the  state  are  entirely 
unorganized,  and  without  arms. 

"  I  suggest  the  propriety  of  calling  upon  the  military  at  Fort 
Leaven  worth.  If  you  had  the  power  to  call  out  the  government 
troops,  I  think  it  would  be  best  to  do  so  at  once.  It  might  over 
awe  these  outlaws,  and  prevent  bloodshed. 

"  L.  J.  EASTIN, 
«  Brig.  Gen.  Northern  Brigade,  K.  T." 

This  humane  desire  of  the  general  to  prevent  the  "  effusion  of 
blood  "  is,  under  such  circumstances,  pretty  good.  The  governor 
immediately  complied  with  its  request,  and  sent  a  despatch  to 
Colonel  Sumner,  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  to  ask  the  aid  of  the 
troops.  Colon/}!  Simmer  sent  back  the  following  prudent  mis 
sive: 


184  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  IST  CAVALRY,  > 
FORT  LEAVENT WORTH,  Dec.  1st,  1855.  $ 

"  GOVERNOR  :  I  have  just  received  your  letter  of  this  day. 
I  do  not  feel  that  it  would  be  right  in  me  to  act  in  this  important 
matter  until  orders  are  received  from  the  government,  I  shall  be 
ready  to  move  instantly  whenever  I  receive  them.  I  would 
respectfully  suggest  that  you  make  your  application  for  aid  to  the 
government  extensively  known  at  once,  and  I  would  countermand 
any  orders  that  may  have  been  given  to  the  movement  of  the 
militia  until  you  receive  the  answer.  I  write  this  in  haste. 
"  With  much  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  E.  V.  SUMNER, 

"  Colonel  First  Cavalry. 
"  His  Excellency,  GOVERNOR  SHANNON." 

This  is  a  very  fair  indication  of  what  Sumner  thought  of  the 
"  militia  "  movement.  In  compliance  with  the  suggestion  of  Col. 
Sumner,  the  governor  telegraphed  to  the  President,  asking  the 
aid  of  the  troops.  That  this  movement  was  extremely  objection 
able  to  the  Missourians,  and  the  border  ruffian  leaders  generally, 
is  certain.  It  was  unquestionably  an  indiscretion  on  the  part  of 
Eastin,  as  a  member  of  that  party;  for,  although  the  threatening 
aspect  of  the  case  seemed  to  require  it,  the  leaders  well  knew  that 
the  troops  would  only  be  in  their  way,  and  would  probably  pre 
vent  the  destruction  of  Lawrence.  They  did  not  despair  of  get 
ting  men  enough ;  although  the  fact  that  ten  days  of  active  ex 
ertion  only  succeeded  in  getting  up  some  fifteen  hundred  men, 
showed  that  the  Missourians  were  more  ready  in  volunteering  to 
vote  than  to  fight.  With  regard  to  the  number  of  the  invading 
force,  I  subjoin  the  following  statement  of  Shannon's : 

"  The  pro-slavery  forces  thus  collected,  including  the  militia, 
amounted  on  the  1st  or  2d  of  December,  1855,  as  it  was  then 
stated  to  me  at  the  Shawnee  Mission,  to  about  fifteen  hundred 
men  ;  and  it  was  also  reported  that  an  equal  number  of  free-state 
men  had  collected  in  Lawrence." 

On  Saturday  and  Sunday  the  camp  on  the  Wakarusa  increased 
rapidly,  and  a  camp  was  formed  at  Lecompton.  In  the  camp  at 


THE   WAKARUSA   WAR.  185 

Lecompton  there  were,  perhaps,  fifty  pro-slavery  residents  of  the 
territory,  including  the  Kickapoo  Rangers.  At  no  time  during 
the  war  were  there  more  than  seventy-five  or  eighty  pro-slavery 
residents  under  arms.  The  camp  at  Lecompton  was  mostly  made 
up  from  Platte  and  Buchanan  Counties,  Missouri.  As  they  began 
to  get  stronger  they  grew  proportionably  bold.  On  the  second 
of  December  strict  orders  were  issued  to  both  camps.  Lawrence 
was  placed  under  surveillance ;  the  roads  were  guarded  ;  travellers 
were  stopped,  searched  and  disarmed,  and  sometimes  taken 
prisoners;  wagons  were  stopped,  and,  under  the  pretence  of 
search  for  arms  and  stores,  they  were  plundered.  Besides  this, 
scouting  parties  went  over  the  country,  plundering  many  of  the 
settlers. 

As  it  was  feared  by  the  ruffian  leaders  that  the  attempt  to  make 
arrests  would  not  make  a  sufficient  casus  belli,  General  Ixichard- 
son  sent  the  following  letter  to  the  governor : 

"  LECOMPTON,  K.  T.,  Dec.  Sd,  1855. 
"  His  EXCELLENCY,  GOVERNOR  WILSON  SHANNON  — 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  believe  it  to  be  essential  to  the  peace  and 
tranquillity  of  the  territory  that  the  outlaws  at  Lawrence  arid 
elsewhere  should  be  required  to  surrender  their  Sharpc's  rifles. 
There  can  be  no  security  for  the  future  safety  of  the  lives  and 
property  of  law-abiding  citizens  unless  these  unprincipled  men  are 
(at  least)  deprived  of  the  arms,  which,  we  all  know,  have  been 
furnished  them  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  the  law.  In  fact, 
peaceable  citizens  will  be  obliged  to  leave  the  territory  unless 
those  who  are  now  threatening  them  are  compelled  to  surrender 
their  rifles  and  artillery,  if  they  have  any. 

"  I  do  not,  however,  feel  authorized,  by  the  instructions  which 
you  have  given  me,  to  make  this  demand.  Should  you  concur 
with  me  in  my  opinion,  please  let  me  know  by  express,  at 
once. 

"  A  fresh  rider  had  better  be  sent  up  in  lieu  of  this,  as  he  will 

be  fatigued.     I  am  diligently  using  every  precaution  to  prevent 

the  effusion  of  blood,  and  preserve  the  peace  of  the  territory.     As 

the  Sharpe's  rifles  may  be  regarded  as  private  property  ly  some,  I 

16* 


186  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

can  give  a  receipt  for  them,  stating  that  they  will  be  returned  to 
the-  owners  at  the  discretion  of  the  governor. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  WILLIAM  P.  RICHARDSON, 
"  Major-General,  commanding  Kansas  Territorial  Militia" 

When  the  report  of  the  burning  of  the  shanties  of  Hargus  and 
Coleraan  reached  Lawrence  it  excited  a  feeling  of  regret  and 
anger. 

There  is  but  little  doubt  that  these  shanties  were  burned  by  the 
men  who  had  endeavored  to  arrest  Branson,  or  some  of  them, 
and  was  a  deep-laid  part  of  the  same  scheme  which  was  evidently 
designed  to  precipitate  the  quarrel.  I  have  not  seen  a  free-state 
man  who  does  not  deprecate  the  transaction ;  few  of  these  believe 
that  any  free-state  man  did  it;  and  when  it  was  supposed  at  first 
that  some  foolish  free-state  man  had  done  so  in  the  excitement, 
there  was  a  general  wish  to  ferret  it  out  and  have  him  punished. 
An  examination  of  the  facts  shows  that  the  guilt  in  all  probability 
lies  at  the  doors  of  those  who  wish  to  make  capital  out  of  it.  At 
the  meeting  held  at  Hickory  Point,  to  investigate  the  murder  of 
Dow,  a  resolution  was  introduced,  and  unanimously  sustained, 
which  deprecates  reprisals  of  that  kind,  as  likely  to  bring  reproach 
upon  the  free-state  men,  no  matter  what  the  provocation.  It  is 
also  known  that  all  the  free-state  men  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
were  engaged  in  the  rescue  of  Branson,  and  came  on  with  him  to 
Lawrence.  Buckley  had  been  seen  in  the  direction  of  his  own 
house  by  some  women  about  the  time  it  was  burned.  The  houses 
destroyed  were  only  shanties,  worth  little,  and  had  nothing  in 
them,  as  the  owners  had  left  them  a  day  or  two  before. 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

ADVENTURES  WITH   THE   BORDER  RUFFIANS. 

FOR  miles  around  Lawrence  the  country  was  in  a  state  of  war 
like  preparation  and  excitement.  Armed  companies  of  citizens 
from  different  parts  of  the  surrounding  county  and  territory  began 
to  arrive  in  Lawrence.  The  town  was  invested  by  the  enemy, 
although  to  the  south  people  were  still  coming  and  going.  Such 
was  the  state  of  affairs  when,  on  Monday  morning,  I  started  to  go 
down  once  more  to  reconnoitre  the  camp  on  the  Wakarusa,  and, 
if  I  could  get  through,  to  go  down  and  see  the  governor. 

Passing  through  Franklin,  I  observed  that  there  was  now  no  reg 
ular  camp  in  the  village ;  but  there  were  some  fifty  or  sixty  idlers 
from  the  camp  below,  drinking  and  loafing  around  the  place,  for 
lack  of  something  better,  or  worse,  to  do.  They  had  no  regular 
guard  ;  but  two  or  three  of  them,  with  arms  in  their  hands, 
marched  up  to  me  as  I  was  riding  along,  and  ordered  me  to  halt. 

"  Where  are  you  going  ?  " 

"  Down  below,"  said  I. 

"  You  can  't  do  it." 

"Why  not?" 

"  Orders  are  given  to  let  no  one  pass." 

"  There  is  no  guard  here." 

"  I) — n  it,  we  're  the  guard  !     Where  are  you  from  ?  " 

"  I  am  staying  in  the  territory." 

"  Have  you  any  business  down  there  ?  " 

"  Yes." 

"I  believe  he's  from  Lawrence,"  said  one  of  the  number; 
"he's  been  down  here  every  day." 


188  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Reader,  did  you  ever  happen  to  be  in  the  centre  of  a  group  of 
some  twenty  ruffianly  fellows,  half-tipsy,  armed  to  the  teeth,  vow 
ing  murder  on  their  enemies,  of  whom  they  suspect  you  to  be  one  ? 
If  so,  you  can  realize  my  sentiments  as  I  regarded  the  group  by 
which  I  was  surrounded. 

"  By  G — d,  sir,"  said  one  man,  "  if  you  go  down  there,  you 
will  wish  you  was  back  again !  They  '11  take  you." 

"  If  I  once  get  to  the  camp  where  the  officers  are  I  am  not 
afraid  of  being  taken."  And  I  said  this  with  an  assumed  cool 
ness  and  as  much  assurance  as  I  could  muster.  It  seemed  to 
have  the  desired  effect,  for  they  gave  way,  and  one  of  them  said : 

"  Well,  let  him  go  ;  if  he  an't  all  right,  he 's  safe  enough." 

I  rode  on  as  rapidly  as  possible.  Immediately  below  Franklin 
the  upland  prairie  breaks,  and  a  broad,  flat  bottom,  covered  with 
a  very  luxuriant  grass,  stretches  between  the  slope  and  the  timber 
that  skirts  the  Wakarusa.  As  I  descended  the  slope  I  saw  a 
horseman  before  me.  Numerous  other  parties  were  galloping 
across  the  plain  in  every  direction,  but  he  was  travelling  alone, 
and  at  a  moderate  pace.  I  overtook  and  saluted  him.  He  was 
mounted  on  a  powerful  gray  horse,  had  a  long  rifle  thrown  across 
the  saddle  before  him,  and  a  couple  of  pistol-holsters.  In  appear 
ance  he  was  a  cross  between  the  gentleman  and  border  ruffian ; 
only  a  slightly  sinister  expression  gave  the  latter  the  preponder 
ance.  He  was  a  strongly-built  man,  and  well  equipped  for  travel. 
It  was  Marshal  Jones. 

Riding  to  the  sunny  side  of  him,  I  addressed  him  as  blandly  as 
possible.  He  returned  the  salutation,  but  looked  at  me  suspi 
ciously  ;  and,  as  I  rode  alongside  of  him,  he  said : 

"  May  I  ask  where  you  are  going,  sir  ?  " 

"  I  am  going  down  below." 

"  How  did  you  get  through  the  guard  at  Franklin  ?  " 

"  Guard !     They   do   not   stop    people   on   the    highway, 
they  ?  " 

"  Certainly.     The  whole  country  is  in  a  state  of  war." 

"War!     Who  declared  it?" 

"  Which  way  did  you  come  ?  "  said  he,  abruptly. 

"  I  came  from  above." 


ADVENTURES  WITH   THE   BORDER   RUFFIANS.          189 

"  Well,  I  mean  in  what  part  of  the  territory  do  you  live  ?  " 

"  I  have  not  located  yet.     I  have  been  all  over  it." 

"  What  state  are  you  from,  stranger  ?  And  may  I  ask  what  is 
your  business  ?  " 

"  I  am  an  Illinoisan,  an  editor,  and  a  lawyer.  May  I  inquire 
your  name  and  place  of  residence  ?  "  I  said,  thinking  it  time  to 
have  some  questions  from  the  other  side. 

"  My  name  is  Jones  —  Marshal  Jones.     I  live  in  Westport." 

He  said  this  with  an  evident  disinclination  to  be  questioned. 
He  continued : 

"  Look  here,  sir.  I  don't  see  where  you  could  have  come  from, 
or  how  you  could  have  travelled,  not  to  have  heard  about  the  war 
before  this,  or  have  been  taken." 

"  I  did  hear  about  the  difficulties,  but  did  not  suppose  war  had 
been  declared,  or  that  any  one  could  declare  it  as  matters  are." 

"  Where  did  you  hear  of  them  ?  " 

"  In  Lawrence." 

He  eyed  me  very  sharply  when  I  said  this.  I  rode  on,  looking 
as  indifferent  and  careless  as  possible. 

"  Well,  sir,  let  me  tell  you,"  he  resumed,  "you're  well  out  of 
Lawrence.  That  place  will  be  wiped  out  one  of  these  days.  By 

G — d,  sir,  they  are  all  traitors,  there,  and  d d  abolitionists  ! 

We  've  got  to  wipe  them  out.  There  will  be  no  peace  in  the  ter 
ritory  till  it 's  done ;  and  we  'd  better  do  it  before  they  get  any 
stronger." 

"  But  such  an  attack  on  the  place  would  lead  to  a  war." 

"  Well,  d — n  it,  that 's  what  we  want." 

"But,  if  war  begins  this  way,  where  will  it  end?  Might  it 
not  endanger  the  peace  of  the  whole  country,  and  even  the 
Union  ?  " 

"  D — n  the  Union !  "  he  said.  "  We  have  gone  in  for  peace  long 
enough.  We  have  got  to  fight  some  time  or  other,  and  may  as 
well  do  it  now.  We  have  got  the  law  and  the  authorities  on  our 
side,  and  we  will  take  that  town.  It 's  no  use  talking ;  we  have 
got  to  fight.  We  have  seven  hundred  mea  in  the  camp  down 
there  ;  there  is  a  large  reinforcement  coming  on,  that  will  arrive 
to-night  or  to-morrow,  and  the  Platte  County  people  will  be  here. 


190  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

All  of  these  troops,  sir,  are  enrolled,  and  accepted  by  the  gov 
ernor.  They  are  here  to  enforce  the  laws  ;  and,  by  G — d,  they  '11 
do  it !  We  have  got  the  law  with  us,  and  all  this  matter  has  been 
arranged  by  long  heads,  who  know  what  they  are  about.  We  shall 
insist  that  the  people  of  Lawrence  give  up  those  fifteen  men  to  us, 
and  also  that  they  give  up  their  Sharpe's  rifles,  and  other  arms, 
and  we  will  destroy  the  big  hotel." 

"  But  you  cannot  expect  compliance  with  those  requisitions. 
Those  men  are  not  in  Lawrence.  The  guns  they  will  not  give  up, 
especially  when  they  are  menaced." 

"  Well,  d — n  them,  we  '11  make  them  !  " 

"  Well,  I  cannot  hope  and  pray  for  your  success." 

"What!"  and  his  eyes  lighted  up  more  fiercely;  "do  you 
mean  that  you  will  hope  and  pray  for  the  other  side  ?  " 

And,  as  he  spoke,  he  lifted  his  rifle  a  little  on  his  arm  ;  it 
might  have  been  merely  for  a  change  of  position,  it  might  have 
been  a  menace.  I,  merely  by  chance,  loosed  the  button  of  my 
overcoat,  inside  of  which  was  my  revolver,  and,  changing  the 
subject,  I  pointed  to  the  plain  we  were  traversing,  and  said : 

"  This  is  a  very  rich  bottom  —  it  would  make  a  fine  meadow ; 
or  would  it  not  suit  for  the  production  of  hemp  ?  I  am  not  much 
acquainted  with  its  culture." 

I  avoided  his  eye,  for  I  felt  I  could  not  look  into  it  pacifically 
enough.  I  saw  he  looked  fierce;  but  my  indifference  disarmed 
him,  although  he  did  not  respond  to  my  remark  very  cheerfully, 
I  continued  to  inquire  about  the  soil,  and  other  commonplaces, 
which  seemed  to  annoy  him,  although  he  tried  to  answer  as 
politely  as  he  could. 

We  soon  entered  the  timber,  and  in  a  few  minutes  more 
reached  the  fresh-beaten  path  that  led  off  the  road  into  the 
camp.  He  halted  his  horse  at  that  point,  as  did  I.  For  a 
moment  he  appeared  to  be  wrapped  in  thought ;  then  he  said  : 

"  This  is  our  camp,  in  here,  sir,  and  you  can't  go  in ;  at  least 
you  had  better  not." 

"Why?" 

"  Why,  because  they  will  take  you  prisoner,  and  I  don't  know 
that  I  should  let  you  pass.  But  I  believe  you  don't  mean  any 


ADVENTURES   WITH    THE    BORDER   RUFFIANS.          191 

harm,  although  you  talk  too  freely  for  these  times.  Where  are 
you  going  ?  " 

"  I  am  going  down  below." 

"  Well,"  he  said,  as  if  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  a  magnan 
imous  thing,  "  well,  I  '11  see  you  safe  through  the  guards  at  the 
ford." 

"  What  is  the  ford  guarded  for  ?     By  whose  orders  ?  " 

"  By  orders  of  the  governor.  All  of  these  men  are  regular 
militia  of  the  territory.  Had  you  gone  there  alone  they  would 
have  taken  you  prisoner  in  about  five  minutes." 

He  rode  down  to  the  ford  with  me.  As  we  approached  it  I 
saw  a  wagon  in  the  bed  of  the  creek ;  it  appeared  to  be  loaded 
with  merchandise,  doubtless  designed  for  some  unfortunate  mer 
chant  in  the  interior.  Three  or  four  armed  men  were  rummaging 
and  searching  it  with  great  zeal.  The  bed  of  the  Wakarusa  is 
nearly  dry  at  the  ford,  and  very  wide.  At  the  opposite  side  from 
Lawrence  the  road  goes  through  a  narrow  cut  in  the  bank  ;  and 
here  the  sentries  were  posted,  armed  with  long  rifles  and  revolv 
ers.  As  I  had  no  intention  of  giving  up  my  arms,  and  knew  that 
was  part  of  the  ceremony,  I  merely  waited  until  my  obliging  com 
panion  had  got  ready,  and  our  horses  had  drank,  when  we  rode 
up  to  the  guard,  and  my  companion  said : 

"  This  man  is  travelling  —  going  down  below  —  let  him  go 
through." 

I  was  riding  on,  when  the  person  in  charge  of  the  guard  said : 

"  Stop,  we  must  examine  you ;  our  orders  are  positive  —  come 
back,  sir." 

Now  no  chieftain  amongst  the  border  ruffians  likes  to  have 
his  authority  called  in  question.  Marshal  Jones  fancied  himself 
of  sufficient  importance  to  act ;  and,  as  he  had  told  me  "  he  would 
see  me  through,"  with  an  air  of  perfect  security  in  his  power  to 
do  so,  he  felt  piqued,  and  his  reputation  was  at  stake.  He  said 
to  the  captain  of  the  guard : 

"  I  will  endorse  this  man.  He  's  all  right.  He  's  going  below. 
I  will  see  to  it." 

"  Marshal  Jones,"  said  the  captain  of  the  guard,  respectfully, 
"  that  may  all  be  ;  but  we  've  got  orders  from  General  Stricklar, 


192  THE    CONQUEST    OF  KANSAS. 

and  they  come  from  the  governor,  and  we  can  let  no  one  pass 
whatever  without  taking  their  arms,  and  if  they  are  not  all  right 
we  take  them  prisoners."  As  he  said  this  they  approached  me, 
and  two  of  the  cut-throat  looking  individuals  were  just  about  to 
put  their  hands  on  my  overcoat  to  feel  for  arms,  when,  not 
approving  of  such  familiarity,  I  struck  my  pony  with  my  heel,  and 
trotted  out  from  them. 

"  Stop  !  stop  !  "  cried  the  sentry  in  command,  advancing  towards 
me,  and  pointing  a  revolver.  "  Stop !  stop !  "  cried  the  other 
sentries,  lowering  their  rifles ;  and  I  saw  the  sunlight  gleam  on  the 
long  barrels  as  they  were  brought  down.  "  Stop  !  for  God's  sake, 
stop  !  "  cried  Jones,  riding  up. 

I  had  ridden  through  them,  and  about  eight  yards  up  the  bank. 
My  intention  was  to  ride  on ;  for  I  did  not  think  they  would  dare 
to  shoot  a  traveller  under  such  circumstances.  But  when  I  heard 
them  shout  to  me  I  looked  round,  and  as  my  eye  wandered  over 
the  long  gun-barrels  pointing  towards  me,  and  I  saw  a  wild  devil 
in  the  men's  eyes,  I  halted. 

"  You  must  give  up  your  arms  !  " 

"  I  am  travelling ;  I  may  need  them ;  I  do  not  want  to  lose  my 
property." 

"  I  will  guarantee  its  jafety,"  said  Jones. 

I  had  an  excellent  six-shooter  in  my  belt,  and  a  small  four- 
barrelled  French  revolver  in  my  pocket.  I  took  out  the  latter 
and  handed  it  to  Jones,  saying  I  should  hold  him  respon 
sible  for  it. 

"  You  see,  gentlemen,"  said  Jones,  "  he  has  given  up  his  arms." 

"Well,"  was  the  surly  response,  —  for  the  guard  would  rather 
have  had  my  pistol  themselves,  —  "he  must  go  back  to  the  camp 
and  be  examined."  Such  was  the  next  demand.  My  first  deter 
mination  was  to  resist  it;  but,  reflecting  that  this  would  be  the 
only  chance  to  go  into  camp  now,  I  turned  my  horse  around, 
trotted  across  the  creek  again,  and  rode  down  into  camp,  Jones 
at  my  side,  and  an  ill-favored  looking  scoundrel  behind  us. 

The  camp  had  received  considerable  additions  since  I  had  last 
seen  it.  Wagons  and  carriages  were  scattered  here  and  there  in 
all  directions.  I  saw  several  dirty-looking  tents,  and  the  smoke 


ADVENTURES   WIT.  II    THE    BORDER    RUFFIANS.         193 

of  the  camp-Srcs  curled  up  among  the  oaks  and  elms  ;  and  around 
these  the  idle  adventurers  were  lying  in  groups,  many  of  them 
evidently  in  liquor.  There  were  two  or  three  banners  flying,  with 
different  devices,  but  the  large  flag,  with  the  lone  star  on  it,  was 
over  the  centre  of  the  camp,  being  the  symbol  of  the  great  secret 
Blue  Lodge  of  Western  Missouri,  of  which  Atchison  and  String- 
fellow  are  the  leaders,  and  these  fierce  and  half-civilized  men  the 
disciples. 

A  crowd  gathered  round  us.  The  captain  of  the  guard  was 
sent  for,  and  some  of  the  fellows  commented  on  my  presence,  and 
the  fact  of  my  having  been  there  often  enough  before.  I  also 
learned  that  they  had  a  man  confined  in  the  camp,  and  concluded 
from  their  remarks  that  my  chance  of  keeping  him  company  was 
very  fair.  However,  after  some  detention,  I  succeeded  in  getting 
away,  Jones  returning  me  my  little  French  revolver,  and  another 
escort  seeing  me  over  the  creek.  Even  then  the  sentries  were 
very  unwilling  I  should  pass,  and  were  for  again  questioning  me, 
but  I  .rode  on. 

While  in  the  camp  I  had  instituted  as  close  an  examination  as 
I  could  as  to  the  state  of  affairs  there.  When  I  had  ridden  on  a 
mile  or  two  I  stopped  at  Fish's  "  Shawnee  Hotel."  I  knew  the 
proprietor  to  be  a  good  free-state  man.  While  there  I  saw  a 
young  Yermonter,  fresh  in  the  territory,  and  just  on  his  way  up. 
I  told  him  lie  could  not  get  through  the  guard.  He  "guessed  he 
could  if  I  couhl."  Finding,  on  a  little  more  conversation,  that  he 
was  a  person  of  some  information,  and  of  a  bold  and  fearless 
disposition,  I  told  him  exactly  how  he  would  find  the  enemy's 
camp,  and  what  difficulties  he  would  have  to  encounter.  He 
thought  he  could  get  through.  I  then  wrote  a  note  to  Gen. 
Robinson,  stating  the  precise  condition  in  which  the  enemy's  camp, 
their  artillery,  arms,  etc.,  then  were,  and  also  informing  him  that 
the  attack  would  not  be  made  before  Thursday  at  the  soonest  (a 
fact  which  I  had  ascertained).  I  also  recommended  them  to  have 
no  uneasiness  about  my  absence.  Having  got  my  despatches  ready, 
and  the  young  man  having  expressed  his  willingness  to  carry  them, 
I  gave  them  to  him.  He  very  coolly  deposited  them  between  the 
leather  on  the  top  of  his  boot,  closing  up  the  place  so  adroitly 
17 


194:  THE   CONQUEST   OP   KANSAS. 

that  a  cobbler  would  never  have  suspected  there  were  treasonable 
despatches  or  anything  else  there.  He  said  he  would  be  in  Law 
rence  that  night,  and  would  deliver  them  to  the  general ;  and  off 
he  went;  and  he  got  safe  through,  as  only  a  Yankee  could. 

He  rode  up  to  the  guard  at  the  ford,  and  before  they  had  time 
to  challenge  him  he  gave  the  military  salute,  which  might  be  mis 
taken  in  a  hurry  for  the  travelling  sign  of  the  border  ruffians,  and 
in  a  sharp  voice  said : 

"  Why  don't  you  demand  the  countersign?" 

"  Go  on,"  said  the  officer  of  the  guard,  fancying  he  was  all 
right,  lleinforcements  were  indeed  arriving  every  few  moments 
from  the  direction  in  which  he  came.  Having  got  in,  he  contrived 
to  get  out  pretty  much  in  the  same  way ;  having  managed  it,  as 
he  told  me  afterwards,  by  "  coming  the  Yankee  over  them." 

I  started  on  my  way  to  Shawnee  Mission.  I  knew  the  governor 
had  been  a  good  deal  in  the  hands  of  the  pro-slavery  men,  and 
that  he  was  weak  and  vacillating.  I  intended  to  make  a  true 
representation  of  the  facts  to  him,  and  urge  him  to  defer  the 
enforcement  of  the  few  obnoxious  laws  until  Congress  met ;  or,  if 
he  must  enforce  them,  to  do  it  by  officers  really  belonging  to  the 
territory,  or  by  the  United  States  courts. 

It  was  thirty -five  long  and  weary  miles  off,  and  it  was  now  noon ; 
but  I  started  at  a  brisk  trot,  walking  up  all  the  steep  hills  to  rest 
my  pony.  The  road  was  thronged  with  teams  of  invading  border 
ruffians,  and,  during  the  afternoon's  ride,  I  met  some  half  a  dozen 
buggies  and  carriages.  In  these  there  were  generally  a  couple  of 
gentlemen,  armed  almost  invariably  with  double-barrelled  shot 
guns,  —  titular  dignitaries,  colonels  and  majors,  the  politicians  of 
Western  Missouri.  The  rank  and  file  of  the  marauding  host  were 
less  intelligent  and  more  noisy,  often  shrieking  and  yelling  so  that 
you  could  hear  them  afar  off.  Their  equipment  was  simple  and 
uniform,  —  a  box  full  of  corn  and  other  feed,  a  box  of  provisions, 
some  guns  and  other  articles  scattered  in  the  bottom  of  the  wagons, 
and  generally  two  or  three  men  within,  and  several  horsemen 
accompanying  the  wagon.  Dressed  as  the  rougher  backwoodsmen 
dress,  with  faces  unwashed,  and  hair  and  whiskers  unkempt,  they 


ADVENTURES  WITH   THE    BORDER   RUFFIANS.         195 

appeared  in  full  keeping  with  their  lawless  occupation.  Most  of 
them  had  been  drinking. 

Night  set  in  when  I  was  still  several  miles  from  the  mission. 
Arrived  there,  weary  and  travel-worn,  I  learned  that  the  governor 
was  in  Wcstport.  I  rode  on  to  Westport,  which  is  some  four 
miles  distant.  Not  knowing  where  the  governor  stayed,  I  went 
to  several  houses,  which  appeared  to  be  hotels,  and  inquired ;  but 
when  at  last  I  found  where  he  had  been,  I  learned  that  he  had 
started  for  the  Mission ;  so  I  despaired  of  seeing  him  that  night. 

The  hotels  and  other  places  of  entertainment  were  crowded,  and 
several  camps  of  the  border  ruffians,  on  their  way  to  Kansas,  were 
around  the  town.  As  I  was  in  several  of  the  public  places,  I 
heard  much  of  the  discussion  that  was  going  on.  I  ascertained 
that  Gov.  Shannon  had  got  despatches  that  night  from  the  Presi 
dent.  What  these  were  I  could  not  learn  authentically,  but 
inferred  it  from  the  exclamation  that,  as  "  they  had  now  got  the 
authority  of  the  government,  they  could  go  ahead  safely."  What 
ever  may  have  been  said  of  outrages  elsewhere,  I  heard  little 
mention  of  them  here.  The  remarks  were  of  a  congratulatory 
kind.  "  Now  was  just  the  time."  "  The  river  navigation  was  just 
closed,  and  there  could  be  no  reinforcements  or  supplies  sent  to 
the  abolitionists"  (the  term  they  apply  to  the  free-state  men 
indiscriminately).  "  These  fellows  must  be  cleaned  out  of  Kansas 
some  time,  and  it  would  be  easier  to  do  it  now  than  a  year  hence; " 
that  "  there  were  only  about  three  thousand  five  hundred  free-state 
men  in  the  territory,"  and  that  "  a  large  number  of  these  were 
dough-faces,  and  would  not  fight,  and  that  men  enough  could  be 
got  in  Missouri  to  '  clean  them  all  out.'  " 

They  unfolded  their  plans,  which  were,  to  demand  that  Law 
rence  should  deliver  up  all  concerned  in  the  rescue,  and  that  the 
free-state  men  surrender  their  arms;  that  Lawrence  be  demol 
ished,  the  leaders  of  the  free-state  party  lynched,  and  the  others 
warned  to  leave  the  territory.  There  was  also  a  great  deal  of  bul 
lying  and  bragging  about  being  "able  to  draw  a  'bead'  on  a 
blue-bellied  Yankee,"  together  with  a  good  many  other  threats 
and  suggestions  too  elegant  and  pithy  to  enumerate. 

I  walked  round  town  for  some  time.     Camp-fires  were  gleaming 


196  THE    CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

in  every  direction.  Indeed,  the  appearance  of  Westport  that 
night  was  one  of  the  most  alarming  indications  of  the  amount  of 
force  to  be  brought  against  us  that  I  had  seen.  It  was  about  ten 
o'clock,  but  I  determined  to  go  on  to  Kansas  city,  three  miles 
further,  that  night. 

My  horse  was  so  completely  tired  that,  after  riding  a  short 
distance,  I  got  oif  and  led  him.  I  met  one  or  two  parties  of 
border  ruffians,  who  had  come  out  of  Clay  County,  Missouri ;  but 
they  did  not  molest  me. 

I  had  travelled  about  halfway  to  Kansas  when,  having  occasion 
to  cross  a  small  stream,  I  mounted  my  pony,  and  almost  immedi 
ately  heard  horses  galloping  behind.  I  rode  on  at  about  the  same 
steady  gait,  (perhaps  a  mile  an  hour),  and  in  a  few  minutes  a  couple 
of  horsemen  dashed  up  to  me,  and  passed,  one  on  either  side, 
reining  in  their  horses  about  eight  yards  ahead.  They  whispered 
together,  and  I  saw  one  of  them  pass  something,  which  I  took  for 
a  pistol  in  the  dark,  and  then  they  dropped  back  alongside  of  me. 
I  heard  the  rest  of  the  party  coming  up  behind. 

"  Now  may  all  the  saints  in  the  calendar  take  care  of  me  this 
time !  "  thought  I.  Whether  my  friend  the  Verm  outer  had  been 
taken,  and  my  despatches  found  in  his  boots,  or  whether  some 
knowledge  of  my  position  on  the  staff  of  the  Tribune  had  leaked 
out,  were  subjects  that  chased  each  other  through  my  brain;  but 
they  did  not  keep  me  long  in  suspense. 

"Did  you  see  a  man  going  along  the  road?"  asked  one 
of  them. 

"  No." 

"  Well,  there  was  a  man  rode  down  this  way,  and  if  you  have 
not  seen  him  we  will  hold  you  responsible." 

"  That  is  rather  singular." 

"  You  must  go  back  with  us." 

"  I  believe  not ;  my  horse  is  tired,  and  I  am  going  on  to 
Kansas." 

" That  is  nothing;  we  arrest  you." 

"Have  you  a  warrant?  has  any  crime  been  committed?  or 
what  do  you  want  me  for?  Has  any  one  been  stealing  a  horse?" 

"  No,  not  for  that,"  said  one  of  them  ;   "  but.  there  is  trouble  in 


ADVENTURES   WITH    THE    BORDER    11U1TIANS.         197 

the  territory,  and  we  have  orders  to  let  110  one  pass.  You  came 
out  of  the  territory,  did  you  not?  " 

"  Yes,  sir." 

"What  part  of  it?" 

"Up  above." 

Now  my  friend  Marshal  Jones  was  not  at  all  inquisitive  about 
the  locality  of  "  down  below,"  and  "  up  above,"  but  these  gentry 
appeared  to  be  more  captious. 

"  Up  where?  —  what  part  of  the  territory  do  you  live  in  ?  " 

"  I  have  not  located  in  any  point  yet." 

"What  point  did  you  leave  this  morning?" 

Now  my  first  impression  was  to  answer  no  more  of  their  imper 
tinent  questions.  Then  a  little  devil  whispered  that  I  should  sug 
gest  "the  south  part  of  the  territory;"  but  I  voted  down  the 
lying  whisper  mentally,  and  said,  with  something  like  dogged 
determination,  I  suspect, 

"  Lawrence." 

Then  some  of  them  gave  a  whistle. 

"  How  did  you  get  through?  "  asked  the  captain,  who  had  been 
the  chief  spokesman. 

"I  rode  down." 

"  Pish  !  "  said  the  captain. 

By  this  time  there  were  a  dozen  of  them  about  me,  and  they 
halted  their  horses.  As  I  had  no  wish  to  stop,  I  kicked  and 
switched  at  my  pony,  but  he  was  immovable,  and  too  glad  for  an 
excuse  to  stop  to  mind  my  kicking. 

"  Do  you  know  Gen.  Pomeroy  ?  "  asked  one. 

"No,  not  personally;  I  have  heard  of  him." 

"  Are  you  not  carrying  despatches  from  Lawrence  to  him  ?  " 

"  No,"  I  replied  ;  "  I  am  travelling  on  the  highway,  and  do  not 
want  to  be  molested." 

"  Well,  we  have  reason  to  know  that  you  are  carrying  des 
patches,"  said  the  captain. 

"  Who  are  you,  sir?  "  I  asked. 

"  My  name  is  Jones." 

"  Jones  —  Jones  ?  "  thought  I.  Sheriff  Jones  —  Marshal  Jones 
—  Captain  Jones !  —  the  Joneses  were  as  plenty  as  blackberries. 


198  THE   CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Were  all  the  border  ruffians  of  the  Jones  family?  "  And  your 
name  ?  "  said  I  to  the  fellow  on  my  left  elbow. 

"  Brown." 

Brown  —  I  would  as  soon  have  thought  of  hunting  for  a  needle 
in  a  hay-stack  as  finding  out  a  man  called  "  Brown."  "  And 
yours  ?  "  said  I  to  a  third. 

"  I  don't  see  that  it  makes  a  d — d  bit  of  difference  to  you 
what  my  name  is,"  said  he. 

"  You  must  go  back  to  Westport,"  said  Jones. 

"  My  horse  is  tired,  —  I  cannot  go ;  —  besides,  I  have  no  busi 
ness  there." 

"  We  '11  find  some  for  you  !  "  growled  the  surly  man  without  a 
name. 

"  I  cannot  go  if  you  have  not  a  warrant." 

"  We  have  authority  for  what  we  do." 

"  What  is  your  authority  ?  " 

"  The  governor." 

"  What  governor  ?  " 

"  Gov.  Shannon." 

"  You  forget,  gentlemen,  that  we  are  in  Missouri." 

This  seemed  rather  to  nonplus  them,  but  they  continued  : 

"  You  must  go  back." 

"  I  will  not," 

"  We  will  take  you." 

"Very  good." 

Here  the  party  came  to  a  halt.  My  horse  was  so  tired  that  he 
stopped  too,  and  would  not  budge ;  and  there  I  was  in  the  midst 
of  these  scoundrels.  As  they  were  fingering  their  weapons,  I  also 
laid  my  hand  on  mine ;  but  I  was  very  loth  to  shoot,  for  I  knew 
that  my  chances  would  be  slim  in  such  a  case.  They  looked  at 
me,  and  I  looked  at  them  ;  and  there  was  one  of  those  distressing 
pauses  which  are  liable  to  occur  when  some  one  of  a  dozen  men  is 
expected  to  do  something,  yet  no  one  feels  exactly  like  assuming 
the  responsibility.  I  feel  confident  they  thought  I  was  going  to 
shoot  the  first  man  that  laid  a  finger  on  me. 

"  Look  here,"  said  Capt,  Jones,  "  we  don't  want  any  bloodshed. 


ADVENTURES  WITH   THE   BORDER   RUFFIANS.         199 

This  don't  amount  to  anything  serious,  I  expect.  Go  back  with 
us,  and  if  we  find  all  right  you  won't  be  molested." 

"  I  can't  go,  gentlemen.  How  do  I  know  but  you  may  be  high 
waymen?  And  if  you  want  to  do  me  any  mischief,  you  might  as 
well  do  it  here." 

"  What  state  are  you  from  ?  " 

I  gave  Capt.  Jones  an  account  of  my  antecedents,  which  was 
true  as  far  as  it  went. 

"  0,  well,"  said  he,  "you  're  a  "Western  man." 

Finding  that  I  would  not  go  back,  they  urged  me  to  withdraw 
to  a  house  not  far  off,  and  wait  until  the  rest  of  their  company 
came  up,  when,  they  said,  we  would  all  go  to  Kansas  together, 
and,  if  I  was  found  "  all  right,"  I  could  go  my  way.  Fearing  that 
the  scoundrels  would  forcibly  seize  me,  and  that  the  affair  would 
end  in  bloodshed,  and  having  a  promise,  on  their  honor,  that  I 
should  not  be  molested  in  the  house  to  which  we  were  going,  I 
went  with  them.  The  expected  reinforcement  did  not  come  up, 
however.  I  learned  subsequently  that  their  intention  was  to  go  to 
the  American  Hotel  and  take  out  Pomeroy  and  lynch  him ;  but 
as  they  had  expected  fifty  men  to  take  a  hand  in  it,  and  as  they 
were  only  about  fifteen,  they  did  not  attempt  it.  As  I  stood  in 
front  of  the  fire  warming  myself,  and  wondering  what  they  were 
going  to  do  with  me,  I  heard  them  talk  freely  about  what  they 
had  already  been  doing  and  intended  to  do.  They  spoke  of  the 
capture  of  Judge  Johnson  and  others.  They  were  drinking  pretty 
freely,  and  the  owner  of  the  house  where  we  went  seemed  to  act 
as  one  of  them.  They  drank  once  or  twice  without  asking  me  to 
participate ;  and  then  one  of  them,  more  humane  than  the  rest, 
said, 

"  Well,  I  'm  darned  if  this  arn't  too  bad !  —  Stranger,"  said  he, 
approaching  me  with  a  jug,  "  take  something  to  drink." 

"  Thank  you,  I  never  drink." 

"  Never  drink !  "  exclaimed  two  or  three,  with  gaping  eyes  ; 
and  then  one  of  them  said, 

"  That 's  just  it !  This  thing  o'  temperance,  and  abolitionism, 
and  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society,  are  all  the  same  kind  o'  thing." 

I  found  I  had  fallen  still   more  in  repute,  if  possible.     But  I 


200  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

cannot  detail  all  the  incidents  of  that  eventful  ni»ht.     I  was  sub- 

O 

jected  to  the  indignity  of  an  examination  for  despatches,  which  I 
was  supposed  to  have,  and  had  only  the  remedy  (which  I  was  not 
inclined  to  apply)  of  shooting  one  of  these  la. AY! ess  scoundrels 
through  the  head.  The  search  was  instituted  with  some  degree 
of  courtesy,  and  only  by  two  of  them,  who  invited  me  into  another 
room  for  the  purpose. 

While  I  was  in  the  hands  of  these  men  I  heard  them  lay  a  plot 
for  lynching  Pomeroy,  and  express  a  fear  that  he  would  get  oufc 
of  the  territory  before  they  could  catch  him.  The  majority  were 
for  hanging  him  at  once :  but  one  more  conservative  than  the  rest 
said  he  "  did  not  approve  of  that  sort  of  thing."  He  thought  he 
ought  to  be  only  tarred  ;<nd  feathered,  after  a  good  beating,  and 
sent  adrift  on  the  river.  Another  offered  an  amendment  to  this 
proposition  by  suggesting  that  he  should  be  rubbed  with  oil,  and 
carefully  blackened,  so  that  the  color  would  not  come  off,  and  then 
be  set  adrift  on  the  river.  These  moderate  sentiments  appeared 
to  be  overruled  —  the  majority  declaring  that  he  must  be  hung. 
They  also  determined  that  the  American  Hotel  should  be  torn 
down. 

I  went  immediately  to  Kansas,  learned  that  the  wires  were 
clown,  and  that  I  could  not  get  a  despatch  off;  and  then  sought 
out  Gen.  Pomeroy,  got  an  introduction  to  him,  and  warned  him 
of  his  danger.  Several  others  in  Kansas  had  also  apprised  him 
of  it.  He  had  made  up  his  mind  to  start  for  Lawrence  after  din 
ner.  I  had  intended  to  return  to  the  Mission  to  see  the  governor, 
but  fearing  he  would  have  started  for  Lecompton,  and  that  I 
should  again  miss  him,  and  being  requested  by  some  gentlemen  to 
accompany  Pomeroy  through  the  Delaware  reserve,  as  they  feared 
the  scouting  parties  would  pick  him  up,  I  concluded  to  go  back  to 
Lawrence  with  him. 

We  crossed  the  Kaw  river  at  the  Yv^yandot  ferry.  There  were 
two  sentries  there,  but  they  did  not  venture  to  accost  us.  The 
moment  the  ferry-boat  had  fairly  started  over  the  river  they  hast 
ily  took  the  direction  for  Kansas  city,  and  I  have  learned  since 
that  a  party  crossed  after  us  in  about  an  hour  and  a  half.  They 
would  have  to  be  true  scouts  to  find  us.  We  took  every  cross- 


ADVENTURES   WITH    THE    BORDER   RUFFIANS.          201 

road  we  came  to,  zigzagging ;  and  after  nightfall  reached  the  Bap 
tist  Mission,  and  were  kindly  received  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Pratt. 
He  secured  an  Indian  guide  for  us,  and,  after  resting  and  feeding 
our  horses,  we  set  out  on  a  journey  of  twenty-six  miles,  starting  at 
nearly  ten  o'clock. 

Our  taciturn  guide  led  the  way  by  Indian  trails,  and  through 
the  whole  of  that  long,  weary  night  we  travelled.  It  was  so  dark 
that  the  guide  finally  lost  his  way ;  and,  after  wandering  about  for 
a  while,  dismounted  and  lay  down  on  the  grass,  saying,  in  rather 
unsatisfactory  English,  "  Well,  I  believe  we  are  altogether  lost." 
Having  induced  him  to  resume  his  march,  we  at  length,  after 
some  miles  of  very  rough  riding,  found  the  way.  About  three 
miles  from  Lawrence  we  came  to  a  camp-fire ;  but  those  wrho  had 
been  there  had  left.  The  Indian  overheard  me  tell  Pomeroy  that 
I  was  in  favor  of  forcing  our  way  through  any  picket  we  should 
meet,  for  I  had  decided  objections  to  going  again  into  the  camp  at 
the  Wakarusa.  So  he  got  off  his  horse  and  lay  down,  and  we 
could  not  induce  him  to  go  further.  Having  discharged  him,  we 
resumed  our  way,  and  reached  the  river  opposite  Lawrence,  a  short 
time  after,  without  encountering  interruption. 

At  the  river  bank  I  wanted  my  companion  to  lead  the  way,  as 
I  was  not  acquainted  with  the  ford.  He  did  not  know  it,  either, 
and  wished  me  to  go  in  first ;  and,  as  he  was  an  older  man,  I 
plunged  in,  although  I  inwardly  wished  I  could  exchange  my  little 
pony  for  his  large  horse.  By  mistake  in  the  dark  I  took  the 
river  at  the  ferry  crossing  instead  of  the  ford,  which  I  learned 
after  was  a  hundred  yards  above.  As  I  went  in  it  got  deeper  and 
deeper,  and  still  through  the  darkness  I  could  see  the  broad  river 
before  me.  The  current  is  very  strong,  and  the  bottom  a  quick 
sand  ;  when  I  had  got  half  way  over,  it  became  so  deep  that  it 
was  up  to  my  saddle ;  and  then  the  strength  of  the  current  and 
the  false  bottom  carried  us  down,  and  immediately  I  was  in  deep 
water.  My  pony  could  scarcely  swim,  and  tumbled  over  and 
floundered  with  me  at  a  dreadful  rate.  I  dismounted,  and  at 
tempted  to  swim  the  rest  of  the  way  across,  but  a  heavy  overcoat 
and  a  load  of  other  clothes,  together  with  a  couple  of  pistols,  and 
such  miscellaneous  matter,  proved  too  much  for  me.  I  found  I 


202  THE    CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

could  not  struggle  against  the  current,  —  that  I  could  scarcely 
sustain  myself, — and  for  a  few  moments  sincerely  thought  The 
Tribune  would  require  another  Kansas  correspondent.  Making 
a  great  effort,  I  swam  to  my  horse  again,  and,  grasping  the  pom 
mel  of  the  saddle,  spoke  to  him,  and  guided  him.  lie  was  com 
pletely  bewildered.  We  kept  going  round  and  round,  and  for  a 
few  moments  I  almost  felt  like  "  giving  up  the  ship."  But  no  ! 
To  escape  scathless  from  the  border  ruffians,  and  die  in  the  muddy 
waters  of  the  Kansas,  would  never  do.  I  made  another  effort 
with  my  pony.  Finding  it  impossible  to  get  him  over,  I  guided 
kirn  to  the  shore  we  had  started  from,  where  Pomeroy,  who  had 
not  come  in  so  far,  still  remained.  Half  dead  with  fatigue,  I 
clambered  up  the  bank.  We  had  to  halloo  nearly  an  hour  before 
we  could  get  the  ferryman,  and  would  have  relinquished  all  efforts 
to  get  over,  but  I  was  freezing.  The  slumbering  Charon  was 
at  length  aroused,  and  with  the  gray  of  a  chilly  December  morn 
ing  we  entered  the  beleaguered  city  of  Lawrence. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

WAKARUSA   WAR — DEATH   OF  BARBER. 

DURING  the  last  week  of  the  siege  Lawrence  was  a  stirring 
sight.  Besides  tke  citizens  of  the  town  there  were  nearly  five 
hundred  men  under  arms  from  different  parts  of  the  territory. 
The  Free-State  Hotel,  still  unfinished,  but  sufficiently  comfortable 
to  inhabit,  was  the  head-quarters.  Two  chambers  in  the  third 
story,  in  the  south-east  corner  of  the  building,  were  the  council- 
room  and  the  general's  quarters.  Many  of  the  companies  had 
their  quarters  in  the  hoteL  Below,  the  dining-hall  was  used  as  a 
general  place  of  reception  for  the  soldiers.  Two  sentinels  guarded 
the  door,  to  let  none  in  but  those  who  had  business  or  had  the 
password. 

But  the  soldiers  were  not  confined  to  the  hotel.  Every  house 
in  town  was  converted  into  a  barrack  for  the  time  being,  and  the 
expense  incurred  riot  only  in  the  public  but  the  private  barracks, 
and,  indeed,  the  whole  expense  of  this  siege,  forms  a  fearful-look 
ing  sum  of  money  (on  paper),  and  conveys  an  impressive  moral 
about  the  cost  of  war. 

Three  large  circular  earth-works,  a  hundred  feet  in  diameter, 
were  thrown  up  so  as  to  defend  the  place  from  an  attack  made  on 
the  north-west,  south,  and  south-east.  These  defences  were  not 
commenced  until  the  last  week  of  the  siege,  when  the  size  of  the 
force  to  be  brought  against  them,  and  the  fact  of  the  enemy  being 
all  well  mounted,  led  to  a  defence  suited  to  the  kind  of  attack 
expected.  It  was  a  stirring  sight  to  see  the  men  working  in  the 
trenches,  and  even  at  night  they  could  be. found  plying  the  spade 
and  mattock,  officers  guiding  the  progress  of  the  work,  and  hold 
ing  lanterns. 


204  THE    CONQUEST    OF     KANSAS. 

In  the  afternoon  of  each  day  there  was  a  drill-parade.  The 
band  would  commence  playing  martial  music  in  the  street,  and  the 
star-spangled  banner  might  be  seen  waving  over  Fort  Smith,  at 
the  foot  of  Massachusetts-street.  The  star-spangled  banner  also 
flew  from  the  Free-State  Hotel  and  several  otiu-r  buildings.  Then 
the  volunteer  troops  were  mustered  on  parade,  while  Col.  Lane, 
now  Brigadier-General  Lane,  walked  beside  the  companies,  in  an 
easy,  swinging  military  gait,  and  gave  the  orders  in  his  sharp, 
shrill  voice  when  on  the  parade-ground.  On  such  occasions,  after 
parade  and  drill,  Lane  would  sometimes  make  a  speech ;  and  if 
General  Robinson  and  staff  went  out  to  the  parade,  he  was  invari 
ably  called  upon,  and  sometimes  spoke.  On  such  occasions  Lane 
was  fiery,  and  his  remarks  calculated  to  rouse  up  the  men  to  the 
fighting  point.  Robinson,  on  the  other  hand,  restrained  them. 
He  urged  them  to  avoid  making  any  attack,  and,  when  they  might 
be  sent  with  patrol  or  scouting  party,  not  to  be  intimidated  or 
induced  into  a  skirmish.  To  "suffer  and  be  strong"  was  his 
motto. 

If  Lawrence  was  a  scene  of  interest  through  the  day,  it  was  not 
less  so  at  night.  So  closely  was  the  town  guarded  that  all  egress 
or  ingress  was  precluded.  A  horse  patrol  of  a  dozen  mounted  men 
would  go  round  the  outer  line  of  posts  once  or  t'.vice  in  the  night, 
and  would  proceed  to  the  point  where  the  Lawrence  road  forked 
from  the  California,  about  half  way  to  Franklin.  This  was  a 
disputed  point,  and  the  general  impression  was  that  a  skirmish 
between  the  enemy's  patrol  and  ours  would  occur.  Horse  patrols 
from  the  camp  on  the  Wakarusa  would  come  up  every  night  to 
that  point,  and  remain  there  for  some  time,  as  if  to  hold  it.  One 
night,  when  the  free-state  patrol  approached  the  forks  of  the  road, 
where  they  were  ordered  to  go,  they  saw  the  enemy's  patrol,  about 
twenty  strong,  halted  close  to  the  forks  of  the  road.  One  or  two 
officers  of  the  general's  staff  had  volunteered  that  night  with  the 
patrol,  Adjutant-General  Dietzler  having  the  command.  As  we 
approached,  the  leader  of  the  enemy's  company  shouted, 

"  Halt !  —  "Who  goes  there  ?  —  Give  the  countersign." 

"  I) n  you,  we  've  no  countersign  for  you  !  We  're  the 

Lawrence  guard,"  said  Dietzler. 


TI1E    \VAKAUUSA    WAR.  205 

"  The  Lawrence  guard  will  please  file  to  the  left,"  said  the  bor 
der  ruffian  chief,  and  his  own  command  drew  off  the  road,  but 
remained  close  to  it  on  one  side,  while  we  defiled  past  them.  The 
two  companies  thus  passed  each  other,  there  being  little  more  than 
the  road  between  them.  It  was  an  interesting  moment,  each 
party  watching  the  other  closely,  so  that,  if  fighting  was  to  be 
done,  one  party  would  not  get  the  advantage  of  the  other.  Gen. 
llobinson's  orders,  however,  were  to  avoid  a  collision,  and  in  no 
ease  to  fire  till  the  last  extremity,  and  whatever  the  orders  of  the 
border  ruffians  were,  they  seemed  to  have  no  particular  wish  to 
commence.  Many  an  oath  was  uttered  by  those  in  the  patrol, 
who  swore,  as  they  rode  back,  at  the  non-resistant  orders.  It 
would  have  made  a  very  pretty  skirmish,  for  though  their  party 
had  the  advantage  in  numbers,  ours  had  in  arms,  and  in  the  fact 
of  their  being  picked  men. 

Similar  incidents  happened  frequently.  Besides  that,  the  enemy 
made  it  a  point  to  send  out  small  parties  of  well-mounted  horse 
men,  who  would  gallop  up  to  within  one  or  two  hundred  yards  of 
our  foot  sentries,  and  fire  on  them.  This  was  done  every  night 
for  a  week,  and  sometimes  at  half  a  dozen  different  points  in  one 
night.  The  only  wonder  is  that  they  did  not  shoot  somebody  ; 
but  bullets  in  the  dark  are  uncertain  things.  One  sentry  had  a 
bullet  put  through  his  hat,  which  would  have  finished  him  had  he 
been  an  inch  or  two  inches  taller;  another  man,  who  had  ridden 
out  to  see  one  of  the  guards,  had  his  horse  shot ;  but  he  had  no 
business  there.  The  guards  had  orders  not  to  return  fire  on  any 
such  irregular  shooting,  and  in  no  case  to  use  arms  but  when  an 
attack  was  made  with  evident  intention  to  take  or  kill  the  sentries. 

Gen.  Robinson  was  of  opinion  that  this  conduct  was  designed  to 
precipitate  the  quarrel,  and  give  the  enemy  an  excuse  to  attack  the 
place,  and  that  if  our  men  were  to  fire  it  would  be  construed  into 
an  attack  on  peaceable  travellers.  Still  it  was  a  trying  thing 
to  stand  guard,  and  have  even  random  shots  fired,  without  having 
the  satisfaction  of  firing  back  en  the  rascals.  The  conduct,  vigil 
ance,  and  coolness  of  those  men  who  stood  guard  round  Law 
rence  during  the  siege,  is  worthy  of  all  praise. 

The  guard  one  night  came  across  Sheriff  Jones,  and,  in  spite  of 
18 


206  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

the  indignation  of  that  worthy,  kept  him  prisoner  until  the  officer 
of  the  guard  was  called,  and  the  case  reported,  when  the  bogus 
sheriff  was  permitted  to  go  without  further  molestation.  Several 
of  the  Missourians,  while  skulking  about  our  lines  at  night,  were 
taken  and  lodged  in  the  guard-house  till  morning.  One  spy,  who 
had  contrived  to  make  his  way  to  one  of  the  rifle-pits  before  he 
was  taken,  was  brought  in.  Next  morning  General  Lane  went  to 
him,  and  took  him  with  him  and  showed  him  the  rifle-pits,  forts, 
and  other  earth-works ;  took  him  in,  and  showed  him  a  twelve- 
pounder  (brass  howitzer),  the  only  piece  we  had,  although  Lane 
showed  it  with  an  air  as  if  there  had  been  fifty  more.  He  showed 
him  the  quarters  of  two  of  the  regiments,  and  then,  taking  the 
frightened  border  ruffian  out,  gave  him  in  charge  of  an  officer, 
with  directions  that  he  be.  seen  safe  through  the  lines,  General 
Lane  bidding  him  adieu  thus  : 

"  Go  back  now,  sir,  and  report  yourself,  and  tell  what  you  have 
seen." 

Of  course,  the  town  was  under  martial  law  to  some  extent ;  but 
in  day-time  people  came  in  and  went  out  freely.  Sheriff  Jones  came 
in  several  times,  evidently  to  spy,  as  he  neither  spoke  of  nor  tried 
to  make  arrests.  Several  of  the  captains  from  the  camp  below 
would  drive  in,  and,  on  several  occasions,  remained  in  Lawrence 
all  night,  and  left  without  being  interfered  with.  Two  gentle 
men  from  Independence,  Missouri,  attended  a  meeting  in  Law 
rence,  and  heard  a  speech  from  the  Vermontcr  who  brought  up 
my  despatches,  and  several  other  speeches,  and  not  only  reported 
the  proceedings  in  their  camp,  but  published  them  in  one  of  the 
papers  at  Lexington.  It  was  certainly  unfortunate  that  this  free 
access  to  the  town  by  the  enemy  was  unavoidable;  but  it  was  con 
sidered  as  improper  for  Lawrence  to  assume  the  right  to  take  and 
hold  prisoners,  as  this  would  at  once  have  precipitated  the  crisis. 

On  the  6th  of  December  the  influential  men  of  the  Delaware 
and  Shawnee  nations  came  to  General  Robinson,  and  volunteered 
the  services  of  the  warriors  of  their  respective  tribes  to  aid  in 
repelling  the  invaders.  General  Robinson  treated  these  chiefs 
with  great  respect  and  attention ;  thanking  them  for  their  offer, 
and  tolling  them  he  would  avail  himself  of  it  as  soon  as  the  right 


THE    WAKARUSA    WAR.  207 

time  came.  He  did  not  want  a  force  of  several  hundred  armed 
Indians  in  town,  until  he  saw  that  war  was  unavoidable,  as  this 
would  have  been  an  apology  for  hostilities. 

It  was  during  that  last  week  of  the  siege  that  the  twelve-pound 
howitzer  was  brought  in.  It  was  known  to  be  boxed  up  in  Kansas 
city,  where  it  had  been  for  some  time.  Two  men  named  Buff  urn 
and  a  young  Yankee,  whose  name  I  have  forgotten,  started  down 
after  it  with  a  train.  It  was  known  that  we  could  not  send  a  force 
strong  enough  to  go  to  Kansas  city  and  take  it,  and  so  it  was 
resolved  to  have  it  smuggled  through  by  stratagem.  When  the 
men,  who  had  gone  to  Kansas  city  after  it,  got  there,  they  found 
the  commission  merchant  to  whom  it  had  been  consigned  cross 
and  unaccommodating,  which  conduct  was  the  more  contemptible 
as  he  had  had  a  lucrative  business  with  the  free-state  settlers. 
They  inquired  for  certain  boxes,  described  by  them.  The  merchant 
refused  to  deliver  them  up  without  a  written  order  from  the  man 
in  Lawrence  to  whom  they  were  consigned.  This  was  an  unusual 
thing,  and  had  neither  been  foreseen  nor  provided  for ;  but  one  of 
the  party  said  they  had  an  order,  but  he  had  forgotten  it,  in  his 
overcoat,  up  at  the  hotel.  Up  to  the  hotel  he  went  accordingly,  and 
forged  one,  knowing  that  the  proper  parties  would  sustain  him  in 
doing  so  in  the  emergency.  Still  the  old  fellow  was  captious 
and  wanted  to  know  what  was  in  the  boxes,  when  Mr.  R.  Buffum, 
or  Bob  Buffum,  took  an  axe  and  knocked  a  hole  in  one  of  the 
boxes,  having  told  the  merchant  that  he  believed  it  was  a  carriage. 
Part  of  one  of  the  wheels  being  then  exposed  to  view,  the  old 
fellow  was  at  last  satisfied,  although  he  must  have  been  very  ver 
dant  to  mistake  the  small  thick  wheel  of  a  howitzer  for  a  carriage, 
wheel.  The  party  crossed  the  Kaw  river  at  the  AYyandot,  intend 
ing  to  go  through  the  Delaware  reserve.  They  professed  to  be 
going  to  Leavcnworth  with  "  store  goods."  The  bluff  of  the 
Wyandot  village  is  very  steep,  and  as  the  gun,  together  with 
several  cases  of  canister,  grape,  shell,  and  round  shot,  was  very 
heavy,  they  were  "  stuck."  In  this  situation  they  were  met  by  a 
company  of  the  border  ruffians,  who  stopped  to  question  them. 
They  told  these  they  were  going  to  Leavenworth,  which,  for  the 
direction  they  were  taking,  was  more  likely  than  that  they  were 


208  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

going  to  Lawrence.  Bob  Buffum  feigned  to  be  tipsy,  and,  his 
being  half  so,  in  point  of  fact,  helped  him  to  sustain  the  character. 
His  buffoonery  was  very  well  received  by  the  ruffians,  who  were 
at  length  persuaded  to  dismount,  and  put  their  shoulders  to  the 
wagon-wheel,  and  thus  extract  the  artillery  of  their  enemy.  By 
rapid  driving  they  got  over  the  reserve,  until  they  reached  the 
enemy's  lines,  a  few  miles  from  Lawrence.  Scouts  having  brought 
intelligence  of  their  approach,  a  patrol  of  twenty  well  armed  and 
mounted  men  went  out  and  brought  the  gun  safely  through  the 
enemy's  lines  to  Lawrence.  The  cavalcade  was  received  with 
great  enthusiasm. 

It  was  about  the  same  time  that  two  of  the  ladies  of  Lawrence 
performed  an  equally  bold  and  successful  feat.  It  was  feared 
that  the  supply  of  powder  and  other  ammunition  would  run  short 
in  case  of  much  fighting ;  and,  as  there  was  a  lot  of  powder,  caps 
for  Sharpe's  rifles,  and  other  ammunition,  over  at  the  house  of  a 
free-state  man  near  the  Santa  Fe  road,  two  ladies  volunteered  to 
go  through  the  lines  and  bring  it  in.  This  they  did  successfully. 
They  got  out  of  town  without  molestation.  Arriving  at  the  place 
where  the  ammunition  was,  they  stowed  away  the  greater  part  of 
two  kegs  of  gunpowder,  a  lot  of  caps  for  Sharpe's  rifles,  and  lead, 
in  those  mysterious  conveniences,  so  amply  provided  for  by  the 
dress  of  a  lady  in  modern  times,  and  succeeded  in  conveying  it 
into  Lawrence.  They  were  stopped  by  a  patrol  of  the  border  ruffi 
ans;  but  the  ruffians,  to  do  them  justice,  are  a  gallant  set —  very. 
They  were  so  very  reserved  as  to  keep  several  rods  off,  for  fear  of 
frightening  the  ladies,  and  thus  the  "  latest  fashions  passed 
inspection,"  eliciting  nothing  further  than  the  profound  admira 
tion  of  which  the  ruffians  are  capable. 

The  camp  on  the  Wakarusa  had  many  fearful  visions  of  the 
"  terrible  explosions  "  in  Lawrence.  Little  did  they  think  that 
we  had  bombshells  manufactured  in  so  fine  a  model. 

The  two  ladies,  who  so  successfully  engaged  in  this  really 
intrepid  affair,  were  Mrs.  Wood,  wife  of  Mr.  S.  N.  Wood,  formerly 
of  Ohio,  and  Mrs.  Brown,  wife  of  the  editor  of  the  Herald  of 
Freedom,  formerly  of  Pennsylvania.  Besides  these,  others, 
indeed  nearly  all  of  the  ladies  of  Lawrence  were  engaged  in 


THE   WAKARUSA   WAR.  209 

making  cartridges,  and  it  is  even  reported  that  there  was  a  secret 
company  of  these  women  enrolled,  under  lady  officers,  ready  to 
defend  their  houses,  if  necessary ;  but  this  was  purely  an  affair  of 

eir  own. 

Governor  Shannon,  having  had  complaints  made  to  him  relative 
to  the  armed  force,  and  tlfe  fraudulent  representations  made  to 
him  in  regard  to  the  difficulties,  and  having  (which  was  the  true 
secret  of  his  awakening  reflection)  found  that  the  men  now  threat 
ening  Lawrence  set  his  authority  at  defiance,  even  after  he  had 
enrolled  them  and  legalized  their  outrageous  conduct,  sent  a  des 
patch  to  Jones,  requesting  that  the  posse  be  kept  from  doing  any 
thing  till  he  got  up,  and  also  that  he  would  send  him  the  names, 
and  a  copy  of  the  papers  he  had  got  for  making  the  arrests  he 
proposed.  It  was  rather  late  in  the  day  for  such  a  movement, 
and  the  following  was  Jones'  answer  : 

"  CAMP  OP  WAKARUSA,  Dec.  4th,  1855. 
"His  EXCELLENCY  GOVERNOR  WILSON  SHANNON  — 

"  SIR  :  In  reply  to  your  communication  of  yesterday,  I  have  to 
inform  you  that  the  volunteer  forces,  now  at  this  place  and  at 
Lecompton,  are  getting  weary  of  inaction.  They  will,  I  pre 
sume,  remain  idle  but  a  very  short  time  longer,  unless  a  demand 
for  the  prisoners  is  made.  I  think  I  shall  have  a  sufficient  force 
to  protect  me  by  to-morrow  morning.  The  force  at  Lawrence  is 
not  half  so  strong  as  reported.  I  have  this  from  a  reliable  source. 
If  I  am  to  wait  for  the  government  troops,  more  than  two  thirds 
of  the  men  here  will  go  away  very  much  dissatisfied.  They  are 
leaving  hourly  as  it  is.  I  do  not,  by  any  means,  wish  to  violate 
your  orders,  but  I  really  believe  that,  if  I  have  sufficient  force,  it 
would  be  better  to  make  the  demand. 

"  It  is  reported  that  the  people  of  Lawrence  have  run  off  these 
offenders  from  that  town,  and,  indeed,  it  is  said  that  they  are 
now  all  out  of  the  way.  I  have  writs  for  sixteen  persons  of  the 
parly  that  rescued  my  prisoner ;  S.  X.  Wood,  P.  II.  Brooks,  and 
Samuel  Tappan,  are  of  Lawrence,  the  balance  from  the  country 
round.  Warrants  will  be  placed  'in  my  hands  for  the  arrest  of 
G.  W.  Brown,  and  probably  others  in  Lecompton.  They  say  that 
18* 


210  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

they  are  willing  to  obey  the  laws,  but  no  confidence  can  be  placed 
in  any  statement  they  may  make. 

"  No  evidence  sufficient  to  cause  a  warrant  to  issue  has,  as  yet, 
been  brought  against  any  as  the  lawless  men  who  fired  the  houses. 
"  I  would  give  you  the  names  of  the  defendants,  but  the  writs 
are  in  my  office  at  Lecompton. 

"  Most  respectfully,  yours, 

"SAMUEL  J.  JONES, 
"  Sheriff  of  Douglas  County." 

The  manner  in  which  Jones  evades  the  request  for  the  names 
of  the  persons  to  be  arrested  is  characteristic.  His  information 
about  "  warrants  about  to  be  placed  in  his  hands,"  is  significant  as 
to  how  such  processes  were  obtained  and  served. 

The  following  letter  was  written  about  the  same  time  by  Mr. 
Anderson,  a  resident  of  Lexington,  Mo.,  and  member  of  the  Bogiu 
Legislature.  He  is  quite  a  young  man,  and  would  be  called 
rather  a  good  fellow  for  a  border  ruffian.  His  request  that  the 
Governor  of  Kansas  would  protect  them,  in  the  arms  they  had 
stolen  from  a  public  arsenal,  against  the  United  States  troops,  is 
refreshing.  The  letter  was  addressed  to 

"  MAJOR-GENERAL  WILLIAM  P.  RICHARDSON  — 

"  SIR  :  I  have  reason  to  believe,  from  rumors  in  camp,  that, 
before  to-morrow  morning,  the  black  flag  will  be  hoisted,  when 
nine  out  often  will  rally  round  it,  and  march  without  orders  upon 
Lawrence.  The  forces  of  the  Lecompton  camp  fully  understand 
the  plot,  and  will  fight  under  the  same  banner. 

"  If  Governor  Shannon  will  pledge  himself  not  to  allow  anj 
United  States  officers  to  interfere  with  the  arms  belonging  to  the 
United  States,  now  in  their  possession,  and,  in  case  there  is 
no  battle,  order  the  United  States  forces  off  at  once,  and  retair 
the  militia,  provided  any  force  is  retained,  all  will  be  well,  and  all 
will  obey  to  the  end,  and  commit  no  depredation  upon  privatt 
property  in  Lawrence. 

"  I  fear  a  collision  between  the  United  States  soldiers  and  the 
volunteers,  which  would  be  dreadful. 


THE   WAKARUSA   WAR.  211 

"  Speedy  measures  should  be  taken.  Let  the  men  know  at 

once  —  to-night  —  and  I  fear  that  it  will  even  then  be  too  late  to 
stay  the  rashness  of  OUT  people. 

"  Respectfully  your  obedient  servant,  J.  C.  ANDERSON." 

Not  far  from  this  time  the  most  tragic  occurrence  of  the  war 
took  place. 

It  was  about  noon  of  the  6th  of  December  when  Mr.  Thomas 
W.  Barber,  with  his  brother  Robert,  and  another  relative,  Mr. 
Pierson,  left  Lawrence  to  return  home.  They  lived  in  a  north 
westerly  direction  from  Lawrence,  about  seven  miles  off.  At  this 
time,  while  the  Migsourians  had  invested  Lawrence,  they  found  it 
difficult  to  keep  it  closely  guarded  to  the  south  and  west.  There 
was  a  distance  of  twenty  miles  between  the  camp  at  Lecompton 
and  Wakarusa.  General  Atchison  had  a  force  on  the  north  side 
of  the  Kaw  river,  opposite  Lawrence  ;  but,  while  it  was  guarded 
thus  on  three  sides,  the  only  means  of  preventing  people  from 
leaving  Lawrence  for  the  south  of  the  territory  was  by  horse 
patrols,  which  scoured  the  country.  Up  to  this  time  the  citizens 
of  Lawrence  had  been  guilty  of  no  aggressive  act ;  neither  had 
they  resorted  to  violence  in  their  defence  when  attacked. 

When  Mr.  Barber  and  his  friends  left  Lawrence  they  went  up 
the  ravine  that  penetrates  Mount  Oread,  and  got  on  the  California 
road.  While  riding  up  this  road,  and  when  four  miles  from  town, 
they  observed  a  party  of  horsemen,  fourteen  in  number,  riding  to 
the  right  of  the  road.  This  party  was  led  by  Major-General 
Richardson,  and,  besides  others  of  less  note,  there  was  in  that 
patrol  Judge  Cato,  one  of  the  federal  judges  appointed  by  the 
President  for  the  territory,  Judge  Wood,  a  local  bogus  judge 
(formerly  a  free-state  man,  and  physician  in  Lawrence,  now  a 
traitor  and  informer),  Major  Clarke,  a  government  Indian  agent, 
and  Colonel  Burns,  a  merchant  of  Westport,  Mo. 

The  party  has  since  stated  that  they  were  not  patrolling,  but 
were  merely  going  down  from  Lecompton  to  the  camp  on  the 
Wakarusa.  Give  them  the  advantage  of  this  statement,  and  how 
does  their  conduct  look  ?  A  pretended  senator  and  officer  for 
Kansas  orders  men  to  be  taken  prisoners,  and  shot  on  the  high- 


212  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

way,  and  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  a  federal  officer,  aids 
and  abets,  and  stands  by  and  sees  it  done,  and  helps  to  screen  the 
murderers  ;  —  a  man,  too,  who  had  just  been  patching  up  indict 
ments  and  warrants  for  innocent  people  in  Lawrence,  which  were 
designed  as  the  ground-work  of  a  quarrel.  But  I  digress. 

When  Barber  and  his  friends  saw  the  party  in  question,  they 
left  the  road  and  took  a  path  to  the  left.  This  they  did  because 
the  road  wras  shorter,  and  because  they  desired  to  avoid  the  other 
party.  Mr.  Barber  was  totally  unarmed,  having  not  even  a  knife ; 
his  two  friends  had  each  a  pistol. 

As  scon  as  General  Richardson's  party  saw  the  others  leave  the 
road,  two  of  their  number,  Major  Clarke  and  Colonel  Burns,  were 
detailed  to  stop  them,  or  bring  them  in  prisoners,  the  remainder 
of  the  company  halting.  As  this  party  was  ahead  of  Mr.  Barber 
and  his  friends,  Clarke  and  Burns  had  merely  to  ride  into  the 
prairie  to  the  right  in  order  to  intercept  them.  The  Barbers, 
when  they  saw  they  were  to  be  attacked,  neither  attempted  to  run, 
nor  did  they  hasten  their  gait  beyond  a  walk,  when  the  others  rode 
up  and  halted  before  them.  Ilichardson,  Cato,  and  the  others, 
were  in  full  sight,  ami  within  gunshot. 

The  two  Barbers  were  riding  first,  Thomas  to  the  right. 
Pierson  was  behind  them.  Major  Clarke  '  gave  the  order  to 
"halt;  "  at  which  all  of  the  party  stopped. 

"  Where  are  you  going  ?  "  demanded  Clarke. 

"  We  are  going  home,"  said  Thomas  Barber. 

"  Where  are  you  from  ?  " 

"  We  are  from  Lawrence." 

"  What  is  going  on  in  Lawrence,  just  now  ?  " 

"  Well,  nothing  in  particular." 

"  Nothing  in  particular,  hey  ?  "  said  Clarke,  who  then  added, 
"  We  have  orders  from  the  governor  to  see  the  laws  executed  in 
this  territory.  We  arrest  you." 

"  What  laws  have  we  broken  or  disobeyed?"  asked  Mr.  Barber. 
"  Or  what  laws  have  the  people  of  Lawrence  broken  ?  " 

Clarke  here  raised  his  hand,  and,  pointing  to  the  horsemen  upon 
the  California  road,  said  : 

"  Turn  your  horses'  heads,  and  go  with  us." 


THE   WAKARUSA   WAR.  213 

"  Wo  won't  do  it,"  said  Barber. 

At  this  Clarke  spurred  his  horse,  and  rode  to  the  right  of 
Thomas  Barber,  who  partly  turned  his  horse  and  looked  at  Clarke 
as  if  he  scarcely  knew  what  Clarke  was  going  to  do.  The  latter, 
having  got  in  the  position  referred  to,  pulled  out  his  revolver,  and 
saying,  "  You  won't,  won't  you?"  —  fired.  At  the  same  instant 
Colonel  Burns,  who  had  also  drawn  his  revolver,  fired.  Robert 
Barber  pulled  out  his  pistol,  and  fired  three  shots  at  them,  but 
without  hitting  either  of  them.  They  rode  a  few  yards  off.  Clarke 
said  something  to  Burns,  and  then  they  started  back  for  their 
comrades.  Mr.  Pierson  had  been  unable  to  get  his  pistol  out  of 
the  holster  in  time  to  fire.  As  Clarke  and  Burns  rode  off,  Thomas 
Barber  said  to  his  friend,  "  Let  us  be  off;  "  and  they  started  at 
the  gallop. 

As  they  rode  along,  Thomas  Barber  turned  to  his  brother  with 
a  sickly  smile,  and,  pressing  his  hand  on  his  side,  said : 

"  That  fellow  shot  me." 

"  Where  —  where  are  you  shot  ?  "  asked  Robert. 

"  Here,"  said  Barber,  still  pressing  his  hand  upon  his  side. 
And  he  gave  another  sad  smile. 

4 '  It  is  not  possible,  Thomas  !  " 

The  wounded  man  shook  his  head  and  said,  "It  is;"  then  he 
dropped  the  reins  and  rode  unsteadily.  He  would  have  fallen  had 
not  his  brother  caught  him.  At  this  time  General  Richardson's 
full  party  were  in  pursuit  of  them.  It  was  a  terrible  ride  of  life 
and  death  ;  for  Robert  Barber  held  the  body  of  his  dying  brother 
until  the  nerves  began  to  relax,  and  the  brain  to  reel.  Then  the 
corpse  fell,  the  brother  holding  it  and  clinging  to.  it  until  it- 
reached  the  ground.  *. 

Robert  Barber  dismounted,  and  stopped  both  horses.  He 
stooped  over  the  body  of  his  brother,  and  found  him  dead  — 
dead !  They  saw  the  enemy  approach,  and,  as  they  could  do 
nothing  more  for  the  deceased,  got  on  their  horses,  and  galloped 
off.  The  murderers  came  only  near  enough  to  see  their  work, 
and  then  wheeled  and  galloped  off  to  Franklin. 

It  was  not  long  before  intelligence  of  the  occurrence  reached 
Lawrence,  The  soldiers  had  been  on  parade.  After  parade  the 


214  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

volunteers  were  addressed  by  Colonel  Lane  in  an  inspiring  man 
ner  ;  and  General  Robinson,  being  called  on,  made  one  of  his 
prudent,  cautious  speeches,  in  which  he  urged  them  not  to  allow 
the  daily  outrages  to  drive  them  to  commence  hostilities. 

It  was  just  then  that  a  son  of  Judge  Wkkefield,  and  two  or 
three  others,  drove  rapidly  into  town,  and  announced  the  murder. 
At  first  Robinson  gave  orders  to  keep  it  secret,  for  fear  the  men 
would  do  something  rash ;  but  before  half  an  hour  it  was  in 
every  mouth,  the  public  having  got  it  before  the  officers.  Many 
were  for  marching  immediately  on  the  Wakarusa  and  driving  out 
the  villains  camped  there.  Indeed,  it  was  with  the  utmost  diffi 
culty  that  Generals  Robinson  and  Lane  restrained  them. 

A  carriage  was  sent  out  for  the  body,  which  was  guarded  in 
by  a  company  of  horsemen.  The  dead  body  was  laid  in  an 
apartment  in  the  Free-State  Hotel ;  and  deep  and  fervent  were  the 
denunciations  of  those  who  thus  saw  an  estimable  citizen  stricken 
down. 

A  scene  of  the  most  distressing  character  occurred  next  morn 
ing.  The  wife  of  the  murdered  man  came  in.  She  had  not  heard 
of  her  bereavement  till  then,  and  the  agony  she  evidently  felt 
was  heart-rending. 

The  following  is  the  account  given  by  the  pro-slavery  men  of 
the  same  transaction.  They  had  seen  Barber's  party  when  they 
turned  aside  from  the  road.  They  state  that  their  party  were 
merely  on  their  way  from  Lecompton  to  Franklin  : 

"  Colonel  Burns  and  Major  Clarke  were  detailed  and  rode  to 
overtake  the  free-state  men.  This  they  did ;  and,  after  halting 
them,  a  conversation  ensued,  in  which  the  free-state  men  not  only 
declared  that  there  was  no  law  nor  order  in  the  territory,  but  de 
clined  to  surrender  themselves  in  compliance  with  the  demands  of 
Clarke  and  his  companions.  Upon  this  both  parties  commenced 
drawing  their  arms,  with  the  exception  of  one  of  the  free-state 
men  (who  was  most  probably  the  man  killed) ;  this  person  sat  on 
his  horse  a  little  apart  from  his  companions.  He  had  a  switch  in 
his  hand,  but  drew  no  arms,  nor  did  he  appear  to  have  any 
Both  parties  '  squared  to  each  other,'  and  fired  pistols,  being  the 
only  weapons  used.  On  the  part  of  the  pro-slavery  men,  Clarke 


THE   WAKARUSA   WAR.  215 

as  armed  with  a  small  five-inch  Colt's  revolver,  while  Colonel 
turns  had  a  navy  revolver,  which  is  heavier,  and  carries  a  much 
irger  ball.  After  exchanging  shots,  the  free-state  men  galloped 
ft.  Burns  proposed  to  send  a  long-shot  after  them  with  his  rifle ; 
ut  Clarke  objected,  saying,  'Let  them  go.'  Burns  is  said  to 
ave  admitted  that  he  thought  he  hit  the  man  he  fired  at,  as  he 
aw  him  press  his  hand  to  his  side,  or,  as  others  state  it,  *  saw  the 
ir  fly  from  his  old  coat.'  " 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

THE 

Two  gentlemen,  Messrs.  Lowry  and  Babcock,  members  of  th 
Committee  of  Safety,  were  despatched  on  the  fifth  to  the  Shawne 
Mission,  to  see  the  governor.  At  Franklin  they  were  stopped  b; 
a  party  of  the  invaders,  who  demanded  the  countersign.  Mi 
Lowry  handed  them  a  bottle  of  whiskey,  which,  he  said,  "  wa 
all  the  countersign  he  had  got."  After  the  ruffians  had  draii 
they  allowed  them  to  pass,  declaring  they  were  "  sound  on  th 
goose."  They  had  further  detention  below ;  but  succeeded,  b; 
the  intervention  of  the  officers,  in  getting  down  to  the  executiv 
office.  The  governor  wrote  a  long  and  ambiguous  epistle,  in  whic: 
he  talked  a  good  deal  about  "  enforcing  the  law,"  without  specj 
fying  what  law,  against  whom  it  was  to  be  enforced,  or  who  wa 
to  enforce  it.  He,  however,  promised  to  come  up  next  day  am 
try  to  have  the  matter  settled  peaceably,  if  possible. 

On  the  sixth  the  governor  got  to  Franklin.  There  he  foun< 
that  his  "militia"  and  Jones'  "posse"  were  altogether  unman 
ageable,  and  threatening  blood  and  murder  generally.  He  fount 
that  they  were  stealing  from  everybody,  only  giving  orders  o; 
him  to  the  Indians  and  pro-slavery  residents.  Terrified  at  th 
startling  aspect  of  affairs,  and  alive  to  the  punishment  that  migh 
be  meted  to  his  official  follies  and  crimes,  he  sent  a  despatch  t< 
Sumner.  Before  he  had  left  the  Shawnee  Mission  he  had  writte: 
to  Sumner,  informing  him  that  he  had  received  despatches  froc 
the  President,  authorizing  him  to  use  the  troops,  and  that  instruc 
tions  to  that  effect  would  be  sent  from  the  war  department 
Meanwhile  he  had  urged  Colonel  Sumner  to  meet  him  with  hi 
regiment  at  the  Delaware  crossing  of  the  Kaw. 


THE   "  PEACE-MAKERS."  217 

In  reply,  Colonel  Simmer  wrote  as  follows : 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  FIRST  CAVALRY,  ) 
December  5th,  1855.      5 

u  GOVERNOR  :  I  have  jusc  received  your  letter  of  yesterday, 
with  the  telegraphic  despatch  of  the  President.  I  will  march 
with  my  regiment  in  a  few  hours,  and  will  meet  you  at  the 
Delaware  crossing  of  the  Kansas  this  evening. 

"  With  high  respect,  your  ob't  servant, 
"E.  V.  SUMNKR, 

"  Col.  First  Cavalry:' 

The  colonel,  however,  after  sober  second  thought,  sent  this 
other  despatch  a  few  hours  later  than  the  first : 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  FIRST  CAVALRY,  FORT  LEAVENWORTH,  7 
December  bth,  1855.     Afternoon.      J 

"  GOVERNOR  :  On  more  mature  reflection,  I  think  it  will  not  be 
proper  for  me  to  move  before  I  receive  the  orders  of  the  govern 
ment.  I  shall  be  all  ready  whenever  I  get  them.  This  decision 
will  not  delay  our  reaching  the  scene  of  difficulties;  for  I  can 
move  from  this  place  to  Lawrence  as  quickly  (or  nearly  so)  as  ,1 
could  from  the  Delaware  crossing ;  and  we  could  not,  of  course, 
go  beyond  that  place  without  definite  orders. 

"  With  high  respect,  your  ob't  servant, 

"  E.    V.    SUMNER, 

"  Col.  First  Cavalry." 

Thus  it  stood  when  the  governor  got  up  to  the  camp  on  the 
Wakarusa,  when,  as  I  have  said,  terrified  at  the  aspect  of  affairs, 
and  in  hopes  of  restoring  his  waning  authority  with  the  force  he 
had  thus  been  instrumental  in  bringing  into  the  field,  he  sent  oflf 
the  following : 

"WAKARUSA,  December  6th,  1855. 
"  COL.  SCMNER,  FIRST  CAVALRY,  U.  S.  A.  — 

11  SIR  :  I  send  you  this  special  despatch  to  ask  you  to  come  to 
Lawrence  as  soon  as  you  possibly  can.  My  object  is  to  secure 
the  citizens  of  that  place,  as  well  as  all  others,  from  a  warfare 
which,  if  once  commenced,  there  is  no  saying  where  it  will  end. 


218  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

I  doubt  not  that  you  have  received  orders  from  Washington ;  but 
if  you  have  not,  the  absolute  pressure  of  this  crisis  is  such  as  to 
justify  you,  with  the  President  arid  the  world,  in  moving  with  your 
force  to  the  scene  of  difficulties. 

"It  is  hard  to  restrain  the  men  here  (they  are  beyond  my 
power,  or  at  least  soon  will  be)  from  making  an  attack  on  Law 
rence,  which,  if  once  made,  there  is  no  telling  where  it  may  ter 
minate.  The  presence  of  a  portion  of  the  United  States  troops  at 
Lawrence  would  prevent  an  attack,  save  bloodshed,  and  enable  us 
to  get  matters  arranged  in  a  satisfactory  way,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  secure  the  execution  of  the  laws.  It  is  peace,  not  war,  that 
we  want,  and  you  have  the  power  to  secure  peace.  Time  is  pre 
cious.  Fear  not  but  you  will  be  sustained. 

"  With  great  respect, 

"  WILSON  SHANNON. 

"  N.  B.  Be  pleased  to  send  me  a  despatch." 

The  border  ruffians,  who  were  aware  of  what  the  governor  was 
about,  and  who  did  not  want  the  troops  there,  for  fear  they  might 
interfere  with  their  murderous  intentions,  laid  a  plot  to  intercept 
the  governor's  messenger ;  but  one  of  the  chiefs,  to  curry  iuvor 
with  him,  betrayed  it,  and  the  bearer  of  the  despatch  was  got  off 
by  another  route.  Sumner,  however,  still  refused  to  move,  until 
he  had  express  orders  from  the  department  himself.  He  was, 
doubtless,  afraid  of  using  his  command  under  the  orders  of  a  man 
who  had  shown  himself  so  reckless  and  stupid  as  Governor  Shannon. 
On  Friday  the  governor  sent  up  a  messenger  to  Lawrence  inform 
ing  General  Robinson  that  he  had  arrived  at  Franklin,  and  was 
ready  to  come  up. 

A  deputation  of  ten  men  was  despatched  by  General  Robinson 
to  escort  the  governor.  That  dignitary  arrived  with  his  escort, 
and  three  very  gentlemanly-looking  companions,  Colonel  Boone, 
of  Westport,  Colonel  Kearney,  of  Independence,  and  Colonel 
Strickland,  also  a  Missourian.  These  were  fine-looking  South 
erners  ;  but  I  certainly  would  rather  have  seen  the  governor  of 
the  territory  come  to  his  people  in  other  company.  Perhaps 
these  were  the  only  men  who  could  have  influence  with  the  vio- 


THE    "  PEACE-MAKERS."  219 

lent  armed  force  below,  and  it  might  thus  be  the  best  policy  to 
have  them  here  during  the  pending  of  negotiations;  but  if  there 
was  such  a  necessity,  and  I  doubt  it  not,  what  an  exemplification 
of  the  pitiful  depth  to  which  the  governor  had  fallen  ! 

They  entered  the  Free-State  Hotel,  and  as  they  went  up  stairs 
a  little  incident  occurred.  In  the  room  at  the  head  of  the  first 
flight  of  stairs  the  dead  body  of  Barber  was  laid  out,  in  all  the 
frightful  rigidity  of  death.  The  door  was  open,  and  it  was  almost 
impossible  to  go  up  stairs  without  seeing  it.  As  the  cortege  went 
up,  the  governor  alongside  of  General  llobinson,  the  eye  of  Shan 
non  happened  to  wander  into  that  room.  There  was  a  start.  I 
could  see  the  weak,  vacillating,  guilty  governor  tremble  as  his 
first  glance  fell  on  that  silent  figure.  He  had  heard  of  the  occur 
rence,  but  he  proceeded  to  inquire  of  General  Robinson  the  par 
ticulars  of  the  case,  which  the  general  calmly  told  him.  The  next 
on  the  stairs  were  General  Lane  and  Colonel  Kearney.  The 
Colonel  expressed  surprise,  and  asked  the  "  meaning  of  this," 
of  Lane. 

"  0,"  said  the  latter,  "  it  is  our  yesterday's  losses  !  " 

Colonel  Boone  expressed  surprise  and  regret,  and  begged  that 
no  one  should  mention  the  name  of  any  gentleman  as  having  been 
of  the  party  that  fired,  until  it  could  be  proved. 

The  conference  lasted  for  an  hour,  when  General  E,obinson  took 
the  governor  and  his  party  home  to  dinner.  The  matter  was  then 
finally  adjusted,  and  it  was  pronounced  that  the  parties  had  "  not 
understood  each  other."  What  a  fearful  misunderstanding ! 

The  difficulty  did  not  so  much  lie  in  actual  difference  to  adjust, 
as  in  putting  a  stop  to  the  warlike  invasion,  and  preventing  them 
from  executing  their  bloody  threats.  The  governor  had  got  into 
a  bad  scrape  by  his  folly  and  wickedness.  He  had  hoped  that  the 
troops  would  enable  him  to  retain  his  authority,  hold  the  ruffians 
in  check,  and  still  crush  the  free-state  men  beneath  his  feet.  The 
troops  would  not  come  to  his  aid,  and  the  border  ruffians,  now  that 
he  had  clothed  them  with  authority,  despised  him,  and  determined 
to  carry  out  their  bloody  purpose  independent  of  his  authority. 
He  had  no  resource  left  but  the  free-state  settlers,  whom  he  had 
abused,  and  still  desired  to  abuse  and  crush.  But  he  was  not  pre- 


220  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

pared  for  the  border  ruffian  measures,  neither  \vas  he  willing  to 
shoulder  the  responsibility  he  was  likely  to  incur.  The  free-state 
men  merely  desired  to  use  the  governor  in  the  way  he  had  been 
used  by  others.  They  wished  him  to  authorize  them  to  defend 
themselves,  and  to  strip  the  ruffians  below  of  their  cloak  of  legal 
authority.  Such  were  the  motives  of  General  Robinson  and  the 
free-state  leaders.  The  governor  engaged  in  treaty-making,  for  the 
purpose  of  gaining  time,  as  he  still  was  in  hopes  of  the  arrival  of 
the  troops.  According  to  his  own  language,  he  desired  "  that  all 
parties  should  be  placed  right  in  the  eyes  of  the  world."  With 
these  sentiments  the  "  high  contracting  parties  "  went  to  work, 
and  a  liberal  supply  of  wines  and  liquors,  supplied  by  the  shrewd 
negotiators,  kept  the  thirsty  governor  in  temper  during  the  pro 
ceedings. 

Negotiations  were  pending  on  Friday  and  Saturday,  and  all  of 
that  time  the  enemy  were  momentarily  expected.  A  large  force 
posted  themselves  on  the  opposite  river  bank,  in  sight ;  these  had 
two  objects  in  view :  first,  to  cut  off  all  supplies  from  town ;  and, 
second,  to  throw  themselves  in  the  rear  of  the  town  whenever  an 
attack  should  be  made  in  front.  On  Saturday  night  negotiations 
were  brought  to  a  close,  and  the  anxious  and  expectant  people 
clustered  around  the  doors  of  the  great  hotel  to  learn  the  result,  i 

The  governor,  having  been  called  on,  stood  at  the  door  of  the 
hotel,  and  addressed  the  people  assembled  in  Lawrence.  He  had 
been  speaking  for  a  few  minutes  when  I  got  there,  and  continued 
in  substance  as  follows  : 

"  There  was  a  part  of  the  people  of  this  territory  who  denied 
the  validity  of  the  laws  of  the  territorial  Legislature.  He  was 
not  there  to  urge  that  validity,  but  these  laws  should  be  submitted 
to  until  a  legal  tribunal  had  set  them  aside.  He  did  not  see  ho* 
there  was  any  other  course  but  such  submission  to  them,  and  it 
certainly  was  not  his  part,  as  an  executive  officer,  to  set  them 
aside  or  disregard  them.  He  was  happy  to  announce  that,  after 
having  an  interview  with  the  officers  of  their  committee  of  safety, 
he  had  found  them  induced  thus  far  to  respect  those  laws,  they 
being  willing  to  see  them  enforced,  provided  they  had  the  reserved 
right  of  testing  and  escaping  from  them  legally.  He  was  happy 


THE  "PEACE-MAKERS."  221 

to  announce  that  all  difficulties  were  settled.  (Faint  cheers.)  There 
was  a  perfect  understanding  between  the  executive  and  the  com 
mittee.  The  difficulties  had  arisen  from  misunderstanding.  He 
would  go  down  and  disband  the  sheriff's  posse.  He  would  dismiss 
the  officers  of  the  territorial  militia,  Generals  liichardson  and 
Stricklar,  but  would  order  that  their  forces  be  not  disbanded  until 
they  were  taken  to  Leavenworth,  or  the  neighborhood  of  Westport. 
All  the  difficulties  were  adjusted,  and  he  was  willing  and  anxious 
to  do  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  a  collision  and  the  shedding  of 
blood.  He  hoped  that  the  men  now  in  the  territory  and  in  camp 
below  would  be  got  out  of  the  territory  without  hostilities  inter 
vening.  He  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  influence  them.  He 
would  urge  upon  the  people  of  Lawrence  to  be  moderate,  to 
pursue  a  wise  course  to  avoid  a  collision.  *  Don't  be  too  belli 
gerent.'  (Here  a  jackass  across  the  street  brayed  vociferously.) 
He  wanted  them  to-  consult  their  judgment  and  their  reason,  not 
their  feelings  and  their  passions.  One  advantage  they  would  now 
have  if  they  had  to  fight,  —  the  fight  would  now  be  between  them 
and  a  mob.  Of  course,  he  could  not  condemn  them  for  defending 
themselves.  They  were  right,  and  he  would  do  all  in  his  power 
to  sustain  them ;  but  he  hoped  the  men  encamped  would  now  be 
induced  to  leave,  and  that  there  would  be  no  effusion  of  blood. 
He  wanted  it  understood  that  he  had  called  on  no  one  but  the  peo 
ple  of  the  territory  in  his  proclamations.  If  there  were  Missou- 
rians  here,  they  were  here  of  their  own  accord. 

"  He  hoped  and  believed  that  the  people  of  Lawrence  and  vicin 
ity  were  law-abiding  people.  Indeed,  he  had  learned  that  he  had 
misunderstood  them,  and  that  they  were  estimable  and  orderly 
people ;  but  houses,  it  was  said,  had  been  burned,  and  other  out 
rages  had  been  charged  upon  the  free-state  men.  They  must 
remember  this  when  they  judge  of  these  things.  They  were,  per 
haps,  innocent,  but  he  hoped  they  would  abide  a  judicial  tribunal. 
He  hoped  now  to  preserve  order,  and  to  get  these  men  out  of  the 
territory.  If  he  could  serve  the  people  of  Kansas,  as  a  governor 
or  as  a  private  citizen,  he  would  always  be  happy  to  do  so.  (Faint 
cheers.)  " 

Colonel  Lane  was  called,  and  spoke  briefly.  "  If  we  fight  now," 
19* 


222  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

he  said,  "  we  fight  a  mob.  Any  man  "who  would  desert  Lawrence, 
until  the  invaders  below  had  left  the  territory,  was  a  coward." 
Lane  was  cheered  heartily,  and  the  applause  he  received,  as  well 
as  the  enthusiastic  cheers  that  greeted  General  Robinson  when 
called,  was  a  striking  commentary  on  the  cool  feeling  that  was 
still  entertained  toward  the  governor.  General  Robinson  said  he 
had  "  nothing  to  say ;  they  had  taken  an  honorable  position." 

There  was  an  evident  suspicion  among  the  people  that  the  nego 
tiations  had  been  closed  too  easily,  and  that  their  leaders  had  con 
ceded  something. 

Captain  Brown  got  up  to  address  the  people,  but  a  desire  was 
manifested  to  prevent  his  speaking.  Amidst  some  little  disturb 
ance,  he  demanded  to  know  what  the  terms  were.  If  he  under 
stood  Governor  Shannon's  speech,  something  had  been  conceded, 
and  he  conveyed  the  idea  that  the  territorial  laws  were  to  be 
observed.  Those  laws  they  denounced  and  spit  upon,  and  would 
never  obey  —  no!  Here  the  speaker  was  interrupted  by  the 
almost  universal  cry,  "  No  !  No  !  Down  with  the  bogus  laws  !  — 
lead  us  down  to  fight  first !  "  Seeing  a  young  revolution  on  the 
tapis,  the  influential  men  assured  the  people  that  there  had  been 
no  concession.  They  had  yielded  nothing.  They  had  surrendered 
nothing  to  the  usurping  Legislature.  With  these  assurances  the 
people  were  satisfied  and  withdrew.  At  that  time  it  was  deter 
mined  to  keep  the  treaty  secret,  but  before  many  days  it  was  suffi 
ciently  public. 

"  ARTICLES    OF     NEGOTIATION   AND   ADJUSTMENT. 

"  Whereas,  there  is  a  misunderstanding  between  the  people  of 
Kansas,  or  a  portion  of  them,  and  the  governor  thereof,  arising 
out  of  the  rescue,  near  Hickory  Point,  of  a  citizen  under  arrest, 
and  some  other  matters ;  and  whereas  a  strong  apprehension 
exists  that  said  misunderstanding  may  lead  to  civil  strife  and  blood 
shed  ;  and  whereas  it  is  desired  by  both  Governor  Shannon  and 
the  people  of  Lawrence  and  vicinity,  to  avert  a  calamity  so  disas 
trous  to  the  interests  of  the  territory  and  the  Union,  and  to  place 
all  parties  in  a  correct  position  before  the  world : 

"  Now,  therefore,  it  is  agreed  by  the  said  Governor  Shannon, 


223 

and  the  undersigned  people  of  Lawrence,  now  assembled,  that  the 
matters  in  dispute  be  settled  as  follows,  to  wit : 

"  We,  the  said  citizens  of  said  territory,  protest  that  the  said 
rescue  was  made  without  our  knowledge  or  consent ;  but,  if  any  of 
our  citizens  were  engaged,  we  pledge  ourselves  to  aid  in  the  execu 
tion  of  any  legal  process  against  them ;  that  we  have  no  knowledge 
of  the  previous,  present,  or  prospective  existence  of  any  organiza 
tion  in  said  territory  for  the  resistance  of  the  laws,  and  that  we 
have  not  designed,  and  do  not  design,  to  resist  the  legal  service 
of  any  criminal  process  therein,  but  pledge  ourselves  to  aid  in  the 
execution  of  the  laws,  when  called  on  by  proper  authority,  in 
the  town  or  vicinity  of  Lawrence,  and  that  we  will  use  all  our 
influence  in  preserving  order  therein;  and  we  declare  that  we 
are  now,  as  we  ever  have  been,  ready  at  any  time  to  aid  the  gov 
ernor  in  securing  a  posse  for  the  execution  of  such  process. 
Provided,  that  any  person  thus  arrested  in  Lawrence  or  vicinity, 
while  a  foreign  force  shall  remain  in  the  territory,  shall  be  duly 
examined  before  a  United  States  district  judge,  of  said  territory,  in 
gaid  town,  and  admitted  to  bail ;  and  provided  further,  that  Gov 
ernor  Shannon  agrees  to  use  his  influence  to  secure  to  the  citizens 
of  Kansas  Territory  remuneration  for  any  damages  sustained,  or 
unlawful  depredation,  if  any  such  have  been  committed  by  the 
sheriff 's  posse  in  Douglas  County.  And,  further,  that  Governor 
Shannon  states  that  he  has  not  called  upon  persons,  residents  of 
any  other  states,  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  such  as 
are  here  in  this  territory  are  here  of  their  own  choice ;  and  that  he 
has  not  any  authority  or  legal  power  to  do  so,  nor  will  he  exercise 
any  such  power,  and  that  he  will  not  call  on  any  citizen  of  another 
state,  who  may  be  here.  That  we  wish  it  understood  that  we  do 
not  herein  express  any  opinion  as  to  the  validity  of  the  enactments 
of  the  territorial  Legislature. 

"  WILSON  SHANNON, 
"  (Signed,)  "  C.  ROBINSON, 

"J.  H.  LANE." 

It  will  be  at  once  seen  that  this  ill-starred  paper  is  full  of  incon 
sistencies.  It  is  liable  to  be  interpreted  in  a  variety  of  ways. 


224  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Each  party  flattered  itself  that  it  had  duped  the  other.  In  the 
first  place,  the  parties  hud  no  right  to  treat  at  all,  unless 
Shannon  had  concluded  to  go  to  war  with  his  people  merely  to 
compel  them  to  say  they  would  obey  certain  laws.  Laws  are  only 
to  be  enforced  against  those  whom  the  proper  authorities  decide 
have  broken  them  ;  and  in  the  United  States  people  can  say  what 
they  please  about  the  laws,  or  about  what  respect  they  will  give 
them.  They  are  only  amenable  to  the  law  when  they  break  it  by 
an  overt  act,  and  then,  only  to  the  extent  of  the  punishment  affixed, 
under  the  process  prescribed,  and  by  the  proper  officers. 

The  people  of  Lawrence  "  protested  that  the  said  rescue  was 
made  without  their  knowledge  or  consent;"  but  they  had  no  inten 
tion  of  saying  that  they  disapproved  of  it,  or  conceded  that,  under 
similar  circumstances,  they  would  have  no  right  to  do  so.  The 
other  party  understood  them  to  do  this.  When  the  people  of 
Lawrence  pledged  themselves  to  "  aid  in  the  execution  of  any 
legal  process,"  they  did  not  intend  to  include  any  of  the  bogus 
authority  as  legal  authority ;  —  their  opponents  thought  they  did ; 
although  Shannon  was  well  aware  that  such  was  the  construction 
placed  upon  it  by  those  with  whom  he  treated,  the  matter  having 
been  discussed.  The  parties  should  have  taken  issue  for  or  against 
the  bogus  laws,  and  fought  about  it ;  but  for  Shannon  to  bring  up 
an  army  to  fight  on  such  an  issue  would  have  been  intensely  ridic 
ulous  ;  and  the  free-state  party  had  too  much  sense  to  go  to  fight 
ing  about  an  abstraction,  especially  with  those  who  had  no  right 
to  catechize  them  on  it.  It  was  the  governor's  business,  when  he 
found  the  true  state  of  the  case,  and  when  he  found  he  had  no 
legal  pretext  for  fighting  Lawrence,  to  disband  the  army  he  had 
concentrated  against  it,  and  send  them  home ;  but  the  governor 
ought  to  have  known  all  about  this  before  he  engaged  in  the 
affair,  and  above  all  he  could  not  disband  them.  Being  willing 
to  do  nearly  fair  with  the  free-state  settlers,  in  the  strait  to  which 
he  was  reduced,  they,  on  the  other  hand,  were  willing  to  get  him 
out  of  the  scrape  as  easily  as  they  could.  The  treaty  was  merely 
got  up  to  cover  a  retreat,  and  Shannon  knew  it. 

The  statement  made  by  Shannon,  that  he  "had  not  called  on 
any  resident  of  another  state  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  the  laws," 


THE    "  PEACE-MAKERS."  225 

is  manifestly  false,  in  the  face  of  his  non-admissions  as  to  enrolling 
them  as  militia.  Relative  to  this  attack  on  Lawrence,  the  com 
mittee  of  Congress,  with  the  evidence  before  them,  report : 

"Among  the  many  acts  of  lawless  violence  which  it  has  been 
the  duty  of  your  committee  to  investigate,  this  invasion  of  Law 
rence  is  the  most  defenceless.  A  comparison  of  the  facts  proven, 
with  the  official  statements  of  the  officers  of  the  government,  will 
show  how  groundless  were  the  pretexts  which  gave  rise  to  it.  A 
community,  in  which  no  crime  had  been  committed  by  any  of  its 
members,  against  none  of  whom  had  a  warrant  been  issued  or  a 
complaint  made,  who  had  resisted  no  process  in  the  hands  of  a 
real  or  pretended  officer,  was  threatened  with  destruction  in  the 
name  of  * law  and  order,'  and  that,  too,  by  men  who  marched 
from  a  neighboring  state  with  arms  obtained  by  force,  and  who, 
in  every  stage  of  their  progress,  violated  many  laws,  and  among 
others  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

Immediately  after  he  had  spoken  the  governor  drove  down  to 
Franklin,  whither  Generals  Robinson  and  Lane  accompanied  him. 
They  had  there  to  meet  a  deputation  of  thirteen  captains  from  the 
Missouri  camp,  and  the  farce  of  negotiation  had  again  to  be  gone 
through.  Here  there  was  even  less  prospect  of  unanimity ;  and 
after  a  stormy  time,  in  which  they  were  likely  to  effect  nothing, 
Shannon  declared  that  there  was  no  cause  of  attack  on  Lawrence, 
and  he  ordered  the  militia  to  disband.  The  following  order  to 
Richardson  is  a  fac-simile  of  those  to  Strickland  and  Jones : 

"  CAMP  WAKAEUSA,  Dec.  Stht  1855. 

"  SIR  :  Being  fully  satisfied  that  there  will  be  no  further  resist 
ance  to  the  laws  of  the  territory,  or  to  the  service  of  any  legal 
process  in  the  County  of  Douglas,  you  are  hereby  ordered  to  cross 
the  Kansas  river,  to  the  north  side,  as  near  Lecompton  as  you 
may  find  it  practicable,  with  your  command,  and  disband  the  same 
at  such  time  and  place,  and  in  such  numbers,  as  you  may  deem 
most  convenient.  "  Yours  with  great  respect, 

"  WILSON  SHANNON. 

"  Major-Gen.  RICHARDSON." 

Not  to  negotiation  alone  was  the  country  indebted  for  peace. 
Many  were  really  terrified  at  the  idea  of  attacking  Lawrence 


226  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

when  they  supposed  the  people  there  were  going  to  fight,  and  had 
slipped  on,  glad  to  get  home.  Then  the  supply  of  whiskey  was 
exhausted ;  and  on  that  eventful  Saturday  night  the  elements 
warred  with  peculiar  bitterness  against  the  border  ruffians  in 
camp.  Night  set  in ;  it  was  as  dark  as  Erebus.  The  wind  had 
blown  from  the  south  all  day,  and  threatened  rain ;  at  dusk  it 
wheeled  to  the  north,  and  came  down  with  icy  keenness,  and  driv 
ing  a  snowy  sleet.  It  was  a  fearful  night.  The  wind  blew  almost 
a  hurricane,  as  it  knows  how  to  blow  in  Kansas.  I  had  passed 
through  the  inner  line  of  guards,  and  had  given  the  countersign 
"  Pitch  in,"  which  had  been  issued  by  the  gallant  Adjutant-Gen 
eral  Dietzler  in  the  temporary  absence  of  Gen.  Robinson.  I  passed 
through  the  outer  line  of  guards,  having  given  the  word,  and  occa 
sionally  saw  patrols  of  horsemen  going  here  and  there  like  shades 
in  the  gloom,  or  shivering  at  their  post  in  that  bitter  and  inclem 
ent  night.  So  wildly  swept  the  wind  and  the  driving  sleet  that  I 
had  often  to  stop  while  I  held  my  hat  with  both  hands,  and  swayed 
in  the  blast.  Away  over  the  plain  the  lights  of  Lawrence  were 
twinkling  in  the  gloom,  from  windows,  or  the  lanterns  of  the  citi 
zen  soldiery  who  watched  the  earth-works  during  that  inclement 
night,  lest  they  might  full  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

But  Lawrence  was  a  tame  sight,  that  night,  compared  with 
the  Missouri  camp  on  the  Wakarusa.  In  the  bitter  cold  the 
adventurers  stood  around  their  camp-fires,  or  tried  to  nestle  under 
the  wagon-covers  that  flapped  in,  or  were  overthrown  by,  the 
furious  wind.  Logs  were  piled  high  on  the  camp-fires,  and  the 
wild  gale  swept  the  flames  and  sparks  up  through  the  gnarled 
limbs  of  the  old  oaks  and  walnuts  in  the  Wakarusa  bottom.  Shots 
were  being  fired  in  all  directions,  and  incessantly  in  the  camp, —  the 
wild  noise  being  suited  to  the  taste  of  those  border  crusaders,  and 
being  partly  intended  at  that  time,  I  suspect,  as  a  sort  of  intimi 
dation  to  the  "  Yankees,"  as  some  fears  were  entertained  that  the 
free-state  men  would  attack  their  camp,  now  that  they  were 
stripped  of  all  legal  authority. 

Cold  and  more  bitter  grew  the  night,  and  the  wind  was  so  high 
that  many  of  the  fires  had  to  be  put  out,  as  the  furious  flames 
were  blown  about  so  as  to  endanger  all  of  those  near  them.  No 


THE  "PEACE-MAKERS."  227 

guard  was  kept  by  these  men,  that  night ;  or,  at  least,  I  saw  none. 
Every  man  appeared  to  shrink,  chilly  and  helpless,  from  the 
pitiless  storm.  In  the  early  part  of  the  night  there  had  been 
speechifying.  Some  wanted  to  go  up  to  Lawrence,  and  were  bent 
on  going.  Others,  —  and  amongst  them  ex-Senator  Atchison,  — 
urged  that  no  attack  should  now  be  made,  as  they  were  stripped 
of  their  authority.  But,  had  that  been  a  mild  and  pleasant  sum 
mer's  night,  there  would  have  been  an  attack,  and  as  likely  a 
severe  defeat  of  the  border  ruffians.  As  it  was,  a  night  of  suffer 
ing  brought  a  morning  of  repentance ;  or,  rather,  it  froze  out  the 
little  hostile  spirit.  In  the  morning,  too,  many  left,  and  the 
remainder,  thus  weakened  and  dispirited,  began  to  fear  an  attack 
in  turn.  On  Sunday  there  was  a  pretty  general  scattering.  A 
few  parties  remained  until  Tuesday,  bent  on  mischief;  but,  finding 
themselves  too  weak  to  do  anything,  reluctantly  went  home,  curs 
ing  Shannon  and  the  "  cunning  abolitionists."  Stringfellow,  in 
the  camp  at  Lecompton,  made  a  speech,  in  which  he  said,  "  Shan 
non  has  played  us  false ;  the  Yankees  have  tricked  us ;  the 
Governor  of  Kansas  has  disgraced  himself  and  the  whole  pro- 
slavery  party." 

On  Sunday  Governor  Shannon,  with  Jones  and  Stricklaiy  came 
into  Lawrence.  The  governor  was  all  kindness  and  attention  to 
the  citizens.  He  was  introduced  to  many  of  the  ladies  of  Law 
rence,  and  expressed  himself  much  at  home.  He  talked  of  com 
ing  to  live  at  Lawrence,  and  at  that  time  it  looked  a  little  as  if  he 
would  not  be  safe  anywhere  else.  Gen.  Robinson  offered  him 
chambers,  and  both  he  and  Lane  offered  to  protect  him. 

In  consideration  of  the  troubled  state  of  the  territory,  the  gov 
ernor  commissioned  Generals  llobinson  and  Lane  to  defend  the 
territory.  The  following  authority,  addressed  on  the  outside  to 
"  Generals  Chas.  llobinson  and  J.  H.  Lane,"  was  the  important 
document : 

"  To  CHARLES  ROBINSON  AND  J.  H.  LANE  : 

"  You  are  hereby  authorized  and  directed  to  take  such  meas 
ures,  and  use  the  enrolled  force  under  your  command  in  such 
manner,  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace  and  protection  of  the 


228  THE   CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

persons  and  property  of  the  people  of  Lawrence  and  vicinity,  as  in 
your  judgment  shall  best  secure  that  end. 

"  (Signed),  WILSON  SHANNON. 

"LAWKEXCE,  Dec.  9,  1855." 

So  far  from  this  having  been  obtained  by  fraudulent  representa 
tions,  it  agreed  with  the  assurances  he  had  given,  of  the  people's 
right  to  defend  themselves,  both  on  Friday  and  Saturday.  More 
than  that,  when  asked,  he  promised  to  review  the  free-state  troops, 
and  would  have  done  so  that  day;  but,  as  it  was  Sunday,  the 
thing  would  not  have  looked  well  in  Lawrence. 

On  that  eventful  Sunday,  if  governors  ever  get  drunk,  his 
supreme  highness,  Wilson  the  First,  got  superlatively  tipsy.  Even 
Jones  had  been  imbibing  rather  freely ;  but  Jones  had  sense 
enough  to  hold  his  tongue  under  such  circumstances,  which  is 
more  than  can  be  said  for  the  governor. 

After  as  jolly  a  Sunday  as  ever  was  spent  in  Lawrence,  the 
governor  left  the  free-state  head-quarters,  and  wound  his  devious 
way  across  the  street  to  the  Cincinnati  Hotel,  in  company  with 
Jones  and  an  escort  of  honor.  The  governor  was  conversing  on 
the  merits  of  "  Governor  Shannon." 

"Now,  ge — entlemen,  you  —  hie  —  you  don't  understand  me. 
You  all  abuse  me,  but  —  hie  —  but  it's  be — because  you  don't 
know  me.  Get  to  know  me  right  —  hie  —  well,  and  you'll  —  hie 
—  you  '11  find  I  'in  a  —  hie  —  I  'm  a  h— 11  of  a  fellow  !  " 

And  thus  terminated  the  Wakarusa  war. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

MOBBING   THE   BALLOT-BOXES. 

IP  there  were  time,  a  very  interesting  chapter  could  be  writ 
ten  about  the  arrest  and  detention  of  a  number  of  those  who 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  border  ruffians  during  the  Wakarusa 
war.  It  is  quite  romantic  to  read  about  prisoners  of  war,  and 
interesting,  should  any  of  these  unfortunates  have  a  faculty  for 
imitating  Baron  Trenck  by  making  their  escape.  The  ruffians 
made  quite  a  haul  of  prisoners.  They  got  as  many  as  they  wanted, 
and  rather  more  than  they  were  able  to  take  care  of.  Besides  a 
promiscuous  picking  up  of  travellers,  they  succeeded  in  capturing 
several  small  parties  of  three  or  four,  or  half  a  dozen,  who  were 
hastening  to  the  rescue  of  the  besieged.  But  a  small  number  vol 
unteered  to  come  from  Leavenworth  city,  and  those  were  nearly 
all  taken.  Mr.  Parrot  was  taken  with  a  companion  and  his  car 
riage,  and  compelled  to  ride  across  the  Kaw  at  a  deep  ford,  where 
he  got  wet,  and  in  this  condition  he  spent  that  fearful  night  of 
the  8th  of  December.  Mr.  Pomeroy,  while  attempting  to  pass 
through  the  Delaware  reserve,  was  taken.  He  attempted  to 
palm  himself  off  as  a  Baptist  preacher  ;  but  the  ruffians,  believing 
that  he  had  not  yet  been  "  dipped,"  led  him  through  the  same 
Kaw  river  to  their  camp  on  the  Wakarusa,  where  they  kept  him 
till  peace  was  declared.  While  there,  it  is  probable  that  the  inter 
position  of  some  of  the  officers  alone  saved  him.  One  Dutch 
squatter  was  taken  prisoner  because  he  was  unable  to  show  these 
gentry  a  ford  at  the  Kaw  river,  and  was  detained  as  a  prisoner, 
as  an  "abolitionist,"  although  he  assured  them  there  was  no 
"  abolitionist  "  in  the  county  he  came  from.  Several  of  the 
Topeku.  men  were  taken.  A.  few  of  these  unfortunates  had 
20 


230  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

a  lot  of  the  newly-printed  state  constitutions,  and  the  posses 
sion  of  such  incendiary  documents  was  very  near  haying  a  bad 
effect  on  their  physical  constitutions.  One  gentleman,  with  a  rope 
round  his  neck,  made  a  compromise  speech,  in  which  he  assured 
them  that  he  was  a  "  conservative  free-state  man ;"  whereupon  they 
spared  his  life,  as  "  conservative  "  free-state  men  are  not  danger 
ous.  Dr.  Cutler  and  Mr.  Warren  were  arrested,  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Atchison,  by  a  mob  from  Weston,  Mo.  After  going  through 
the  farce  of  a  trial  for  "high  treason"  before  a  bogus  justice  of 
the  peace,  they  were  taken  sixty  miles  to  the  camp  of  Lecompton. 
There  they  suffered  from  abuse  and  the  inclement  weather,  the 
doctor  being  sick.  They  were  cooped  up  in  a  little  crib  of  a  log 
cabin,  nearly  all  the  conveniences  of  which  were  monopolized  by 
Sheriff  Jones  and  another  border  ruffian,  who  were  playing  poker. 
One  night  Jones  lost  twenty  dollars  in  this  way,  and  amused 
himself  and  vented  his  spleen  on  little  Warren,  by  asking  him 
to  inform  them  all  about  the  state-affairs  in  Lawrence,  and  add 
ing,  when  Warren  declined,  that  he  must  "  tell  or  swing."  Some 
of  the  prisoners  at  Lecompton  camp  were  compelled  to  cook  for  the 
ruffians,  and  do  other  menial  services,  but  escaped  this  duty  very 
adroitly  by  hinting  something  about  poison.  Two  other  unfortunate 
youths,  on  the  stormy  night  of  the  eighth,  were  compelled  to  hold 
up  a  blanket  in  the  camp,  so  as  to  shelter  a  lot  of  the  rowdies  whom 
the  war  of  the  elements  had  not  deterred  from  playing  "  euchre." 
These  fellows  played  upon  a  stone  close  to  one  of  the  fires.  As  the 
fingers  of  the  free-state  men  began  to  freeze,  or  as  they  relaxed 
from  fatigue,  away  would  go  the  blanket,  and,  whisk,  off  went 
the  cards  before  the  wind,  followed  by  a  torrent  of  oaths. 

"  G — d  d n  your  abolition  souls  to  h — 11 !  Hold  up  that 

blanket !  " 

When  peace  was  declared  the  prisoners  were  released ;  the  pro- 
slavery  men  in  camp  having  as  much  as  they  could  do  to  take  care 
of  themselves.  On  Sunday  morning  (the  9th)  many  Missourians 
hurried  up  to  Lawrence,  shivering  and  half-frozen,  in  search  of 
liquors.  They  expressed  themselves  anxious  to  drink  to  the 
"  union  of  the  free-state  and  pro-slavery  parties,"  and  as  they  rode 
up,  with  blue  nose  and  chattering  teeth,  looked  as  if  they  were 
fully  sensible  there  was  "  a  North." 


MOBBING   THE    BALLOT-BOXES.  231 

Those  who  think  that  this  affair  caused  needless  alarm,  and  did 
not  and  could  not  amount  to  anything,  had  better  think  again,  for 
they  are  wrong.  Near  two  thousand  men  were  drawn  up  in  battle 
iti-ray  against  each  other,  inspired  with  mutual  animosity.  One 
spark  would  have  touched  this  mass  of  combustible  into  flame, 
and,  once  kindled,  when  would  it  have  been  extinguished  or  burnt 
out?  Great  praise  is  due  Gen.  Robinson,  and  also  the  other  mem 
bers  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  for  their  great  prudence  and  wis 
dom. 

And,  yet,  the  exemption  from  the  horrors  of  civil  war  was  pur 
chased  at  a  price.  Those  who  consider  that  diplomacy  must  be 
above  evasion  will  regard  the  treaty  as  a  mutual  concession  to 
mutual  fears.  The  treaty  was  a  mere  piece  of  moonshine  to  save 
the  governor,  but  under  that  moonshine  was  apparent  concession. 
The  acts  of  the  false  Legislature  are  still  like  the  "  stumbling- 
blocks  which  caused  Israel  to  sin." 

Lawrence  was  now  a  fortified  city.  Four  large  earth-works 
or  forts,  and  several  lines  of  ditches  and  intrenchments,  attest  the 
industry  of  the  besieged,  and  will  remain  for  some  time  a  memo 
rial  of  these  transactions,  or  may  haply  be  required  for  a  similar 
occurrence.  Dow  lies  in  his  narrow  bed,  —  the  hope  of  bringing  his 
murderers  to  punishment  almost  lost  in  the  occurrence  of  other 
transactions.  Barber,  a  martyr  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  is  also 
mouldering  beneath  the  sod.  Business  of  every  kind  has  been  sus 
pended  in  the  territory.  The  settler,  who  had  his  house  to  close 
from  the  storms  of  winter,  or  his  farm  to  open,  and  the  merchant 
and  man  of  business,  were  alike  paralyzed  by  the  danger  that 
threatened,  and  the  effort  to  defend  themselves  from  invasion. 
The  expense  in  sustaining  the  people  in  the  vicinity  of  Lawrence, 
though  considerable,  is  only  a  tithe  of  the  loss.  The  burning  of 
houses  and  hay-stacks,  the  stealing  and  killing  of  cattle,  and 
abstraction  of  convenient  and  desirable  articles,  are  mere  trifles, 
and  only  exhibit  an  honest  desire  on  the  part  of  the  besiegers 
to  take  something  if  they  could  not  take  Lawrence. 

The  pro-slavery  invaders  also  lost  something.  They  hazarded, 
if  not  lost,  their  reputation  for  courage;  —  reputation  for  any 
thing  else,  I  believe,  they  never  had.  They  carried  back  three 
dead  bodies  with  them.  One  of  these  was  shot  by  one  of  their 


232  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

own  guard,  who  mistook  him  in  the  dark  for  a  free-soil  spy ; 
another  was  killed  in  a  drunken  row  among  themselves,  and  the 
third  shot  himself  by  accident  while  playing  with  his  gun.  The 
wounded  man  shot  himself  through  the  foot  in  the  same  blunder 
ing  way ;  and  if  to  these  I  add  the  man  shot  and  wounded  by 
Gen.  Clark,  we  have  a  large  if  not  "  respectable  "  chapter  of  acci 
dents. 

On  Monday  night  after  the  treaty  there  was  a  peace-banquet 
in  the  Free-State  Hotel.  It  was  largely  attended,  —  so  largely 
that  it  was  a  perfect  jam.  It  was  a  commingling  of  pleasure  and 
politics ;  soldiers,  weary  and  begrimmed,  from  the  trenches  or 
the  piquet  guard  ;  officers  who  wanted  to  coin  their  brilliant  ser 
vices  into  the  largest  amount  of  future  popularity  ;  ladies,  danc 
ing,  and  flirtation. 

On  the  next  day  the  volunteers  were  disbanded.  Each  soldier  got 
a  discharge,  showing  that  he  had  served  "  gallantly  and  faithfully  " 
so  many  days,  etc.  These  documents  the  happy  recipients  felt 
confident  would  entitle  them  to  pay  (as  soon  as  any  one  could  be 
found  willing  to  pay)  and  to  a  quarter-section  of  land;  and,  cer 
tainly,  many  a  volunteer  has  got  his  quarter-section  for  less. 

On  the  15th  of  December  the  state  constitution,  framed  at  To- 
peka,  was  to  be  submitted  to  the  people.  Circulars,  giving  notice 
of  the  election,  had  been  posted  up  throughout  the  territory. 
Copies  of  the  constitution  had  been  freely  circulated.  All  had 
been  invited  to  vote  for  or  against  the  constitution.  It  had  been 
the  design  to  have  speakers  sent  to  every  part  of  Kansas  Territory, 
to  arouse  the  people  to  a  sense  of  the  importance  of  voting  at  this 
election,  but,  owing  to  the  Wakarusa  war,  this  had  been  impossible. 
That  war  was  one  cause  of  the  light  vote  polled.  People  had 
been  away  from  their  farms  to  the  war,  and  when  they  hurried 
back,  in  the  cold,  rainy  and  wintry  weather  that  set  in,  every  man 
was  struggling,  if  possible,  to  get  his  house  closed  tight  enough  to 
exclude  the  storm.  The  importance  of  voting  on  the  constitution 
was  not  realized  by  many.  But  the  chief  cause  of  the  vote  being 
cut  short  was  violence.  In  Atchison  the  circulars  calling  the 
election  were  torn  down,  the  men  who  brought  them  driven  vio 
lently  from  the  town,  and  the  election  not  permitted.  At  Kickapoo 


MOBBING    THE   BALLOT-BOXES. 


233 


the  houses  of  two  men,  appointed  judges  of  election,  were  burnel 
down,  and  although  the  polls  were  opened  by  the  judges  at  a  place 
close  to  the  town,  but  few  knew  of  it,  and  the  vote  was  consequently 
light.  At  all  the  towns  on  the  Missouri  river,  near  which  there 
are  many  large  settlements  polling  a  heavy  free-state  vote,  there 


Abstract  of  the  Election  on  the  Adoption  of  the  State  Constitution,  Dec-  15,  1855. 


Constitu 

General 

tion. 

Banking 

Law. 

Precincts. 
1  Lawrence, 

(Blajiton,      •    

Palmyra, . 

(Franklin 

2jBioouungton, 

East  Douglas, 

3'Topeka,      

Washington,      

Brownsville,       

ITecumseh,      

4  Prairie  City,      

5  Little  Osage, 

iBig  Sugar, 

JNeosho,      

IPotawattomie, 
Little  Sugar,      

jStanton,      

[Osawottamie, 

7Titus,      

j.Juniata, i 

8  Ohio  City, ! 

LMill  Creek, 

St.  Mary's, | 

I  Waubaunsee, 

9Tawnec, 

Grasshopper  Falls, 

10  Doniphan 

•Burr  Oak, 

;Jes3«  Padurs, 

11  Oeena. 


Exclusion  of 
Xegroes  and 

Alulattoes. 


Kickapoo 

13  Pleasant  Hill,    .    .    . 
Judiauola,      .    .    .    . 
Whitfielu, 

14  Wolf  River,    .    .    .    . 

iSt.  Joseph's  Bottom, 

15  Mt.  Pleasant,  .  .  . 

16  E  u-<ton, 

.  -ii.u, 


Yes. 

348 
72 
11 
48 

137 
18 

135 
42 
24 
35 
72 
21 
18 
12 
39 
42 
32 
56 
39 
30 
21 
20 
14 
19 
45 
54 
22 
23 
12 
28 
20 
47 
19 

23 
15 

32 

71 


IS'o.!Yes. 

1  225 

2  59 

1!       9 


-  13 

—  125 

da 

-  23 

—  39 
7      16 


6 

21 

a ; 

4 

33 
32 
23 
16 


No.  |  Yes. 
83|  133 
14  48 


11    113 

4|     14 
9J     09 


42 
22 
36 


19  25 
13)  42 
33j  33 

20  j  38 

6|  10 

51  20 

20  i  20 


29  40 
34|  50 
14  21 
16|  22 
11 
•:• 
13 

6 
18 

i 
'•_ 


12 
28 
16 
45 
19 
6 

18 
14 

i     :',i) 
19     71 

— !       1 


: 


4011120        56411287 


No. 

22! 
20 


1 
2 

i  : 
33 

12!     23  7 

16     20          — 
6|     12          — 
18 


—  14      14  - 

1!       7  11 


35  G 
76 
12 
53 

137 
18 

130 
42 
24 
35 
72 
31 
21 
12 

'  43 
CO 
37 
59 
•U 
31 
2J 
20 
14 
19 
45 
54 
22 
23 
12 

20 
47 
19 

7 

24 
15 
33 
73 

7 


4531778 


'.  B. —  The  Poll-book  at  Leavenwortli  was  destroyed. 


234  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

was  either  no  election  allowed  to  be  held,  or  the  election  was 
stopped,  or  the  voters  at  least  intimidated  from  voting  by  the 
presence  of  a  mob  from  Missouri.  The  election  returns  are  on 
the  preceding  page,  and,  in  spite  of  the  causes  I  enumerate,  they 
show  a  heavier  list  of  votes  than  there  was  of  pro-slavery  voters 
in  the  territory  at  that  time. 

The  Nota  Bene  here  requires  an  explanation.  I  was  present 
at  Leavenworth,  and,  as  I  saw  the  whole  transaction,  will  endeavor 
to  depict  it.  The  election  was  held  on  a  Saturday.  For  several 
days  previous  it  had  been  raining.  I  had  feared  very  much  that 
the  rain  would  keep  the  voters  away,  but,  on  Saturday  afternoon, 
it  cleared  away  cold  and  sharp,  but  with  sunlight  and  fair  weather. 
The  voters  came  in,  not  so  numerous  as  on  other  occasions,  but  by 
noon  there  were  nearly  three  hundred  votes  polled ;  and,  as  the 
voting  had  only  commenced  at  ten  o'clock,  it  was  supposed  that 
there  would  be  at  least  six  or  seven  hundred  votes  counted.  My 
attention  was  first  attracted  by  large  boat-loads  of  people  coming 
over  the  river.  The  ferry-boat  was  a  large,  wide,  fiat  boat, 
capable  of  holding  several  wagons  or  many  horsemen. 

I  had  strolled  down  to  the  river  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing,  and  then  I  observed  this  extraordinary  emigration.  Opposite 
to  Leavenworth  there  is  an  island,  behind  which  there  is  a  dry 
slough,  or  old  channel  of  the  river.  The  island  in  question  seemed 
as  if  by  magic  to  swarm  with  life. 

They  commenced  crossing  in  parties  of  ten  or  a  dozen  early  in 
the  afternoon  ;  but  about  twelve  o'clock  they  came  over  in  whole 
boat-loads.  About  noon  I  learned  from  a  person  who  came  down 
the  river  side  that  they  were  also  crossing  at  the  horse-ferry  at 
Fort  Leavenworth,  three  miles  above,  and  were  coming  down  by 
land.  As  the  Missourians  have  never  voted  at  these  elections, 
pronouncing  them  "  illegal,"  and  have  merely  attempted  to  intim 
idate,  I  naturally  concluded  that  all  of  these  Platte  County 
scoundrels  were  not  coming  over  for  any  good.  On  inquiry,  I 
learned  that  Brigadier-General  Easton,  of  the  territorial  militia, 
had  stated  in  his  paper  and  had  proclaimed  that  his  "  brigade  " 
should  be  disbanded  in  Leavenworth  that  day;  and  as  these  fel 
lows  had  been  out  in  the  "  law  and  order  "  campaign  against  the 


MOBBING   THE   BALLOT-BOX.  285 

"  abolitionists  "  of  Lawrence,  they  were  over  to-day  to  get  "  an 
honorable  discharge,"  which  should  entitle  them  to  the  gratitude 
of  Uncle  Sam  to  tl.3  tune  of  two  dollars  fifty  cents  a  day.  Bad 
as  this  version  of  the  story  looked,  I  suspected  that  it  only 
explained  part  of  the  truth.  That  the  disbanding  should  have 
been  postponed  for  five  days  might  have  been  accounted  for  on  a 
mathematical  calculation  to  the  effect  that  these  five  days  would 
amount  to  twelve  dollars  and  fifty  cents  extra  per  man ;  but  that 
it  should  have  fallen  exactly  on  the  day  that  the  new  constitution 
framed  at  Topeka  was  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  looked  a 
little  like  a  calculation  on  the  part  of  the  gallant  General  Easton, 
or  whoever  had  been  at  the  bottom  of  it. 

I  do  not  think  I  ever  before  saw  so  many  cut-throat-looking 
villains  in  one  crowd.  The  groceries  were  thronged,  and  the  spirit 
of  evil  commenced  its  work.  Hard-featured,  unkempt  and  un- 
shaved,  they  evidently  belonged  to  "the  great  unwashed  and 
unterrified."  With  red  blankets  and  blue  blankets  *and  dirty 
white  blankets  and  no  blankets  at  all,  with  "  garments  dyed  in 
mud,"  and  of  a  homespun  look,  and  many  of  them  with  long 
Western  rifles,  they  swaggered  about,  cursing  the  "  abolitionists  " 
generally,  and  a  few  persons  about  Leavenworth  in  particular. 

I  had  learned  that  the  parade  and  disbanding  were  to  come  off 
at  two,  and  fancied  that  nothing  would  happen  before  that  time; 
but  I  was  mistaken.  The  clerks  and  judges  of  elections  had  been 
closing  the  polls  to  go  to  dinner ;  all  of  them  had  left  the  voting- 
room  but  three. 

Soon  amongst  that  motley  crowd  the  tall  figure  of  Mr.  Payne 
was  visible  in  an  attitude  of  command.  Payne  is  a  Virginian, 
but  such  another  Virginia.n  I  never  saw  !  He  must  have  come 
from  the  mountain  districts,  where  they  all  belong  to  the  "  unter 
rified."  He  went  with  an  easy  swagger,  and  from  the  tip  of  his 
slouched  hat  to  the  point  of  his  toes  he  looked  an  unmistakable 
member  of  the  "  first  family  "  of  ruffians.  He  had  been  a  member 
of  the  Bogus  Legislature,  a  judge  of  the  County  of  Leavenworth, 
under  appointment  of  the  body  of  which  he  was  a  member,  and 
now  claimed  to  be  a  colonel  of  the  "  militia "  who  lately  dis 
tinguished  themselves  before  Lawrence. 


236  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

There  was  another  prominent  person  at  the  polls  that  day. 
His  name  is  Dunn.  He  distinguished  himself  in  this  part  of  the 
world,  and  acquired  an  influence  by  keeping  a  grocery ;  and  those 
only  who  know  can  comprehend  the  immense  importance  of  a 
grocery-keeper  in  Border  Ruffiandom. 

The  voting  had  been  done  at  a  window,  and  to  this  the  crowd  I 
have  been  describing  made  a  rush.  They  were  led  on  by  Payne 
and  Dunn.  The  movement  was  thoroughly  understood  before  it 
was  made,  and  around  the  house,  and  in  the  streets  adjoining,  the 
crowd  was  dense.  There  were  several  hundred  of  them.  The 
window  was  driven  in,  glass,  sash,  frame  and  all.  Dunn  ex 
claimed, 

"  In  the  name  of  '  law  and  order  '  I  demand  that  ballot-box  I  " 

"  No  d — d  parleying !  "  cried  Payne,  cocking  a  six-shooter  and 
presenting  it  at  the  clerks.  "  Take  the  box,  G — d  d — n  it,  take 
the  box !  " 

Two  of  the  three  persons  in  the  room  at  the  time  it  was 
attacked  got  oif  without  injury,  having  arms  ;  the  third,  a  man 
named  Wetherill,  one  of  the  clerks  of  election,  and  who  was 
unarmed,  tried  to  take  away  the  ballot-box,  and  make  his  escape 
by  a  door  opening  on  another  street.  Closely  pressed,  he  threw 
the  box  under  a  counter,  and  as  he  emerged  into  the  muddy  street 
was  knocked  down  by  clubs.  Not  less  than  thirty  men  were 
around  him  and  jumping  on  him.  One  man  had  an  axe  raised  to 
strike  him,  if  he  could  have  done  so  for  the  crowd.  It  was  the 
work  of  an  instant,  and  immediately  some  few  of  the  free-state 
men,  who  had  not  been  frightened  off,  interfered.  The  first  who 
interposed  was  a  pro-slavery  man,  who  seemed  to  have  a  trifle  of 
the  Samaritan  in  him ;  but  a  young  man  from  York  State,  named 
Anthony,  and  a  Captain  Brown,  both  good  and  tried  free-state 
moil,  cocked  their  pistols,  and  rushed  forward,  as  did  some  others. 
Wetherill  was  raised  and  carried  home. 

The  mob,  having  got  possession  of  the  ballot-box  and  poll-books, 
paraded  them  off  in  triumph.  The  streets  resounded  with  shrieks 
and  yells,  and  it  was  evident  that  the  half-tipsy  invaders  were  ripe 
for  further  mischief. 

A  panic  had  seized  the  free-state  men,  or  rather  they  wanted 


MOBBING   THE   BALLOT-BOX.  237 

some  bold  and  active  leaders.  The  polls  liad  been  violated  while 
most  of  the  people  were  at  dinner;  but  the  border  ruffians  kept 
possession  of  the  quarter  of  the  town  where  the  voting  had  been 
held,  and  but  few  free-state  men  were  to  be  seen  venturing  among 
them.  Perhaps  the  apology  for  this  timid  spirit  lay  in  the  fact 
that  the  men  of  Leavenworth  were  unarmed,  or  but  indilferently 
armed,  and  that  they  had  no  volunteer  or  military  organization, 
the  known  members  and  officers  of  which  could  be  relied  on.  It 
was  with  a  feeling  of  shame  and  bitterness  that  I  saw  these  invad 
ing,  lawless  villains  thus  violate  the  dearest  and  most  sacred 
rights  of  American  freemen. 

The  mob  was  swaying  uneasily  to  and  fro,  and  was  evidently 
animated  by  some  new  work  of  mischief.  The  words  "abolition 
papers,"  "  Delahay,"  "  D — n  it !  burn  the  whole  infernal  thing 
up  !  "  "  Throw  it  in  the  river !  "  showed  that  mischief  to  Colonel 
Delahay's  office,  the  Territorial  Register,  was  contemplated. 

In  this  emergency  the  city  mayor,  who  was  elected  on  the  free- 
state  ticket,  sent  off  to  the  fort  for  the  troops.  He  might  as  well 
have  sent  to  Jericho  for  the  horns  that  blew  the  walls  down.  The 
commandant  had  other  business.  The  Register  office  was  locked 
up.  Its  owner,  who  had  refused  to  go  to  the  aid  of  Lawrence 
during  the  siege,  might  have  been  found,  peering  down  from  a 
back  street  on  the  mob  who  threatened  his  press,  and  in  a  state 
of  trepidation  which  showed  he  was  not  very  anxious  for  political 
martyrdom  just  at  that  moment.  A  couple  of  his  hands  ventured 
to  remain  in  the  office. 

Delahay's  office  was  not  mobbed.  There  is  not  the  slightest 
doubt  that  putting  it  in  the  river  on  Saturday  was  part  of  the 
programme ;  but  two  things  saved  it.  In  the  first  place,  a  person 
who  does  not  subscribe  to  the  non-resistant  creed  informed  the 
friends  of  the  pro-slavery  paper  here  that  if  the  Missourians  put 
the  Register  office  in  the  river,  the  Herald  office  would  be  placed 
snugly  beside  it  as  soon  as  they  left  town.  I  do  not  endorse  such 
a  sentiment,  of  course,  but  I  think  it  had  a  salutary  effect.  The 
other  reason  was,  a  hesitation  on  a  part  of  a  few  of  the  more  con 
servative  of  the  pro-slavery  men  here,  who,  like  Davy  Atchison 
at  the  Wakarusa,  were  afraid  that  too  much  of  a  good  thing 


238  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

"  might  injure  the  democratic  party."  An  effort  was  made  to 
satisfy  the  victorious  heroes  of  th^  ballot-box  with  their  laurels  for 
the  day,  and  the  disbanding  of  the  "  militia  "  afforded  the  means 
of  diverting  the  current. 

The  men  were  marshalled  out  to  an  open  space  toward  the 
back  of  the  town,  and  then  came  off  the  second  edition  of  the 
"  law  and  order"  humbug. 

Judge  Payne,  who  now  figured  as  Colonel  Payne,  called  the 
meeting  to  order,  —  that  is,  he  tried  to  do  so, — and  also  introduced 
the  gallant  General  Eastin  to  the  men  whom  he  was  about  to  dis 
band  ;  and  this  he  did  in  quite  a  handsome  manner. 

General  Eastin  congratulated  them  on  their  good  and  orderly 
conduct,  on  which  their  recent  occupation  was  an  excellent  com 
mentary.  He  also  complimented  them  on  their  appearance,  which 
was  quite  diverting.  But  by  far  the  most  important  part  of  his 
speech  was  a  proposition  that  these  men  should  immediately  enroll 
themselves  into  regular  volunteer  companies  as  soon  as  they  were 
disbanded.  He  said  there  were  three  thousand  stand  of  arms  due 
the  territory  from  the  United  States,  and  that  if  they  took  the 
proper  steps  they  could  get  them.  Atrocious  as  this  proposal  may 
look,  I  have  investigated  the  matter  as  far  as  possible,  and  am 
satisfied  it  was  really  the  intention  thus  to  get  the  arms  designed 
for  the  defence  of  the  territory  into  the  hands  of  those  who  are  to 
invade  it.  A  part  of  the  force  thus  to  be  armed  would  be  pro- 
slavery  men,  residents  of  the  territory ;  but  the  great  bulk  of  these 
arms  would  thus  find  their  way  into  the  hands  of  the  border 
ruffians. 

As  there  were  evidently  a  dozen  more  orators  to  immortalize 
themselves,  I  left.  Returning  to  the  river's  edge,  I  saw  another 
large  party  of  the  Missourians  on  the  island,  who  wanted  to  get 
over  even  at  that  late  hour,  but  the  ice  had  begun  to  run  thick, 
and  the  ferry-boat  was  stopped  for  the  time  being.  There  were 
about  forty  on  horseback  who  had  come  down  to  the  sands  oppo 
site,  and  were  evidently  very  anxious  to  get  over.  On  the  island 
I  should  judge  there  were  not  less  than  a  hundred  men. 

Night  set  in,  and  with  it  the  renewed  fears  of  the  inhabitants. 
There  had  been  no  attempt  made  to  get  new  poll-books,  and  com- 


MOBBING   THE   BALLOT-BOX.  239 

mence  voting  again.  I  heard  it  asserted  by  the  border  ruffians, 
in  the  most  emphatic  manner,  that  no  such  election  should  be 
hereafter  permitted. 

After  dark  it  was  learned  that  the  attack  on  the  Register  office 
and  on  several  other  houses  was  yet  to  be  made.  A  party  of 
Missourians  had  gone  out  and  encamped  in  a  hollow  above  town. 
Some  of  them  had  left  altogether,  and  some  still  remained. 

A  few  of  those  whose  anxiety  for  their  bones,  or  to  "  keep  right 
on  the  record,"  had  not  interfered  too  much  with  their  willingness 
to  fight,  assembled  at  different  points  of  the  town  to  prepare  for 
defence  if  an  attack  was  made.  There  were  not  more  than  eighty 
men  in  all,  thus  bearing  arms,  and  many  of  these  were  armed 
with  old  rusty  muskets  and  shot-guns,  only  fit  for  a  museum, 
and  which  it  would  have  been  as  safe  to  stand  before  as  behind. 

Night  went  on,  and  the  foe  came  not.  Hours  went  by,  and 
weary  watching  began  to  extinguish  the  military  order. 

There  was  no  attack  that  night,  and  next  morning  all  of  the 
border  ruffians  who  had  not  gone  back  were  struggling  towards 
home,  their  "  blushing  honors  thick  upon  them." 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

SKIRMISH   AT    EASTON. 

THE  winter  of  1855-6  was  unusually  severe  throughout  the 
Northern  and  Western  States,  and  it  was  particularly  so  in  Kansas. 
By  Christmas  the  deep  drifting  snow  covered  the  prairies,  and 
those  who  had  been  deprived  of  the  opportunity  to  get  their 
houses  made  comfortable,  by  the  necessity  of  defence,  or  harassing 
persecution,  suffered  severely.  Thus  it  was  in  Kansas,  —  snowy, 
cold,  with  biting  winds,  —  when  the  people  were  called  upon  to  vote 
for  those  officers  who  should  form  the  government  of  the  prospect 
ive  state. 

In  Leavenworth  city  a  free-state  mayor  had  been  elected  in  the 
fall  of  1855  ;  but,  after  the  disastrous  election  on  the  15th  of 
December,  Mr.  Slocum,  intimidated  by  the  threatening  conduct  of 
the  border  ruffians,  or  feeling  that  the  people  were  dissatisfied  with 
him  for  not  venturing  more  in  the  defence  of  the  place,  resigned. 
Taking  advantage  of  this  opportunity,  the  pro-slavery  men,  by 
fraud  and  violence,  elected  one  of  their  tools.  Under  his  dispen 
sation  it  was  ordered  that  no  election  be  held  in  Leavenworth  city  ; 
and,  as  it  was  well  known  that  any  number  of  ruffians  could  be 
got  from  the  adjoining  state  to  enforce  that  order,  it  was  not 
attempted.  Some  of  the  leading  free-state  men  determined  that 
an  election  should  be  held  in  the  Leavenworth  district,  and  it 
having  thus  failed  on  the  15th  of  January,  the  day  appointed,  the 
judges  of  election  adjourned  the  polls  until  the  17th,  when  they  1 
were  to  be  opened  at  Easton,  or  near  it,  at  the  house  of  a  Mr.  ! 
Minard.  Easton  is  some  twelve  miles  distant  from  Leavenworth 
city,  and  by  this  arrangement  it  would  be  needless  to  add  thats 
comparatively  few  could  go  to  the  polls  through  a  deep  snow  in 


SKIRMISH    AT    EASTON.  241 

such  severe  weather,  well  knowing,  as  they  did,  that  the  chances 
for  a  fight  even  there  were  pretty  good.  In  fact,  while  Leaven- 
worth  could  have  polled  upwards  of  five  hundred  free-state  votes, 
little  more  than  a  hundred  were  polled  at  Easton. 

So  quietly  had  this  been  managed  that  the  enemy  were  not 
sufficiently  aware  of  what  was  going  on  to  make  sufficient  provision 
against  it.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th  of  January,  1855,  the 
polls  were  opened  according  to  the  adjournment,  and  voting  began. 
In  a  very  short  time  the  pro-slavery  men  became  aware  of  what 
was  going  on,  and  began  to  rally.  The  evening  before,  a  small 
number  of  pro-slavery  men,  who  had  known  that  an  election  was 
to  be  held  at  Mr.  Minard's,  attempted  to  get  possession  of  the 
place  so  as  to  prevent  it,  but  were  driven  off.  Many  of  the  free- 
state  men  who  went  to  the  polls  took  guns  with  them.  A  small 
party  of  these,  while  going  through  Easton  on  their  way  to  the 
polls,  were  attacked  by  a  larger  number  of  persons,  who  had 
congregated  in  the  store  of  a  pro-slavery  man  named  Dawson. 
By  these  men  the  free-state  voters  in  question  were  disarmed  and 
driven  back  in  a  different  direction  from  the  polls. 

During  the  day  parties  of  pro-slavery  men,  who  were  congre 
gating  about  Easton,  went  over  to  the  place  where  the  voting  was 
going  on,  and  threatened  to  attack  the  house.  Seeing  that  the 
free-state  men  were  ready  to  defend  themselves,  they  did  not 
attack.  These  threatening  visits  were  made  several  times  during 
the  day,  and  on  each  occasion  the  most  violent  threats  were  made ; 
but  they  dared  not  attack.  During  the  day  voters  going  to  or 
coming  from  the  polls  were  molested,  and  disarmed  or  driven  back. 

As  it  was  well  known  that  the  ballot-box  would  be  taken  and 
destroyed,  as  had  been  threatened,  it  became  an  object  of  some 
interest  to  save  this  record  of  the  popular  will.  Many  of  the 
voters  had  left ;  but  there  were  still  some  eighteen  or  twenty  who 
remained  to  guard  the  ballot-box. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  night  an  attack  was  expected,  and  the 
free-state  men  were  prepared  for  it.  They  knew  that  messengers 
had  gone  to  Kickapoo  for  the  Kickapoo  Rangers,  and  an  attack 
was  looked  for  whenever  they  arrived.  Late  that  night,  and 
when  the  danger  of  attack  was  supposed  to  be  past  for  the  present, 
21 


242  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Mr.  Stephen  Sparks,  with  his  son  and  nephew,  started  for  home. 
Their  route  lay  through  Easton.  When  close  to  Easton  they 
were  attacked  by  a  dozen  of  armed  men,  who  had  been  watching 
at  one  of  the  groceries,  and  swarmed  out  on  them.  Mr.  Sparks 
and  his  son  retreated  into  the  fence  corner,  where  they  drew  their 
revolvers  and  kept  their  enemies  at  bay.  The  nephew,  who  had 
been  some  distance  behind,  wheeled  about  and  went  back  full  speed 
for  help. 

It  was  a  trying  moment  for  the  two  men  in  the  fence  corner. 
Their  enemies  clustered  only  a  few  yards  off,  pouring  out  against 
them  a  torrent  of  bitter  imprecations.  They  ordered  them  to  sur 
render  ;  but  the  two  men  in  the  fence  corner,  well  knowing  the 
danger  of  surrendering  to  such  characters,  maintained  their  trying 
position.  A  struggle  so  unequal  could  not  last  long.  The  pro- 
slavery  men  seemed  to  think  that  the  first  who  made  the  assault 
would  pay  the  forfeit  with  his  life.  They  began  to  gather  closer 
and  get  more  excited ;  but  before  their  rage  could  rise  above  their 
cowardice,  Capt.  E.  P.  Brown,  with  fifteen  mounted  men,  dashed 
up  to  the  rescue.  The  pro-slavery  men  immediately  retreated  as 
they  saw  the  others  advance. 

It  was  just  about  this  time  that  the  Kickapoo  Rangers 
approached  the  scene  of  action.  Capt.  Brown,  with  his  men  and 
those  they  had  rescued,  were  riding  off,  when  a  party  of  about 
thirty  mounted  and  armed  men  appeared  coming  over  the  ridge. 
All  of  the  parties  were  close  to  Easton.  The  captain  of  the 
Bangers  ordered  Brown's  company  to  halt  and  to  surrender.  This 
was  refused.  Brown  drew  up  his  men  in  line.  At  this  moment 
the  Rangers  commenced  firing  on  the  free-state  men.  Capt. 
Brown  immediately  ordered  his  men  to  fire,  and  a  volley  was 
poured  back. 

There  was  only  one  Sharpe's  rifle  in  the  company;  and,  as  the 
guns  loaded  at  the  muzzle,  the  process  was  slow.  After  two  or 
three  volleys,  the  Kickapoo  Rangers  dismounted  and  retreated 
into  some  empty  houses  thereabouts,  from  which  they  kept  up  a 
brisk  fire.  Finding  his  men  exposed,  Capt.  Brown  threw  them 
into  some  empty  houses  close  by.  The  young  man  with  the 
Sharpe's  rifle  lay  down  at  the  back  of  a  snow-bank  and  fired  at  the 


SKIRMISH    AT    EASTON.  243 

houses,  where  the  enemy  was,  so  long  as  he  had  ammunition. 
The  others  of  Brown's  men  loaded  their  pieces,  and  fired  them  as 
often  as  they  could  see  anything  to  shoot  at. 

This  irregular  and  uncertain  fight  lasted  for  two  or  three  hours, 
when  the  pro-slavery  men  ceased  firing.  As  Capt.  Brown  knew 
his  force  was  too  weak  to  make  an  assault  on  the  enemy  for  the 
purpose  of  dislodging  them,  and  as  it  was  evident  nothing  further 
could  be  accomplished  then,  they  returned  to  Mr.  Minard's. 

In  this  engagement  Mr.  Sparks  received  two  wounds,  but  they 
were  not  dangerous ;  and  another  free-state  man  was  also  wounded, 
but  slightly.  On  the  other  side  a  pro-slavery  man  named  Cook 
was  killed,  and  one  or  two  others  hit,  but  not  badly  hurt.  It  is 
wonderful  that  more  of  them  were  not  killed ;  but  in  the  darkness 
and  amidst  the  excitement  the  chance  of  taking  aim  was  not  very 
good.  After  the  parties  took  to  the  houses,  which  were  some  little 
distance  apart  (a  long  range  for  such  guns),  there  was  little 
mischief  done. 

As  it  was  impossible  for  any  number  of  men  to  remain  at 
Minard's,  the  ballot-box  was  sent  off  to  what  was  considered  a 
place  of  greater  safety,  and  the  parties  started  home.  Capt. 
Brown,  with  seven  others  who  lived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Leaven- 
worth  or  Salt  Creek,  started  home,  some  of  them  in  a  buggy,  and 
some  in  a  horse-wagon.  They  had  proceeded  some  distance  when 
they  saw  a  wagon  full  of  men  approaching  them.  The  free-state 
men  drove  past  the  wagon.  Not  a  word  was  spoken  on  either 
side,  although  the  parties  eyed  each  other  intently.  Scarcely  had 
they  passed  the  wagon  when  a  bend  of  the  road  revealed  two  wag 
ons  more  and  some  horsemen.  They  were  the  Kickapoo  Rangers. 

Thus  fairly  trapped,  Capt.  Brown  jumped  out  of  the  buggy, 
and,  taking  his  gun,  told  the  others  to  defend  themselves.  As 
the  chances  were  desperate,  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Green  urged 
that  they  should  surrender,  and  Mr.  Brown  reluctantly  complied. 
Having  obtained  possession  of  the  arms  of  the  free-state  men, 
some  of  the  most  violent  of  the  Rangers  proceeded  to  abuse 
them.  They  had  given  a  promise  that  their  persons  should  be 
safe  if  they  would  surrender  their  arms ;  but  the  moment  this 
was  complied  with,  the  terms  were  violated,  the  leaders  of  the 


244  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

pro-slavery  men  being  unable  to  control  some  of  the  more  des 
perate  characters  they  were  leading  on.  One  young  man  was 
knocked  down,  and  a  man  was  going  to  cut  him  with  his  hatchet 
(the  Kickapoo  Rangers  carry  hatchets),  when  he  was  prevented 
by  the  friends  of  the  young  man,  and  Captain  Martin  of  the 
Hangers. 

At  length  the  prisoners  were  taken  back  to  Easton  and  put  into 
Mr.  Dawson's'  store,  or  grocery.  Shortly  after  they  were  taken 
there,  Captain  Brown  was  separated  from  them,  and  put  in  an 
adjoining  building.  A  rope  was  purchased  at  the  store,  and  was 
shown  to  the  prisoners,  with  the  intimation  that  they  should  be 
hanged  with  it. 

It  is  but  justice  to  say  that  there  were  a  few  men  amongst  this 
pro-slavery  party  who  were  unwilling  that  violence  should  be 
done  the  prisoners.  Captain  Martin  exerted  himself  to  save 
them.  It  was  fiercely  discussed  for  hours  what  should  be  done 
with  them ;  and  meanwhile  liquor  was  drank  pretty  freely,  and 
they  who  were  brutal  enough  without  anything  to  make  them 
more  so,  became  ungovernably  fierce.  Seeing  the  threatening 
aspect  of  affairs,  and  being  unwilling  that  all  of  these  men  should 
thus  be  murdered,  Captain  Martin  allowed  the  prisoners  in  the 
store  of  Dawson  to  escape.  As  nearly  all  of  the  pro-slavery 
ruffians  were  engaged  in  taunting  and  insulting  Brown,  the  others 
succeeded  in  getting  off,  although  they  were  perceived  before  they 
had  gone  far,  and  some  of  them  were  pursued. 

Mr.  Adams  hastened  to  Fort  Leavenworth  in  hopes  of  getting 
some  troops  to  go  and  rescue  Brown ;  but  it  was  a  vain  attempt. 
Such  protection  was  refused,  and  even  then  it  would  have  been 
too  late. 

Then  followed  a  scene  of  atrocity  and  horror.  If  there  is  one 
reader  who  thinks  my  language  towards  the  border  ruffians  is  dis 
respectful,  let  him  look  at  this  scene,  and  say  if  the  term  "  ruffian  " 
is  not  mild. 

Captain  Brown  had  surrendered  his  arms,  and  was  helpless. 
His  enemies,  who  dared  not  face  him  the  night  before,  though  they 
had  a  superior  force,  now  crowded  round  him.  When  they  began 
to  strike  him  he  rose  to  his  feet,  and  asked  to  be  permitted 


SKIRMISH  AT  EASTON.  245 

to  fight  any  one  of  them.  He  challenged  them  to  pit  him  against 
their  best  man,  —  he  would  fight  for  his  life  ;  but  not  one  of.  the 
cowards  dared  thus  to  give  the  prisoner  a  chance.  Then  he  vol 
unteered  to  fight  two,  and  then  three  ;  but  it  was  in  vain.  Capt. 
Martin  tried  to  save  him ;  but  it  was  a  vain  effort  to  stay  the 
torrent  of  blood-thirsty  vindictiveness.  feeing  his  task  hopeless, 
sick  of  the  prospect,  he  left. 

It  would  be  needless  to  dwell  on  the  sickening  spectacle.  These 
men,  or  rather  demons,  rushed  around  Brown,  and  literally  hacked 
him  to  death  with  their  hatchets.  One  of  the  Rangers,  a  large, 
coarse-looking  wretch,  named  Gibson,  inflicted  the  fatal  blow,  —  a 
large  hatchet-gash  in  the  side  of  the  head,  which  penetrated  the 
skull  and  brain  many  inches.  The  gallant  Brown  fell,  and  his 
remorseless  enemies  jumped  on  him,  while  thus  prostrate,  and 
kicked  him.  Desperately  wounded  though  he  was,  he  still  lived; 
and,  as  they  kicked  him,  he  said : 

"  Don't  abuse  me  —  it  is  useless  —  I  am  dying  !  " 

It  was  a  vain  appeal.  One  of  the  wretches,  who  has  since  dis 
graced  the  office  of  United  States  Deputy  Marshal,  stooped  over 
the  prostrate  man,  and,  with  a  refinement  of  cruelty  exceeding 
the  rudest  savage,  spit  tobacco-juice  in  his  eyes ! 

Satiated  brutality  at  last  went  back  to  its  carousals,  and  it  was 
then  that  a  few  of  their  number,  whom  a  little  spark  of  conscience, 
or  a  fear  of  punishment,  had  animated,  raised  the  dying  man,  still 
groaning,  and,  placing  him  in  a  wagon,  his  gaping  wounds  but 
poorly  sheltered  from  the  bitter  cold  of  that  winter's  day,  drove 
him  to  the  grocery  of  Charles  Dunn,  on  Salt  Creek.  Dunn  was 
of  their  number.  There  they  went  through  the  farce  of  dress 
ing  his  wounds ;  but,  seeing  the  hopelessness  of  his  case,  took 
him  home  to  his  wife.  So  far,  struggling  nature,  and  a  vigorous 
constitution,  had  refused  to  sink ;  but,  as  he  was  borne  in  to  his 
startled  and  agonized  wife,  the  pulse  of  life  was  ebbing  out.  She 
asked  him  what  was  the  matter,  and  how  he  came  thus. 

"  I  have  been  murdered  by  a  gang  of  cowards,  in  cold  blood, 
without  any  cause ! "  he  said.  And,  as  the  poor  wife  stooped 
over  the  body  of  her  gallant  husband,  he  expired. 

Thus  died  Captain  E.  P.  Brown,  a  true  martyr  to  the  cause  of 
21* 


246  THE   CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

freedom.  It  was  his  fearless  independence  that  signalled  him 
out  and  aroused  the  venom  of  the  corrupt  tools  of  the  slave 
power.  Then  "  cracked  a  noble  heart."  I  knew  him  well,  and 
have  seen  how  he  demeaned  himself  in  the  hour  of  stern  danger 
more  than  once,  and  know  that  he  was  brave  and  true. 

He  is  buried  on  the  top  of  Pilot  Knob,  which  overlooks  the  val 
ley  of  the  Missouri.  He  left  a  wife  and  one  orphan  child.  As  I 
stood  on  his  lonely  grave  I  felt  like  exclaiming : 

"  Were  I  Brutus, 

And  Brutus  Antony  —  there  were  an  Antony 
Would  ruffle  up  your  spirits,  and  put  a  tongue 
In  every  wound  of  Caesar's,  that  should  move 
The  stones  of  Rome  to  rise  and  mutiny." 

Precisely  one  week  after  the  election  in  December  there  was  a 
party-caucus  held  in  Lawrence  to  nominate  a  free-state  ticket  for 
state  officers  under  the  Topeka  Constitution.  As  in  all  similar 
bodies,  there  was,  of  course,  some  wire-working  and  manoeuvring ; 
but,  as  this  chiefly  concerns  the  people  of  Kansas  alone,  I  need 
not  occupy  space  with  the  particulars. 

The  most  important  nomination  was  that  of  General  Robinson 
for  governor.  This  was  not  only  justice  to  his  abilities,  but,  in 
the  circumstances  of  the  territory,  was  an  indispensable  step. 
General  Robinson  is  a  man  of  calm,  dignified,  yet  fearless  charac 
ter.  Few  men  could  have  been  found  anywhere  better  qualified 
for  the  position  he  was  called  to  fill.  Possessing  integrity,  which 
unfortunately  was  scarce  in  the  territory,  a  thorough  judge  of 
human  nature,  and  willing  to  act  in  circumstances  the  most  dan 
gerous  and  responsible ;  temperate  in  his  habits  to  abstemious 
ness,  chaste  in  his  language,  and  possessing  all  the  qualities 
which  dignify  the  character  of  a  gentleman,  he  is  a  man  you  can 
honor  for  his  ability  without  feeling  ashamed  of  his  character. 

Next  to  him,  as  the  person  meriting  the  confidence  of  the  peo 
ple,  General  Lane  unquestionably  stands.  With  all  his  faults 
he  has  a  heart ;  is  a  brave  man,  active  and  indefatigable,  and 
may  be  eminently  useful.  He  is  thoroughly  a  Western  man, 
with  a  Western  man's  peculiarities.  At  times  I  have  admired 


SKIRMISH  AT  EASTON.  247 

him,  and  again  shrank  from  him  with  the  conviction  that  the 
public  interests  could  never  be  safely  entrusted  with  him.  And 
yet  after  all,  on  a  fair  estimate,  there  are  worse  fellows  than 
"Jim  Lane."  It  would  never  do  to  try  him  by  the  same  stand 
ard  as  Robinson ;  but  he  fills  a  standard  of  his  own  in  a  no  less 
prominent  and  useful  way. 

W.  Y.  Roberts  is  a  much  smaller  man  than  either.  With  him 
politics  is  a  science,  and  himself  its  professor.  He  was  nominated 
and  elected  lieutenant-governor,  but  was  made  candidate  for  gov 
ernor  on  a  bolting  ticket  got  up  in  opposition  to  the  regular  free- 
state  ticket.  When  questioned  as  to  whether  he  endorsed  the 
position  of  the  men  who  thus  nominated  him,  he  declared  that  it 
was  without  his  consent ;  but  a  reference  to  the  election-returns 
will  show  that  the  bolting  ticket,  which  had  few  votes  anywhere, 
received  twenty-nine  out  of  thirty  votes  in  Roberts'  own  precinct. 

I  arn  particular  in  speaking  of  the  convention,  for  it  had  some 
thing  important  to  do  with  the  future  of  the  territory.  Besides 
the  candidates  for  governor  and  lieutenant-governor,  whose  names 
I  have  mentioned,  Judge  P.  C.  Schuyler  was  nominated  for  secre 
tary  of  state,  Dr.  G.  A.  Cutler,  auditor,  J.  A.  Wakcfield '  for 
treasurer,  H.  Miles  More,  Esq.,  attorney -general,  Messrs.  M.  F. 
Conway,  S.  N.  Latta,  and  M.  Hunt,  for  judges  of  Supreme  Court ; 
Mr.  C.  B.  Thurston  for  reporter  of  Supreme  Court,  Mr.  B.  Floyd, 
clerk  of  the  same ;  Mr.  John  Speer,  printer.  All  of  these  were 
elected. 

The  Leavenworth  vote  was  polled  at  Easton.  At  several  other 
points,  where  the  pro-slavery  men  had  the  power,  or  where  the 
voting-place  bordered  on  Missouri,  no  voting  was  allowed.  It  is 
justice  to  add  that  Judge  Johnson  and  Mr.  Parrot  were  on  the 
bolting  ticket  against  their  will. 

By  these  steps  was  the  state  government  ready  to  be  put  in 
motion.  At  the  Topeka  Convention  it  was  urged  that  the  gov 
ernment  in  question  begin  in  January  ;  but  it  was  decided  that 
no  attempt  to  organize  should  be  made  till  the  first  of  March, 
1856,  by  which  time  it  was  expected  that  Congress  would  act  on 
the  application  for  admission. 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

STATE  LEGISLATURE  —  THE   DRAGOONS  —  SHERIFF  JONES 

SHOT. 

DURING  the  month  of  February,  1856,  threats  of  fresh  invasion 
were  common.  It  was  believed  that  Missouri  would  pour  out 
another  horde  of  law-and-order  heroes,  to  "  wipe  out "  the  state 
Legislature  in  blood.  Not  satisfied  with  wresting  from  the  people 
the  only  show  of  political  power  they  had,  and  of  holding  in  vio 
lent  usurpation  the  government  of  Kansas,  they  were  determined 
that  there  should  be  no  revolt  from  under  their  rule.  No  provis 
ion  was  made,  under  the  constitution,  to  sustain  civil  power  by 
hireling  soldiery  under  the  orders  of  the  government,  because  it 
was  at  once  conceded  that,  when  a  government  could  not  sustain 
itself  amongst  the  people,  it  ought  to  fall.  But  now  there  was  a 
mighty  change  in  the  political  history  of  the  country.  Newspa 
pers  in  the  pay  of  the  government,  or  its  employes,  and  calling 
themselves  "  democratic"  began  to  talk  about  "  treason,"  as  if  the 
rights  of  a  republican  people  had  merged  into  submission  to  some 
recognized  written  law,  or  official  power.  Officers,  high  in  public 
trust,  did  not  fear  to  give  official  sanction  to  this  innovation  on 
popular  rights.  The  people  asserted  their  most  sacred  political 
right,  and  "Treason!  Treason!"  was  the  cry  of  democratic  jour 
nals,  lleckless  politicians  who,  under  the  pretext  of  "  popular 
sovereignty,"  had  wrested  from  the  people  their  most  sacred  rights, 
the  moment  the  people  attempted  to  recover  what  was  thus  filched 
from  them,  echoed  the  cry,  "Treason!  —  Treason!  " 

As  the  appearance  of  affairs,  judging  from  past  experience, 
indicated  fresh  troubles,  a  memorial  was  framed  by  the  people  of 
Kansas,  asking  protection  from  armed  invasion,  and  to  be  secured 


£TATE   LEGISLATIVE.  249 

in  their  rights.  As  a  reply,  the  President  issued  a  proclamation, 
in  which,  amidst  an  unmeaning  denunciation  against  "  invasion," 
he  declared  substantially  that  all  the  usurpations  of  the  Bogus 
Legislature,  —  its  men  selected  from  Missourians  and  elected  by 
them,  —  who  imposed  the  Missouri  code  on  Kansas,  and  infamous 
laws  destructive  of  popular  liberty ;  —  who  stole  from  the  people 
the  right  to  elect  their  public  officers,  and  thrust  its  tools  upon 
them  ;  —  a  despotism,  which  could  not  have  had  a  day's  vitality 
in  the  territory  without  Missouri  bravos,  or  federal  bayonets,  — 
that  these  usurpations  would  be  sustained  "by  the  whole  force 
of  the  government." 

As  an  admirable  offset  to  the  few  sophisticated  parts  of  the  proc 
lamation,  are  the  following  preamble  and  resolutions,  adopted  by  a 
meeting  called  in  Independence,  Missouri,  to  consider  the  Presi 
dent's  proclamation  : 

"  Whereas,  information  having  been  received  through  the  pub 
lic  papers  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  had  received 
information  that  armed  organizations  had  been  raised  in  the  Terri 
tory  of  Kansas,  and  without  the  territory  in  the  neighboring 
states,  for  the  purpose  of  *  resisting  the  laws  of  the  territory,' 
clearly  implying  that  the  border  counties  of  the  State  of  Missouri 
contemplated  such  armed  resistance,  and  has  issued  a  proclama 
tion  based  thereon.'1 

Here  follow  a  string  of  resolutions,  denying  that  Missouri  got 
up  armed  resistance  to  the  "  laws  of  the  territory."  This  resolu 
tion  was  also  offered : 

"  Resolved,  That  we  offer  to  the  President  our  assistance  in 
suppressing  any  armed  resistance  to  the  laws  of  Kansas  Territory, 
whether  it  be  from  the  North  or  South." 

Admirably  cool !  They  comprehended  the  President's  procla 
mation.  They  had  offered  "no  resistance  to  the  laws  of  the  ter 
ritory"  Why  should  they?  —  they  made  them.  And  this  view 
of  the  case  was  no  joke  ;  it  has  been  since  fearfully  realized.  Mis 
souri,  so  far  from  resisting  the  "  laws  of  the  territory,"  volunteers 
to  help  Franklin  Pierce  enforce  them ;  and  she  has  done  it ;  — 
ay,  and  done  it  unrebuked.  As  a  border  ruffian  told  me  during 
the  Wakarusa  war,  when  I  had  pointed  out  the  propriety  of 


250  THE    CONQUEST    OE   KANSAS. 

Missouri  enforcing  the  bogus  laws,  if  they  were  to  be  enforced 
at  all, 

"  We  made  them  —  Missouri  made  them,  sir,  and  she  has  a 
right  to  enforce  them  ;  and  if  she  don't,  who  will?  " 

As  an  evidence  of  what  Missouri  meant  by  "  suppressing  armed 
resistance,  etc.,"  from  the  "  South,"  I  quote  resolutions  adopted 
first  at  Lexington,  Mo.,  and  then  at  Independence,  Mo.,  some  of 
the  same  men  being  officers  of  the  meeting  adopting  them.  They 
were  offered  on  the  occasion  of  the  arrival  of  Col.  Buford's  armed 
regiment  from  Alabama  and  Carolina,  who  came  for  the  avowed 
and  sole  purpose  of  aiding  Missouri  in  the  conquest  of  Kan 
sas  : 

"  Resolved,  That  we  hail  with  delight  the  interest  now  being 
manifested  in  the  Southern  States  in  regard  to  the  settlement  of 
Kansas,  with  her  pro-slavery  and  law-abiding  citizens;  and  that 
we  welcome  with  open  arms  those  gallant  sons  of  Alabama  and 
of  other  Southern  States,  now  on  their  way  to  their  new  homes  in 
Kansas  Territory,  as  well  as  those  who  have  preceded  them  on 
their  way,  as  men  with  whom  the  South  can  trust  her  dearest 
rights  under  the  constitution ;  and  we  hereby  pledge  ourselves  to 
them,  and  each  to  the  other,  that  we  will  aid  and  assist  them  in 
every  proper  way,  and,  should  emergencies  require,  we  will  march 
shoulder  to  shoulder  with  them  to  the  last  struggle  for  Southern 
rights. 

"  Resolved^  That  we  shall  ever  cordially  welcome  to  the  soil  of 
Missouri  our  friends  of  the  South,  who  have  forsaken  their  homes 
and  firesides  to  join  us  in  the  contest  now  going  on  in  Kansas,  and 
that  we  assure  them  that  our  homes  shall  be  theirs,  our  hopes 
theirs,  our  fortunes  theirs,  and,  in  fine,  Missouri  grasps  the  hand 
of  the  South,  and  trusts  that  the  future  State  of  Kansas  will  be 
another  tie  to  cement  us  in  a  common  brotherhood." 

Nor  was  the  "  aid  and  comfort "  confined  to  resolutions.  Large 
sums  of  money  were  raised  for  their  equipment  and  support,  and 
finally,  a  property  tax  was  levied  for  their  support,  so  that  luke 
warm  men,  or  "  abolitionists  at  heart,"  would  be  compelled  to  sus 
tain  the  expense  of  conquest. 

On  the  first  of  March  the  State  Legislature  assembled  at  Tope- 


STATE   LEGISLATURE.  251 

ka,  with  the  officers  of  the  prospective  governments.  The  House 
of  Representatives  was  called  to  order  by  the  Chairman  of  the 
Executive  Committee  of  Kansas  Territory ;  the  oath  of  office  ad 
ministered,  and  the  roll  was  called  by  the  Secretary  pro  tern. 
Thirty-two  members  responded  as  their  names  were  called.  A 
quorum  being  present,  they  proceeded  to  elect  a  Speaker,  and  T. 
Minard,  of  Eastern,  was  declared  duly  elected.  On  taking  the 
chair,  he  made  a  few  appropriate  remarks.  Joel  K.  Goodin,  of 
Blanton,  was  elected  clerk,  and  Samuel  Tappan,  of  Lawrence, 
assistant  clerk,  J.  Snodgrass  and  G.  F.  Gordon,  transcribing  clerks, 
and  J.  Mitchell,  sergeant-at-arms.  After  the  election  of  door 
keepers,  etc.,  a  message  was  received  from  the  Senate,  that  they 
had  organized,  and  proposed  to  go  into  joint  session  to  witness  an 
inauguration  of  the  state  officers.  Governor  Charles  Robinson 
took  the  oath  of  office,  which  was  administered  by  the  President 
of  the  Senate.  He  then  delivered  his  inaugural  address. 

The  bodies  thus  convened  proceeded  to  memorialize  Congress 
for  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  state  under  the  Constitution.  A 
committee  from  each  legislative  branch  was  appointed  to  frame  a 
code  of  laws  for  the  future  state,  during  the  recess  or  adjournment 
of  the  Legislature.  Other  steps  were  taken,  but  all  of  a  prepara 
tory  nature.  Nothing  was  done  which  would  bring  the  territorial 
government  and  the  new  state  government  in  conflict.  The  Sen 
ate  and  House,  in  joint  session,  proceeded  to  elect  the  United 
States  Senators  for  Kansas,  who  should  be  prepared  to  take  their 
seats  on  the  admission  of  the  state  into  the  Union.  The  persons 
thus  elected  were  Andrew  H.  Reeder  and  J.  H.  Lane.  Having 
taken  these  steps,  the  Legislature  adjourned  until  the  4th  of  July, 
1856.  During  the  sitting  of  the  Legislature,  S.  J.  Jones,  who 
claimed  to  be  Sheriff  of  Douglas  County,  went  to  Topeka,  which 
is  in  another  of  the  counties  made  by  the  Bogus  Legislature,  and 
attended  the  sittings  of  the  State  General  Assembly.  He  did  not 
attempt  to  molest  any  one,  but  busied  himself  in  "  taking  notes," 
writing  the  names  of  the  members  and  officers  in  his  memorandum 
book. 

And  now  came  a  new  era  in  Kansas  history,  and  one  prefigured 
in  the  President's  proclamation.  The  national  House  of  Repre- 


ZbZ  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

sentatives  had  sent  a  committee  of  three  of  its  members,  Messrs. 
Howard  of  Michigan,  Sherman  of  Ohio,  and  Oliver  of  Missouri, 
to  Kansas,  to  investigate  the  alleged  election  frauds  and  outrages 
on  the  people,  and  collect  testimony  to  be  submitted  to  that  body. 
This  was  an  all-important  step,  and  faithfully  did  the  majority  of 
the  committee  perform  their  duty.  Their  colleague,  Mr.  Oliver, 
was  placed  in  a  critical  situation.  As  the  representative  not  only 
of  the  slave  power  but  of  border  ruffianism,  he  was  expected  to 
make  a  report  sustaining  these  interests,  and  that  in  the  face  of 
testimony  so  overwhelming,  that  the  effort  could  only  make  him 
ridiculous.  Had  he  possessed  the  magnanimity  of  a  great  states 
man  he  might  have  abjured  party  and  all  perverting  influences, 
and  joined  with  the  majority  in  condemning  outrages  which  it  was 
hopeless  to  conceal  or  defend.  But  for  such  a  cause  the  slave 
power  would  never  have  forgiven  him.  Even  had  he  been  noble 
enough  to  rise  above  this  threatened  political  ostracism,  there  was 
a  forbidding  spectre  between  him  and  this  honorable  position. 
Amongst  the  testimony  taken  before  the  committee  is  evidence 
that  Mr.  Oliver  came  over  from  Missouri  to  the  territory  with  a 
number  of  Missourians,  and  made  speeches  to  them  at  the  March 
election. 

While  this  committee  were  in  session  it  became  all-important 
to  the  border  ruffians  that  the  investigation  should,  if  possible,  be 
broken  up,  and  that  its  sittings  should  at  least  be  attended  with 
trouble.  For  this  purpose  Sheriff  Jones  again  commenced  his 
legal  persecution.  The  old  ghost  of  the  rescue  of  Branson,  which 
had  been  neglected  for  some  time,  was  now  revived.  Captain 
Abbott,  who  lived  on  the  Wakarusa,  was  persecuted,  hunted  like 
a  beast,  evidently  in  hopes  that,  by  taking  him,  another  rescue 
would  be  made,  which  would  be  the  foundation  for  more  capital ; 
but  the  captain  eluded  them. 

While  the  committee  were  in  Lawrence  an  attempt  was  made 
to  arrest  S.  N.  Wood.  The  sheriff,  indeed,  got  possession  of  his 
person,  but  a  few  men  who  happened  to  be  present  stepped  up  and 
interfered,  saying  that  "  they  could  not  have  any  fighting  in  town ; 
they  must  not  quarrel,"  etc.  Jones  tried  to  pull  out  his  revolver, 
when  one  of  the  parties  adroitly  took  it  away  from  him.  Baffled 


THE    DRAGOONS.  253 

and  enraged,  Jones  left.  On  the  following  Sunday  Jones  returned. 
This  time  he  had  a  well-matured  design  in  view.  As  it  was  the 
Sabbath  many  of  the  citizens  were  going  to  places  of  public  wor 
ship.  Jones  interrupted  these  people,  addressing  himself  to  some 
of  the  most  influential  and  respectable  persons  in  town,  amongst 
them  one  preacher.  These  men  he  summoned  to  act  as  his  posse, 
to  help  him  to  make  arrests  he  said  he  wanted  to  make.  As 
might  be  expected,  they  did  not  pay  the  slightest  attention  to  him. 
His  object  was  gained.  He  returned  and  made  a  demand  on 
Governor  Shannon  for  the  federal  troops  (all  of  which  was  arranged 
beforehand,  of  course.)  The  governor  sent  for  the  troops  in  ques 
tion.  Instructions  had  been  forwarded  to  Colonel  Sumner,  by  the 
Secretary  of  War,  to  furnish  federal  troops  for  the  purpose  of  sus 
taining  the  bogus  laws  and  bogus  officers,  and  Colonel  Sumner,  of 
course,  complied  with  Shannon's  requisition,  and  a  small  detach 
ment  was  sent.  These  were  placed  subject  to  the  orders  of  the 
ruffian  Jones,  who  trooped  about  the  country  with  them  at  his  heels. 
At  the  same  time,  Colonel  Sumner  sent  over  the  following  letter 
to  Lawrence : 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  FIRST  CAVALRY,  > 
FORT  LEAVE^WORTH,  April  22,  1856.    5 

"  SIR  :  A  small  detachment  proceeds  to  Lecompton  this  morn 
ing,  on  the  requisition  of  the  governor,  under  the  orders  of  the 
President,  to  assist  the  Sheriff  of  Douglas  County  in  executing 
several  writs,  in  which  he  says  he  has  been  resisted.  I  know 
nothing  of  the  merits  of  the  case,  and  have  nothing  to  do  with 
them.  But  I  would  respectfully  impress  upon  you  and  others  in 
authority  the  necessity  of  yielding  obedience  to  the  proclamation 
and  orders  of  the  general  government.  Ours  is,  emphatically,  a 
government  of  laws,  and  if  they  are  set  at  naught  there  is  an  end 
of  all  order.  I  feel  assured  that,  on  reflection,  you  will  not  com 
pel  me  to  resort  to  violence  in  carrying  out  the  orders  of  the 
government.  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obd't  serv't, 

«E.  V.  SUMNER, 

"Col.  First  Cav.  Com. 
"  To  the  Mayor  of  Lawrence." 
22 


254  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

However  much  they  deprecated  the  action  of  the  general  gov 
ernment,  the  people  had  not  made  up  their  minds  to  resist. 
Indeed,  a  loyal  sentiment  to  federal  authority  was  universal.  The 
steps  taken  to  organize  a  state  government  were  considered  in  full 
accordance  with  the  national  constitution,  and  the  only  precedents 
the  case  offered.  It  was,  therefore,  determined  by  the  citizens  of 
Lawrence  that  no  resistance  should  be  offered,  at  the  present  time, 
to  federal  authority,  no  matter  how  despotic ;  or  even  to  Jones, 
when  he  came  thus  clothed  with  the  federal  authority. 

Thus  it  was  that  Jones  was  permitted  to  enter  the  town  with 
the  troops  and  arrest  several  of  the  most  respectable  citizens.  The 
persons  he  took  were  those  whom  he  had  asked  to  be  his  posse  the 
Sunday  previous,  and  who  were  thus  arrested  on  a  writ  of  con 
tempt.  Trivial  and  aggravating  as  this  cause  of  arrest  was,  it  did 
not  save  the  parties  from  the  rudest  treatment  and  indignity ;  one 
of  this  number  had  his  clothes  torn  by  Jones  in  the  rough  handling 
he  got.  These  prisoners  were  cooped  up  in  a  tent,  and  treated  as 
if  they  had  been  the  most  infamous  felons,  as  their  offence 
(admitting  the  official  existence  of  Sheriff  Jones)  was  a  trivial  one, 
and  bailable.  These  men  were  thus  kept  in  Lawrence,  the  design 
being,  beyond  all  question,  to  provoke  the  people  of  the  town  to  a 
rescue,  when  there  would  be  another  excuse  for  attacking  the 
place,  and,  in  the  disturbance,  destroying  the  testimony  taken,  if 
not  killing  the  commissioners. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  an  unlooked-for  event  occurred. 
The  people  of  Lawrence,  with  few  exceptions,  had  calmly  made  up 
their  minds  to  submit  to  this  outrage  for  the  time  being,  in  hopes 
that  they  would  have  some  remedy,  the  use  of  which  would  not 
place  them  in  antagonism  to  the  United  States  authority.  But, 
while  this  was  the  resolution  of  the  staid  and  conservative,  there 
were  a  few  bolder  spirits  who  were  prepared  to  go  greater  lengths ; 
men  who  did  not  stop  to  reason  on  nice  subtleties,  which  timid 
minds  will  balance  and  set  forth,  in  order  to  exonerate  themselves 
from  the  charge  of  inaction.  They  remembered  that  Jones'  official 
presence  was  an  outrage  and  an  insult  in  itself,  and  that  his  mode 
of  acting  as  an  officer  was  violent,  irregular,  and  insulting.  But 
even  these  were  so  far  under  restraint  that  they  submitted  to  the 


SHERIFF   JONES   SHOT.  255 

desire  of  the  majority  that  there  should  be  no  resistance,  and  they 
would  only  have  acted  with  a  body  and  publicly. 

There  was  one  spirit,  fearless,  wild,  and  reckless,  who  took 
another  view  of  the  subject.  A  young  man,  almost  a  boy,  with 
warm  impulsive  nature,  he  cared  little  for  the  subtle  distinctions 
of  political  theorists.  Of  the  world  he  knew  but  little, -although 
he  was  far  from  illiterate,  but  he  regarded  men  and  things  as  facts, 
not  fancies ;  and  when  he  recognized  an  enemy  his  instinct  was  to 
crush  him.  The  youth  .regarded  the  distinctions  about  territorial 
authority  and  federal  troops  as  merely  the  apologies  by  which  the 
fearful  endeavored  to  cover  up  their  cowardice  or  shrinking  from 
responsibility. 

It  was  the  night  of  the  23d  of  April.  Lawrence  was  quiet. 
The  dragoons  were  in  their  tents;  there  also  were  the  prisoners, 
and  Sheriff  Jones  was  in  one  of  the  tents.  A  fire  was  burning  in 
front,  and  there  was  a  light  in  it.  Jones  rose  and  went  to  the 
opening  of  the  tent  and  looked  out. 

Quietly  and  stealthily,  but  resolutely,  that  young  man  had 
entered  Lawrence,  and  now  he  stood  some  forty  yards  from  the 
military  tent.  The  guard  was  pacing  his  rounds  with  his  carbine 
in  his  arm.  Jones  was  standing  in  the  door  of  the  tent.  Slowly 
that  young  man  raised  his  pistol,  till  he  thought  it  covered  his 
enemy.  Was  there  no  fluttering  pulse  in  that  young  heart?  Was 
there  nothing  that  whispered  that  it  might  be  fairer  to  meet  his 
enemy  face  to  face  ?  Was  there  not  even  the  timorous,  trembling 
fear,  that  measures  guilt  by  its  probable  punishment?  A  sharp 
report  rang  out ;  the  ball  missed  Jones,  and  the  report  merely 
arrested  his  attention.  He  stepped  out,  thinking,  no  doubt,  it  was 
a  random  shot.  Again  there  was  a  report.  Jones  stooped  down  ; 
the  ball  had  cut  his  foot,  and  grazed  his  leg.  "  That  was  intended 
for  me,"  he  muttered,  and  he  went  into  the  tent.  The  guard  had 
halted  in  his  rounds,  and  was  listening  and  looking  intently  through 
the  night,  and  the  clicking  of  his  gun-lock  might  have  been  heard 
in  the  stillness.  Daring  to  rashness,  fired  by  the  determination 
to  accomplish  that  for  which  he  aimed,  the  young  man  stepped 
lightly  several  paces  nearer  the  tent ;  he  saw  the  figure  of  Jones 


25(3  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

by  the  light  in  it,  and  once  more  raising  his  pistol  he  fired.  Jones 
fell,  and  the  boy  assassin  fled. 

Then  there  was  hurrying  and  bustling  with  alarm.  The  town 
was  alive  with  people,  and  lights  were  going  to  and  fro.  "  Jones 
is  shot !  "  went  from  mouth  to  mouth.  The  honorable  and  high- 
minded  were  displeased  that  this  should  have  been  done,  and  felt 
that  it  might  give  envious  enemies  a  right  to  say  that  there  were 
midnight  assassins  in  Lawrence.  The  timorous  and  cowardly 
were  loud  in  their  denunciations  of  the  unknown  assassin,  and 
strove  by  their  noisy  declaration  of  "  the  atrocity,"  to  clear 
their  skirts  from  the  charge  of  guilt  in  the  eyes  of  those  who 
might  be  suspicious.  The  wounded  man  was  taken  into  the  Free- 
State  Hotel,  and  every  attention  was  offered  to  him.  Dr.  String- 
fellow  was  in  attendance  with  other  physicians.  Next  day  his 
friends  sent  back  to  his  home  in  Missouri  to  bring  up  his  wife,  and 
the  citizens  of  Lawrence  strove,  by  their  attention  to  him,  to  show 
that  they  did  not  sympathize  in  the  attempt. 

Then  another  view  of  the  affair  seized  the  minds  of  the  suspi 
cious  and  abused  people  of  Lawrence.  It  was  a  trick ;  the  wild 
Blue  Lodge,  which  scruples  at  nothing,  had  determined  that  one 
of  their  men  should  go  to  the  length  of  shooting  Jones,  in  order  to 
involve  the  people  of  Lawrence  in  his  guilt.  Others  thought  that 
some  of  Jones'  pro-slavery  enemies  —  and  a  man  of  his  character 
has  no  scarcity  of  enemies  anywhere  —  had  taken  the  opportunity 
thus  to  shoot  him  when  Lawrence  would  be  accused  of  the  crime, 
and  thus  a  double  purpose  served.  Such  were  the  conflicting 
opinions  in  Lawrence  on  this  mysterious  subject,  and  as  Dr. 
Stringfellow  was  his  physician,  there  were  not  lacking  those  who 
believed  the  whole  thing  a  hoax,  —  that  the  firing  was  done  for 
effect,  and  that  Jones  was  not  shot  at  all. 

Next  day  after  the  shooting  an  indignation  meeting  was  held. 
Ex-Governor  Reeder,  Governor  llobinson,  and  others,  made  speeches 
denouncing  the  act,  and  resolutions  of  the  same  character  were 
adopted  almost  unanimously;  although  there  were  a  few  who 
thought,  if  the  "  assassin  "  was  to  be  indicted  at  all,  it  should  be 
for  taking  such  poor  aim. 

If  any  one  feels  like  striving  to  serve  an  oppressed  people  after 


SHERIFF  JONES   SHOT.  257 

the  manner  of  Charlotte  Corday,  in  such  a  community  as  Law 
rence,  let  him  read  and  ponder  over  these  resolutions.  Nor  are 
they  a  humbug.  There  were  free-state  men  wno  would  have 
handed  that  youth  over  to  justice  (bogus  justice).  Whether  they 
would  have  done  so  from  a  moral  sensibility  of  the  great  guilt,  or 
a  selfish  desire  to  eschew  all  risk  or  culpability,  I  am  not  prepared 
to  say. 

At  the  earnest  request  of  many  influential  free-state  men,  Gov. 
llobinson  offered  five  hundred  dollars  reward  for  the  apprehension 
and  conviction,  in  the  United  States  Court,  of  the  person  or  per 
sons  who  made  the  assault. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Col.  Sumner,  whose  conscientiousness  so 
far  interfered  with  strict  official  duty  that  he  could  counsel  the 
free-state  men  to  submission,  wrote : 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  FIRST  CAVALRY,      > 
CAMP  NEAR  LAWRENCE,  April  27,  1856.  J 

"  SIR  :  As  there  are  no  municipal  officers  in  the  town  of  Law 
rence,  I  think  proper  to  address  you  before  returning  to  my  post. 
The  recent  attempt  made  upon  the  life  of  Sheriff  Jones  will  prp- 
duce  great  excitement  throughout  the  territory,  and  on  the  Mis 
souri  frontier,  and  I  consider  it  of  the  utmost  importance  that 
every  effort  should  be  made  by  your  people  to  ferret  out  and  bring 
to  justice  the  cowardly  assassin.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that 
the  peace  of  the  country  may  depend  upon  it,  for  if  he  is  not 
arrested  the  act  will  be  charged  by  the  opposite  party  upon  your 
whole  community.  This  affair  has  been  reported  at  Washington, 
and  whatever  orders  may  be  received  will  be  instantly  carried  into 
effect.  The  proclamation,  which  requires  obedience  to  the  laws  of 
the  territory,  as  they  now  stand,  until  legally  abrogated,  will  cer 
tainly  be  maintained,  and  it  is  very  unsafe  to  give  heed  to  people 
at  a  distance  who  counsel  resistance.  If  they  were  here  to  partici 
pate  in  the  danger,  they  would  probably  take  a  different  view  of 
this  matter. 

"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  E.  V.  SUMNER,  Col.  \st  Cavalry  Commanding. 

"  To  Mr.  CHARLES  ROBINSON." 
22* 


258  THE  CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

By  the  officer  who  brought  this  the  following  reply  was  for 
warded  to  Col.  Sumner : 

"LAWRENCE,  K.  T.,  April  27,  185G. 

"  SIR  :  Your  note  of  this  morning  is  received,  and  in  answer 
permit  me  to  say  that  the  cowardly  attack  upon  Mr.  Jones  receives 
no  countenance  whatever  from  the  citizens  of  Lawrence,  but,  on 
the  contrary,  meets  with  universal  condemnation,  and  if  the  guilty 
party  can  be  found,  he  will  most  certainly  be  given  over  to  jus 
tice.  It  is  and  has  been  the  policy  of  the  people  of  Lawrence  to 
yield  prompt  obedience  to  the  laws  and  officers  of  the  federal  gov 
ernment,  and  as  Mr.  Jones  was  acting  with  the  authority  of  that 
government  on  the  day  of  the  assault,  the  guilty  party  was  an 
enemy  to  the  citizens  of  Lawrence,  no  less  than  a  violator  of  the 
laws.  The  people  of  Lawrence  are  without  any  organized  muni 
cipal  government,  and,  consequently,  no  person  or  persons  can 
speak  or  act  officially  for  them ;  but,  from  what  I  know  of  their 
feelings  and  disposition,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  they 
will  ever  be  found  loyal  citizens  of  the  government,  and  ready  to 
do  all  in  their  power  to  maintain  the  laws  of  their  country. 

"As  an  evidence  of  the  public  sentiment  of  this  community,  I 
inclose  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  a  public  meeting  held  on  the 
morning  after  the  unfortunate  affair  occurred. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  ob't  servant, 

"CHARLES  ROBINSON. 

"  COL.  E.  V.  SUMNER." 

How  prompt  was  President  Pierce  in  securing  justice  to  the 
wounded  Missouri  bully  who  was  shot  while  trampling  on  the 
rights  of  a  free  people  ! 

Not  so  was  it  when  Mr.  Mace  was  shot  at  the  same  time.  Mr. 
Mace  had  given  testimony  before  the  committee,  and  that  night  he 
was  attacked  and  wounded  at  his  house  by  pro-slavery  men,  who 
thought  they  had  killed  him.  But  there  is  no  "  report "  sent  to 
Washington  about  this,  nor  about  the  outrage  perpetrated  much 
nearer  the  dragoon  head-quarters,  on  the  person  of  llev.  Pardce 
Butler.  It  was  the  second  time  that  this  last-named  gentleman 
was  outraged,  and  the  scene  is  described  by  himself  thus : 


OUTRAGE  ON  PARDEE  BUTLER.          259 

"  April  30th  I  returned  to  Kansas  and  crossed  the  Missouri 
at  Atchison.  I  spoke  to  no  one  in  town  save  two  merchants  of 
he  place,  with  whom  I  had  business  transactions  since  my  first 
arrival  in  the  territory.  Having  remained  only  a  few  minutes,  I 
went  to  my  buggy  to  resume  my  journey,  when  I  was  assaulted  by 
Robert  S.  Kelly,  junior  editor  of  the  Squatter  Sovereign,  and 
others,  was  dragged  into  a  grocery,  and  there  surrounded  by  a 
company  of  South  Carolinians,  who  are  reported  to  have  been 
sent  out  by  a  Southern  Emigrant  Aid  Society. 

"In  this  last  mob,  I  noticed  only  two  were  citizens  of  Atchison 


or  engaged  in  the  former  mob. 


"  It  is  reported  that  these  emigrants  from  the  Palmetto  State  do 
not  seek  out  a  claim  and  make  for  themselves  a  home  ;  neither  do 
they  enter  into  any  legitimate  business.  They  very  expressively 
describe  themselves  as  having  « come  out  to  see  Kansas  through.' 

"They  yelled,  '  Kill  him  !  kill  him  !  Hang  the  d d  aboli 
tionist  ! ' 

"  One  of  their  number  bustled  up  to  me  and  demanded, 

"  '  Have  you  a  revolver  ? ' 

"  I  replied,  *  No.' 

"  He  handed  me  a  pistol,  saying,  « There,  take  that,  and  stand 

off  ten  steps,  and,  G-— d  d n  you,  I  will  blow  you  through  in 

an  instant ! ' 

"  I  replied,  *  I  have  no  use  for  your  weapon.' 

"  I  afterward  heard  them  congratulating  themselves,  in  reference 
to  this,  that  they  had  been  honorable  with  me.  The  fellow  was 
furious ;  but  his  companions  dissuaded  him  from  shooting  me, 
saying  they  were  going  to  hang  me. 

"  If  I  can  picture  to  myself  the  look  of  a  Cuban  bloodhound, 
just  ready  with  open  jaws  to  seize  a  panting  slave  in  a  Florida 
swamp,  then  I  imagine  we  have  a  correct  daguerreotype  of  the 
expression  worn  by  these  emigrant  representatives  of  the  manly 
sentiment,  high-toned  courage,  and  magnanimous  feelings,  of  the 
South  Carolina  chivalry,  when  first  they  scented,  in  their  own 
imagination,  the  blood  of  a  live  *  abolitionist.' 

"  '  Hang  him !  '  they  yelled,  *  hang  him !  hang  the  d d  abo 
litionist  ! ' 


260  THE  CONQUEST   OF    KANSAS. 

"  They  pinioned  my  arms  behind  me,  obtained  a  rope,  but  were 
interrupted  by  the  entrance  of  a  stranger,  a  gentleman  from  Mis 
souri,  since  ascertained  to  be  General  Tut,  a  lawyer  of  Buchanan 
County.  He  said, 

"  '  My  friends,  hear  me.  I  am  an  old  man,  and  it  is  right  you 
should  hear  me.  I  was  born  in  Virginia,  and  have  lived  many 
years  in  Missouri.  I  am  a  slaveholder,  and  desire  Kansas  to  be 
made  a  slave  state,  if  it  can  be  done  by  honorable  means.  But 
you  will  destroy  the  cause  you  are  seeking  to  build  up.  You  have 
taken  this  man,  who  was  peaceably  passing  through  your  streets 
and  along  the  highway,  doing  no  person  any  harm.  We  profess 
to  be  law  and  order  men,  and  should  be  the  last  to  commit  vio 
lence.  If  this  man  has  violated  the  law,  let  him  be  punished 
according  to  law ;  but  for  the  sake  of  Missouri,  for  the  sake  of 
Kansas,  for  the  sake  of  the  pro-slavery  cause,  do  not  act  in  this 
way.' 

"  They  dragged  me  into  another  grocery,  and  appointed  a  mod 
erator.  Kelly  told  his  story. 

"  I  rose  to  my  feet,  and  calmly  and  in  respectful  language  began 
to  tell  mine.  I  was  repeatedly  jerked  to  my  seat,  and  so  roughly 
handled  that  I  was  compelled  to  desist. 

"  My  friend  from  Missouri  again  earnestly  besought  them  to 
set  me  at  liberty. 

"  Kelly  turned  short  on  him  and  said,  *  Do  you  belong  to  Kan 
sas?' 

"  He  replied,  *  No ;  but  I  expect  to  live  here  in  Atchison  next 
fall ;  and  in  this  matter  the  interests  of  Missouri  and  Kansas  are 
identical.' 

"  Mr.  Lamb,  a  lawyer  in  Atchison,  and  Mr.  Dickson,  a  mer 
chant  of  the  same  place,  both  pro-slavery  men,  also  united  with 
Gen.  Tut  in  pleading  that  I  might  be  set  at  liberty. 

"  While  these  gentlemen  were  thus  speaking,  I  heard  my  keep 
ers  mutter,  '  D n  you,  if  you  don't  hush  up,  we  '11  tar  and 

feather  you  ! ' 

"When  Kelly  saw  how  matters  stood,  he  came  forward  and 
said,  '  He  did  not  take  Butler  to  have  him  hanged,  only  tarred  and 
feathered.'  Yet  in  the  other  grocery  they  had  said  to  the  mob 


OUTRAGE  ON  PARDEE  BUTLER.          261 

that  '  they  should  do  as  they  pleased ! '  He  dared  not  take  the 
responsibility  of  taking  my  life ;  but  when  these  unfortunate  men, 
whose  one-idea-ism  on  the  subject  of  slavery  and  Southern  rights 
has  become  insanity,  when  these  irresponsible  South  Carolinians, 
sent  out  to  be  bull-dogs  and  blood-hounds  for  Atchison  and  String- 
fellow  —  when  they  could  be  used  as  tools  to  take  my  life,  he  was 
ready  to  do  it. 

"  Our  gunpowder  moderator  cut  the  discussion  short  by  saying, 
'  It  is  moved  that  Butler  be  tarred  and  feathered,  and  receive 
thirty-nine  lashes.' 

"  A  majority  said  '  Ay,'  though  a  number  of  voices  said  '  No.' 
The  moderator  said,  «  The  affirmative  has  it.' 

"  There  was  a  good  deal  of  whispering  about  the  house.  I  saw 
dark,  ominous,  and  threatening  looks  in  the  crowd. 

"  The  moderator  again  came  forward,  and  in  an  altered  voice 
said, 

"  '  It  is  moved  that  the  last  part  of  the  sentence  be  rescinded  ! ' 

"  It  was  rescinded. 

"  I  was  given  into  the  hands  of  my  South  Carolina  overseers  to 
be  tarred  and  feathered.  They  muttered  and  growled  at  this 

issue  of  the  matter.  *  Bey ,'  said  they,  « if  we  had  known 

it  would  have  come  out  in  this  way,  we  would  have  let 

shoot  Butler  at  the  first.  He  would  have  done  it  quicker  than  a 
flash.' 

"  One  little  sharp-visaged,  dark-featured,  black-eyed  South  Car 
olinian,  as  smart  as  a  cricket,  who  seemed  to  be  the  leader  of  the 
gang,  was  particularly  displeased. 

"  '  1) n  you,'  said  he,  '  if  I  came  all  the  way  from  South 

Carolina,  and  spent  so  much  money,  to  do  things  up  in  such  milk- 
and-water  style  as  this  ! ' 

"  They  stripped  me  naked  to  the  waist,  covered  my  body  with 
tar,  and  then,  for  the  want  of  feathers,  applied  cotton-wool.  Hav 
ing  appointed  a  committee  of  three  to  certainly  hang  me  the  next 
time  I  should  come  to  Atchison,  they  tossed  my  clothes  into  my 
buggy,  put  me  therein,  accompanied  me  to  the  suburbs  of  the 
town,  and  sent  me  naked  out  upon  the  prairie. 

"  I  adjusted  my  attire  about  me  as  best  I  could,  and  hastened 


262  THE   CONQUEST  OF  KANSAS. 

to  rejoin  my  wife  and  two  little  ones,  on  the  banks  of  the  Stranger 
Creek.  It  was  rather  a  sorrowful  meeting  after  so  long  a  parting. 
Still,  we  were  very  thankful  that,  under  the  blessing  of  a  good 
Providence,  it  had  fared  no  worse  with  us  all. 

"  The  first  mob  that  sent  me  down  the  Missouri  river  on  a  raft 
—  always  excepting  Robert  S.  Kelly  —  were  courteous  gentlemen 
compared  with  this  last  one.  When  I  was  towed  out  into  the 
middle  of  the  stream,  I  do  not  remember  to  have  heard  a  word 
spoken  by  the  men  on  shore.  This  last  mob,  when  they  left  me 
on  the  border  of  the  town,  shrieked  and  yelled  like  a  pack  of  New 
Zealand  cannibals.  The  first  mob  did  not  attempt  to  abridge  my 
right  of  speech.  In  reply  to  all  the  hard  and  bitter  things  they 
said  against  me  they  patiently  heard  me  to  the  end.  But  these 
men,  who  have  come  to  introduce  into  Kansas  that  order  of  things 
that  now  exists  in  South  Carolina,  savagely  gagged  me  into 
silence  by  rapping  my  face,  choking  me,  pulling  my  beard,  jerk 
ing  me  violently  to  my  seat,  and  exclaiming,  *  D n  you,  hold 

your  tongue  ! '  All  this  was  done  while  my  arms  were  pinioned 
behind  me. 

"  Many  will  ask  now,  as  they  have  asked  already,  what  is  the 
true  and  proper  cause  of  all  these  troubles  which  I  have  had  in 
Atchison.  '  The  head  and  front  of  my  offending  hath  this  extent, 
no  more ' :  I  had  spoken  among  my  neighbors  favorably  for  mak 
ing  Kansas  a  free  state,  and  said  in  the  office  of  the  Squatter  Sov 
ereign,  I  am  a  free-soiler,  and  intend  to  vote  for  Kansas  to  be  a 
free  state.  It  is  true  that  Kelly,  by  an  after-thought,  has  added 
two  new  counts  to  his  bill  of  indictment  against  me.  The  first  is 
that  I  went  to  the  town  of  Atchison  last  August,  talking  aboli 
tionism.  I  have  not  the  honor  of  being  an  abolitionist.  And, 
second,  that  I  spoke,  somehow  or  other,  improperly  in  the  pres 
ence  of  slaves.  All  this  is  not  only  utterly  false,  but  the  charges 
are  ex-post  facts ;  for  not  a  word  was  said  of  this  the  day  they 
put  me  on  the  raft." 

Jones  recovered.  To  recover  thus,  after  being  "  shot  in  the 
spine,"  as  reported,  was  a  feat  of  medical  and  surgical  skill  almost 
miraculous,  and  which  should  immortalize  Dr.  Stringfellow,  if  he 


BORDER-RUFFIAN   TRIBUTE   TO    JONES.  268 

were  riot  already  sufficiently  celebrated.  The  Missouri  papers 
could  not  afford  to  let  him  recover,  however,  and  the  "tributes 
to  his  memory  "  were  numerous  and  affecting.  The  following  I 
Dipped  from  a  border-ruffian  sheet,  and  it  will  exhibit  the  amount 
of  "  law  and  order  "  capital  that  was  to  be  made  out  of  this  event : 

"  Kansas  is  once  more  in  commotion.  The  traitors  of  Law 
rence  have  again  set  the  laws  of  the  territory  at  defiance,  and  this 
time  have  added  murder  to  their  crime.  Sheriff  Jones,  of  Doug 
lass  County,  than  whom  a  braver  man  never  lived,  has  been  mur 
dered  while  in  the  performance  of  his  official  duties  —  shot  down 
by  the  thieving  paupers  of  the  North,  who  are  shipped  to  Kansas 
to  infringe  upon  the  rights  of  Southern  settlers,  murder  them 
when  opportunity  offers,  steal  their  property,  and,  if  possible, 
to  raise  a  storm  that  will  cease  only  with  the  Union  itself. 

"  The  excitement  in  this  city,  during  the  past  week,  has  been 
very  great.  Rumors  of  various  kinds  have  reached  us,  and  al 
though  we  believed  a  difficulty  had  occurred,  we  were  not  prepared 
to  hear  of  such  lamentable  news,  —  the  death  of  the  patriot  Jones. 
His  death  must  be  avenged,  his  murder  shall  be  avenged,  if  at  the 
sacrifice  of  every  abolitionist  in  the  territory.  If  the  pro-slavery 
party  will  quietly  sit  still  and  see  our  friends,  one  by  one,  mur 
dered  by  these  assassins,  without  raising  their  arms  to  protect 
them,  we  much  mistake  their  character.  Will  they  again  allow 
a  Northern  governor  to  cheat  them  out  of  their  just  revenge  ? 
We  answer  emphatically,  no  !  If  the  governor  of  this  territory 
and  the  administration  at  Washington  any  longer  attempt  to  force 
us  to  assume  the  position  of  outlaws  before  we  can  have  justice 
done  us,  the  sooner  such  a  contingency  arises  the  better.  We 
are  now  in  favor  of  levelling  Lawrence,  and  chastising  the  trai 
tors  there  congregated,  should  it  result  in  the  total  destruction 
of  the  Union.  If  we  are  to  have  war,  let'it  come  now  !  While 
the  memory  of  our  murdered  friends,  Clarke  and  Jones,  is  fresh 
in  our  memories,  we  can  coolly  and  determinedly  enter  into  the 
contest,  let  it  result  as  it  may.  We  do  not  approve  of  the  course 
of  the  governor,  in  calling  out  the  United  States  troops  to  enforce 
the  laws  of  the  territory.  It  looks  to  us  as  a  virtual  admission 
that  the  law  and  order  party  of  Kansas  are  not  strong  enough 
vvithin  themselves  to  enforce  the  law." 


CHAPTER    XX. 

MARSHAL  DONALDSON   DECLARES   WAR. 

UP  to  the  spring  of  1856  Missouri  had  maintained  the  struggle 
for  the  conquest  of  Kansas  alone.  Only  a  few  straggling  South 
ern  adventurers  had  come  to  her  aid.  As  an  evidence,  I  quote 
from  the  circular  of  the  branch  of  the  slavery-extension  party 
located  in  Lafayette  County,  Mo. : 

"  The  western  counties  of  Missouri  have  for  the  last  two  years 
been  heavily  taxed,  both  in  money  and  time,  in  fighting  the  bat 
tles  of  the  South.  Lafayette  County  alone  has  expended  upwards 
of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  money,  and  as  much  in  time. 
Up  to  this  time  the  border  counties  of  Missouri  have  upheld  and 
maintained  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  South  in  this  struggle, 
unassisted,  and  not  unsuccessfully.  But  the  abolitionists,  staking 
their  all  upon  the  Kansas  issue,  and  hesitating  at  no  means,  fair 
or  foul,  are  moving  heaven  and  earth  to  render  that  beautiful  ter 
ritory  a/ree  state" 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1856  President  Pierce  came  forward 
still  more  actively  in  the  cause  of  Missouri,  and  issued  his  procla 
mation,  the  effect  of  which  would  be  to  sustain  their  violent  con 
quests  by  the  federal  troops.  Pierce,  by  his  territorial  appoint 
ments,  had  already  done  a  great  deal  for  this  "holy  alliance," 
but  no  more  than  he  had  contracted  to  do ;  for  Senator  Atchison 
stated,  in  the  company  of  several  persons,  on  board  a  boat  on  the 
Missouri  river,  that  "  President  Pierce  had  done  no  more  than  lie 
had  a  right  to  do,  for  he  had  given  pledges  before  he  received  his 
nomination  at  Baltimore,  that  he  would  give  all  his  influe?ice 
towards  making  Kansas  a  slave  state"  This  pledge  the  Presi 
dent  has  faithfully  kept.  Missouri  had  several  other  allies,  even 


MARSHAL   DONALDSON   DECLARES   WAR.  265 

in  the  free  states,  prior  to  this  time ;  but  their  valuable  assistance 
the  Lafayette  circular  shabbily  ignores. 

In  the  spring  of  1856  Missouri  received  a  fresh  supply  of  ac 
tive  allies.  Col.  Buford,  a  Southern  adventurer  from  AlablTmaj 
brought  up  the  Missouri  river,  in  April,  a  regiment  of  young  men, 
from  Alabama,  and  Carolina,  and  Georgia.  These  adventurers 
were  armed,  and  came  in  military  companies.  They  came  for  the 
avowed  purpose  of  making  Kansas  a  slave  state  by  violence,  if 
necessary,  and  returning  after  this  had  been  accomplished.  Many 
of  them  were  poor  young  men,  but  well  connected;  dependent 
members  of  the  decaying  Southern  aristocracy, —  a  numerous  class, 
who  can  be  dispensed  with  by  the  South  unless  in  case  of  servile 
war.  But  the  larger  portion  of  these  carpet-bag  adventurers 
were  reckless  characters,  from  the  vilest  purlieus  of  society  ;  men 
who  had  been  robbers  and  gambling  loafers,  and  whose  lawless 
character  well  suited  them  for  the  task  they  were  to  perform.  As 
an  illustration,  these  gentry  robbed  Buford  himself  of  a  considera 
ble  sum  of  money  while  coming  up  the  river ;  and  they  got  into 
disgrace,  even  amongst  the  Missourians  they  were  called  to  aid,  by 
their  depredations. 

Shortly  after  their  arrival  in  Kansas  city,  Mo.,  they  were  drawn 
up  in  military  array,  in  a  sort  of  review.  Here  speeches  were 
delivered  about  their  mission  to  conquer  Kansas  for  slavery,  and 
Buford,  in  order  to  give  his  expedition  a  specious  appearance  at 
the  East,  made  a  prayer  to  the?n,  which  was  an  odd  mixture  of 
hypocrisy  and  blasphemy.  These  men  were  there  called  to  sign  a 
pledge  and  give  an  oath  that  they  would  not  leave  Kansas  until  it 
was  made  a  slave  state;  that  they  would  be  ready  to  fight  for 
"  Southern  rights  "  when  called  upon,  and  that  they  should  never 
vote  anything  but  the  pro-slavery  ticket,  and  should  be  subject 
to  the  direction  of  their  leaders,  etc.  There  was  also  a  business 
contract  between  them,  the  terms  of  which,  as  promulgated  at 
Kansas  city,  gave  great  dissatisfaction,  the  young  adventurers 
declaring  them  different  and  less  favorable  than  the  promises  by 
which  they  had  been  lured  from  their  homes.  The  promise  ex 
torted  from  them,  of  voting  the  pro-slavery  ticket,  may  seem  un 
necessary  ;  but  there  was  a  considerable  number  of  the  poorer 
23 


266  THE«CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

classes,  who  had  been  to  the  territory  from  slave  states,  formerly, 
•who  had  become  free-state  men. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  all  of  this  regiment  were  vicious 
characters.  Some  amiable  and  high-minded  young  men  came  with 
them ;  but  most  of  those  deserted  and  went  back,  disgusted  with 
their  associates,  and  sick  of  the  duties  entailed  on  them  by  the 
pro-slavery  conquest.  Some  of  those  who  remained  were  what 
would  claim  to  be  gentlemen  at  home,  but  either  deeply  identified 
with  the  slave-property  interests,  or  prejudiced  in  favor  of  the 
institution  to  such  an  extent  that  they  were  prepared  to  go  any 
length  to  accomplish  their  object. 

For  some  time  these  young  Southerners  were  quartered  at  dif 
ferent  points  in  Missouri  near  the  territorial  frontier.  Here  they 
were  sustained  partly  by  means  sent  to  them  from  the  South,  and 
partly  by  contributions  from  the  people  of  Missouri.  As  a  great 
many  of  the  merchants  and  business  men  in  western  Missouri  had 
no  interest  in  the  system  of  slavery,  and  at  heart  disapproved  of 
this  course  of  lawless  violence,  they  failed  to  subscribe  their  quota, 
when  a  tax  was  levied  in  Westport,  and  other  western  Missouri 
towns,  for  -the  purpose  of  sustaining  the  Kansas  war. 

As  Sheriff  Jones  was  unable  to  attend  to  his  duties,  his  dep 
uty,  Sam  Salters,  undertook  the  arduous  duties  devolving,  in  the 
progress  of  "  law  and  order,"  on  the  Sheriff  of  Douglas  County. 
With  a  party  of  dragoons  at  his  heels,  he  rode  backwards  and  for 
wards  over  the  county,  making,  or  trying  to  make,  or  pretending 
he  wished  to  make,  arrests.  One  lady  ordered  him  not  to  come 
into  her  house,  and  threw  some  scalding  water  on  him  when  he 
tried  to  do  so.  Some  of  the  men  whom  he  declared  that  he  wished 
to  arrest,  had  to  leave  their  homes,  and  sleep  in  thickets  and  in 
prairies,  to  avoid  this  legal  persecution.  Armed  bands  of  the 
Southerners  now  began  to  come  into  the  territory,  and  not  only 
Salters  but  all  of  the  territorial  officials  were  soon  in  full  com 
munion  with  them.  As  citizens  were  often  molested  and  stopped 
by  these  persons,  the  following  is  a  pass  given  by  this  redoubtable 
Sam  Salters  to  a  law  and  order  man,  who  found  it  necessary  to 
travel : 


MARSHAL   DONALDSON    DECLARES   WAR.  267 

"  Let  this  man  pass  i  no  him  two  be  a  Law  and  abidin  Sitti- 
sen.  (Signed),  SAMUEL  SALTERS, 

"  dejyy  sherf." 

As  will  be  seen,  the  deputy  sheriff  is  not  liable  to  any  of  the 
anathemas  pronounced  against  the  "scribes."  Like  Jones,  he  was 
a  man  of  powerful  and  robust  frame,  though  much  coarser  and 
more  vulgar.  Jones  is  not  at  all  remarkable  for  his  scholastic 

O 

attainments.  Both  of  these  men  were  addicted  to  excessive  drink 
ing;  they  gambled,  and  in  other  respects  were  far  from  exem 
plary. 

Amongst  the  Southerners  who  came  into  the  territory  at  the 
time  of  which  I  write,  was  a  Georgian  named  Fain.  This  man 
was  appointed  by  U.  S.  Marshal  Donaldson  as  one  of  his  depu 
ties.  This  man,  Fain,  in  spite  of  the  noise  he  has  made  in  the 
world,  is,  so  far  as  education  or  talent  is  concerned,  a  very  insig 
nificant  character ;  an  apt  illustration  of  the  statement  once  made 
by  a  letter-writer  in  the  West,  who  wished  his  friends  to  emigrate 
thither,  "  Mighty  mean  men  get  in  office  out  here."  Donaldson 
himself,  although  a  federal  appointee,  is  a  comparatively  illiterate 
and  uninformed  man,  and,  judging  from  the  manner  of  acting 'in 
his  official  capacity,  totally  devoid  of  the  legal  knowledge  neces 
sary  to  dignify  his  office.  He  is  an  Illinoisian.  He  is  a  man 
past  middle  age,  of  coarse,  unintellectual  face,  and,  from  his  looks, 
ought  never  to  have  held  a  station  above  that  of  town  constable ; 
he  would  not  have  been  too  well  qualified  for  that. 

The  committee  were  in  session  at  the  town  of  Tecumseh,  and 
the  First  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  Kansas  Territory 
was  in  session  (being  the  adjourned  April  term),  in  the  early  part 
of  May,  1856.  A  rumor  prevailed  that  indictments  for  usurping 
office,  and  other  state  crimes,  were  being  drawn  up  by  the  grand 
jury.  Judge  Lecompte,  at  the  opening  of  the  court,  delivered  a 
most  remarkable  charge  to  the  grand  jury,  in  which  he  specified 
that  they  should  indict  those  persons  for  certain  offences.  He 
urged  the  grand  jury  to  do  so,  and  not  to  be  deterred  by  the 
fear  that  the  laws  of  the  territory  or  the  process  under  such  cir 
cumstances  would  not  be  executed ;  assuring  them  that  there  would 
be  force  to  execute  them.  He  also  told  them  they  must  not  hesi- 


268  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

tate  to  indict  these  persons  because  they  were  sincere  in  their 
opinions,  and  cited  the  early  witchcraft  history  of  Massachusetts, 
to  prove  the  impropriety  of  being  regulated  by  sincerity.  The 
following  extract  from  the  report  of  his  charge  contains  its  most 
striking  feature,  and  shows  to  what  uses  the  federal  courts  and 
officers  in  the  territory  were  put: 

"GENTLEMEN  :  You  are  assembled  to  consider  whatever  infringe 
ments  of  law  may  come  under  your  notice,  and  bring  in  bills  as 
your  judgment  dictates  against  those  whom  you  may  find  to  have 
been  guilty  of  such  infringement.  Your  attention  will  naturally 
be  turned  toward  an  unlawful,  and  before  unheard-of  organization, 
that  has  been  formed  in  our  midst,  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  the 
laws  of  the  United  States.  The  exciting  state  of  affairs  makes  it 
important  that  you  should  deliberate  calmly,  and  above  all  have 
respect  to  the  oaths  that  you  have  taken,  and  without  fear  or  favor 
of  any  party  of  men,  whether  high  or  low,  to  mete  to  all  the 
justice  which  is  their  due.  You  will  take  into  consideration  the 
cases  of  men  who  are  dubbed  governors,  men  who  are  dubbed  lieu 
tenant-governors,  men  who  are  dubbed  secretaries  and  treasurers, 
and  men  who  are  dubbed  all  the  various  other  dulls  with  which 
this  territory  is  filling  (and  there  are  such  men),  and  will  find 
bills  in  accordance  with  the  following  instructions."  [I  give  below 
his  exact  words.]  "  This  territory  was  organized  by  an  act  of  Con 
gress,  and  so  far  its  authority  is  from  the  United  States.  It  has 
a  Legislature  elected  in  pursuance  of  that  organic  act.  This  Leg 
islature,  being  an  instrument  of  Congress,  by  which  it  governs  the 
territory,  has  passed  laws ;  these  laws,  therefore,  are  of  United 
States  authority  and  making  "  [that  is,  the  United  States  makes 
laws  by  proxy,  employing  the  borderers  of  Missouri  to  make  the 
laws,  inasmuch  as  being  away  out  West  it  is  inconvenient  for  her 
to  come  herself.  This  is  the  meaning  that  I  deduce  from  the 
judge's  opinion],  "and  all  that  resist  these  laws  resist  the  power 
and  authority  of  the  United  States,  and  are,  therefore,  guilty  of 
high  treason.  Now,  gentlemen,  if  you  find  that  any  persons  have 
resisted  these  laws,  then  must  you,  under  your  oaths,  find  bills 
against  such  persons  for  high  treason.  If  you  find  that  no  such 


MARSHAL   DONALDSON   DECLARES  WAR.  269 

resistance  has  been  made,  but  that  combinations  have  been  formed 
for  the  purpose  of  resisting  them,  and  individuals  of  influence  and 
notoriety  have  been  aiding  and  abetting  in  such  combinations,  then 
must  you  still  find  bills  for  constructive  treason,  as  the  courts 
have  decided  that  to  constitute  treason  the  blow  need  not  be  struck, 
but  only  the  intention  be  made  evident." 

Besides  these  recommendations  to  indict  the  persons  elected  to 
future  state  offices  under  the  state  movement,  the  grand  jury  in 
question,  under  the  instructions  of  Judge  Lecompte,  made  the 
following  presentment.  It  is  proper  to  add  that  this  step  was  not 
taken  until  a  force  of  Missourians  and  the  Buford  regiment  were 
around  Lawrence,  as  a  marshal's  posse,  threatening  to  destroy  it : 

"  The  grand  jury,  sitting  for  the  adjourned  term  of  the  First  Dis 
trict  Court  in  and  for  the  County  of  Douglas,  in  the  Territory  of 
Kansas,  beg  leave  to  report  to  the  honorable  Court  that,  from  evi 
dence  laid  before  them  showing  that  the  newspaper  known  as  The 
Herald  of  Freedom,  published  at  the  town  of  Lawrence,  has  from 
time  to  time  issued  publications  of  the  most  inflammatory  and  sedi 
tious  character,  denying  the  legality  of  the  territorial  authorities, 
addressing  and  commanding  forcible  resistance  to  the  same,  demor 
alizing  the  popular  mind,  and  rendering  life  and  property  unsafe, 
even  to  the  extent  of  advising  assassination  as  a  last  resort ; 

"  Also,  that  the  paper  known  as  The  Kansas  Free  State  has 
been  similarly  engaged,  and  has  recently  reported  the  resolutions 
of  a  public  meeting  in  Johnson  County,  in  this  territory,  in  which 
resistance  to  the  territorial  laws  even  unto  blood  has  been  agreed 
upon ;  and  that  we  respectfully  recommend  their  abatement  as  a 
nuisance.  Also,  that  we  are  satisfied  that  the  building  known  as 
the  '  Free-State  Hotel '  in  Lawrence  has  been  constructed  with 
the  view  to  military  occupation  and  defence,  regularly  parapeted 
and  portholed  for  the  use  of  cannon  and  small  arms,  and  could  only 
have  been  designed  as  a  stronghold  of  resistance  to  law,  thereby 
endangering  the  public  safety,  and  encouraging  rebellion  and 
sedition  in  this  country ;  and  respectfully  recommend  that  steps  be 
taken  whereby  this  nuisance  may  be  removed. 

"  OWEN  C.  STEWART,  Foreman." 
23* 


270  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

It  was  at  this  stage  of  affairs  that  an  attempt  was  made  against 
the  person  of  Gov.  Reeder,  and,  through  him,  against  the  com 
mission  of  Congress.  Gov.  Reeder  had  been  in  attendance  at 
Washington  with  his  certificate  of  votes  received,  and  claiming  his 
seat  as  delegate  from  Kansas  Territory.  His  claim,  though  not 
decided  on,  had  been  considered,  and  when  the  special  commission 
was  sent  out  to  investigate  matters  Reeder  was  notified  to  attend 
its  sittings  as  a  party  to  that  investigation. 

I  need  not  show  here  that  Reeder  was  intensely  hated  by  the 
propaganda.  His  refusal  to  aid  them  in  their  nefarious  schemes, 
and  his  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  had  made  him 
a  formidable  enemy.  Threats  of  assassinating  him  were  current, 
and  the  border  ruffians,  who  had  already  given  frightful  evidences 
of  their  sincerity,  declared  that  he  should  never  leave  Kansas 
alive.  Gov.  Reeder  had  been  indefatigable  in  his  efforts  before 
the  committee,  and  his  knowledge  of  the  territory  made  him  emi 
nently  useful  to  its  investigations. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th  of  May  Mr.  Fain  presented  a  paper 
to  Gov.  Reeder  at  the  hotel  at  Tecumseh.  It  purported,  on  part 
explanation  of  Fain,  to  be  a  subpoena,  requiring  the  presence  of 
Reeder  at  Lecompton  to  testify  before  the  grand  jury.  Fain 
claimed  to  be  deputy  marshal.  I  was  conversing  with  Gov. 
Reeder  when  the  paper  in  question  was  presented,  and  can  state 
distinctly  what  passed.  Reeder  examined  the  paper,  and  asked 
some  explanations  regarding  it  from  Fain.  He  then  said  that  he 
was  engaged  with  the  congressional  committee  on  its  citation,  and 
that  his  presence  was  all-important  (as  it  was).  He  said  that  his 
residence  in  Douglas  County  had  been  too  recent  and  temporary 
for  him  to  be  of  any  service  to  the  jury  in  matters  of  which  they 
had  cognizance.  The  governor  added  that  the  paper  in  question 
purporting  to  be  a  subpoena  was  altogether  irregular,  and  did  not 
show  its  authority  on  its  face.  He  folded  it  up,  and  put  it  in  his 
pocket,  telling  Mr.  Fain  that  if  he  could  have  spared  the  time  he 
would  have  complied  in  any  case,  waiving  the  question  of  privi 
lege  and  the  informalities  in  the  service ;  but  he  was  persuaded  he 
could  be  of  no  possible  service  to  the  grand  jury,  and  the  interests 
at  stake  before  the  committee  were  too  important  to  be  neglected. 


MARSHAL   DONALDSON    DECLARES  WAR,  271 

Deputy  Fain,  who  seemed  to  anticipate  such  an  answer,  left 
the  room  and  returned  to  Lecompton. 

Next  day,  according  to  previous  notice  and  arrangement,  the 
committee  of  investigation  was  in  Lawrence,  and  engaged  in  their 
duties.  In  the  afternoon  Deputy  Fain,  accompanied  by  several 
other  persons,  came  into  the  room,  and  presented  a  paper  to  Reeder, 
which  was  a  writ  for  his  arrest  for  contempt  of  court. 

Grov.  Reeder  begged  the  indulgence  of  the  other  gentlemen  of 
the  committee  for  a  moment  to  a  private  matter,  when  he 
stated  to  them  the  affair  relative  to  the  subpoena,  and  claimed 
his  right  of  exemption  from  such  arrest  under  the  constitution, 
both  as  contestant  delegate  and  as  cited  before  this  committee  of 
investigation. 

The  committee,  after  a  short  consultation,  stated  that  they  had 
nothing  to  decide,  as  they  were  not  a  court  for  the  adjudication  of 
such  a  matter.  As  individuals  the  members  of  the  committee 
expressed  their  opinion.  Mr.  Howard,  chairman  of  the  committee, 
said  he  had  no  doubt  but  that  Reeder  was  entitled  to  his  privi 
lege,  but  that  was  a  point  for  him  to  maintain  himself.  Mr. 
Howard  added  that  he  supposed  that  this  was  not  an  attempt  ,to 
insult  or  interrupt  the  commission.  He  scarcely  thought  it  could 
be  so.  If  it  was,  or  the  commission  was  thus  to  be  molested,  it 
had  power  to  call  to  its  aid  a  sufficient  force,  and  send  the  party 
thus  disturbing  them  to  Washington  under  such  charge. 

Mr.  Sherman  also  took  the  same  position,  reading  from  the 
constitution,  and  in  a  clear  and  lucid  manner  explaining  the  rights 
of  the  respective  parties. 

Mr.  Oliver  dissented  from  this  opinion.  He  thought  the  court 
in  question  had  a  right  to  arrest  Reeder. 

Gov.  Reeder  then  addressed  Fain  in  a  firm,  but  calm  and 
steady  voice.  He  was  sitting  in  the  chair  he  occupied  at  the 
table  of  the  commission  where  he  had  been  when  Fain  entered. 
He  told  Fain  that  he  claimed  his  privilege  of  exemption  for 
several  reasons.  His  presence  was  important  to  the  committee. 
He  had  reason  to  believe  that  the  object  was  merely  to  take  him 
from  the  committee,  so  as  to  interfere  with  its  labors.  He  said  he 
had  also  reason  to  believe  he  was  not  personally  safe  in 


272  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

ton,  as  he  had  received  letters  containing  intimations  of  assassi 
nation.  For  these  and  other  reasons  lieeder  told  Deputy  Fain 
that  he  would  not  go  with  him  ;  that  he  did  not  recognize  his  right 
to  arrest  him;  if  he  did  so  it  must  be  at  his  peril;  and  that  in 
case  of  loss  he  would  have  no  cause  of  action ;  or  of  bodily  injury, 
no  legal  remedy. 

Having  delivered  himself  thus,  Fain,  who  was  merely  the  tool  of 
others,  and  who  was  altogether  incapable  of  deporting  himself  in 
such  position  with  proper  dignity,  shook  his  head  in  a  half-persua 
sive  half-threatening  manner,  and  in  a  weak,  childish  voice  said : 

"You  had  better  go  —  you  had  better  go." 

"  0,"  rejoined  Keeder  coolly,  "perhaps  I  better  had"  Fain 
and  his  companions  immediately  left  the  room. 

There  were  about  thirty  persons  in  the  apartment  at  the  time  of 
this  occurrence.  It  was  a  small  room,  some  sixteen  by  eighteen 
feet.  When  Reeder  gave  his  decision  five  or  six  of  the  persons 
present  expressed  their  approbation ;  but  they  were  immediately 
called  to  order  by  the  sergeant-at-arms. 

Simple  as  this  matter  might  appear,  and  trivial  as  a  cause  of 
public  disturbance,  it  led  the  way  to  important  occurrences,  and 
had  been  fully  calculated  by  those  who  now  wished  to  attack  the 
people  of  Lawrence  and  Kansas  Territory. 

Fain,  as  I  have  stated,  was  a  Georgian;  and,  instead  of 
returning  directly  to  Lecompton  to  report  himself  to  his  superiors, 
he  went  down  to  Franklin,  where  at  that  time  a  band  of  Southern 
ers,  under  Capt.  Moon,  were  stationed.  There  the  alarm  was 
given,  and  soon  scouts  were  sent  to  Missouri  to  gather  in  the 
Southerners  still  stationed  there. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  a  great  misfortune  for  ..the  territory 
occurred.  In  spite  of  the  past  experience,  many  men  in  Law 
rence  and  around  it  persisted  in  believing  that,  if  all  causes  of 
offence  were  removed,  those  who  menaced  the  place  would  not 
proceed  to  extremities  against  it.  It  was  the  intention  of  the 
free-state  men  that  they  should  not,  if  possible,  be  forced  into 
hostilities  until  the  Legislature  met  in  July.  It  was  known  that 
the  territory  was  not  sufficiently  prepared  for  hostilities.  Arms 
and  ammunition  were  lacking,  and  the  men  were  not  drilled. 


MARSHAL   DONALDSON    DECLARES   WAR.  273 

Before  tho  difficulties  above  narrated  had  occurred,  it  had  been 
determined  that  Governor  Robinson  should  go  to  the  North  and 
East,  and  endeavor  to  secure  what  was  needed  to  meet  the  im 
pending  struggle.  From  the  information  that  reached  the  ter 
ritory  through  reliable  channels,  it  was  known  that  the  governors 
and  officers  of  many  of  the  Southern  States  had  given  their  pledge 
to  the  Missourians,  who  were  leading  the  contest,  that  they  would 
sustain  them  in  it,  come  what  might.  Under  such  circumstances, 
and  with  the  prospect  of  a  bloody  civil  war,  Charles  liobinson,  as 
governor  of  the  new  state,  could  not  but  feel  the  responsibility  of 
exposing  those  he  had  thus  been  called  on  to  protect,  to  such  a 
hazard,  without  having  assurances  that  Kansas  would  be  sustained 
in  case  of  such  a  death-struggle.  The  most  important  part  of  his 
mission  from  Kansas  was  to  get  pledges,  from  those  whose  influ 
ence  would  give  their  pledges  weight,  that  Kansas,  if  she  had  the 
nerve  to  meet  the  crisis  and  defy  her  conquerors,  should  not  be 
left  to  perish  alone,  if  the  South  sent  forces  into  the  territory 
to  crush  her. 

Startling  though  all  these  aspects  of  the  case  might  be, 
they  were  its  true  aspects,  and  the  dangers  feared  would  in  all 
human  probability  be  encountered.  To  provide  against  them, 
without  anticipating  them,  —  to  array  the  North  against  the 
South,  (only  to  have  some  guarantee  of  support  in  case  the 
South  did  take  the  field),  —  was  far  too  important  a  consideration 
to  be  neglected. 

When  the  threatened  disturbance,  arising  from  the  attempted 
arrest  of  Reeder,  occurred,  Governor  liobinson  had  just  been  on 
the  point  of  starting,  so  as  to  transact  the  business  required,  and 
return  before  July.  When  the  threats  of  the  deputy  marshal 
made  the  prospect  of  a  fight  probable,  Robinson  declined  to  go. 
In  this  situation  his  friends  urged  him  to  leave,  as  his  mission  was 
important,  and  it  was  not  deemed  likely  that  any  difficulty  would 
grow  out  of  the  present  affair  that  could  not  be  averted.  Besides 
the  members  of  the  committee  of  Congress  urged  him  to  take  with 
him  a  part  of  the  testimony.  There  had  been  a  conspiracy  to 
destroy  this,  as  the  border  ruffians  were  determined  that  it  should 
never  leave  the  territory.  Mrs.  Sherman,  who  had  accompanied 


274  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

her  husband  to  Kansas,  was  to  have  returned  in  company  of  Mrs. 
Robinson,  and  taken  a  duplicate  of  the  testimony  with  her ;  but, 
by  indisposition,  Mrs.  Sherman  was  prevented  from  leaving,  and 
Mrs.  Robinson  had  the  package  entrusted  to  her  charge,  as  she  was 
to  accompany  her  husband. 

Thus  it  was  that  Governor  Robinson  was  persuaded  to  leave 
Kansas  at  that  moment ;  and  yet  it  was  very  reluctantly  on  his 
part.  He  did  not  think  the  threatened  difficulty  was  one  which 
could  not  be  averted,  but  he  felt  keenly  at  leaving  with  such  a 
possibility. 

But  he  was  not  permitted  to  depart.  He  had  travelled  with 
out  concealment  or  disguise,  as  people  have  a  right  to  travel  on  a 
great  national  thoroughfare.  When  at  Lexington,  Mo.,  he  was 
violently  and  illegally  seized  by  a  mob  of  Missourians.  Mrs. 
Robinson  travelled  with  him,  and  the  following  is  her  account 
of  the  occurrence,  penned  shortly  after  : 

"  ST.  Louis,  Tuesday,  May  12,  1856. 

"  As  Governor  Robinson  and  myself  were  passing  down  the 
Missouri  river,  on  our  way  to  St.  Louis,  and  further  East,  upon 
aftairs  of  business,  we  were  taken  off  the  boat  at  Lexington,  at  the 
instigation  of  lawless  men,  they  pretending  that  Governor  Robin 
son  was  fleeing  from  an  indictment.  He  assured  the  gentlemen, 
some  eight  or  ten  in  number,  who  gathered  about  our  state-room 
door,  opening  upon  the  guard,  that  such  was  not  the  case ;  that  he 
had  heard  of  no  indictment ;  that  his  whereabouts,  whether  in 
Lawrence  or  elsewhere,  were  at  all  times  known ;  that  if  the  mar 
shal  had  desired  to  serve  such  a  process  upon  him  he  could  have 
easily  done  so,  and  he  should  have  suffered  no  resistance.  He 
told  them  also  that  he  would  never  think  to  escape  for  an  indict 
ment  for  any  political  offence ;  and,  had  he  been  doing  so,  of  all 
places  he  would  have  avoided  the  Missouri  river  and  Lexington. 
Upon  the  statement  of  a  gentleman,  that  the  delay  in  consenting 
to  leave  the  boat,  as  the  crowd  had  found  the  bar,  and  were 
drinking  freely,  only  added  to  Governor  Robinson's  danger  of 
personal  violence,  he  said,  '  Let  me  see  the  crowd,  and  I  can 
shortly  convince  them  that  I  am  not  running  from  an  arrest ;  then 


MARSHAL   DONALDSON    DECLARES   WAR.  275 

I  can  continue  on  my  journey.'  To  which  the  reply  was  given  to 
the  effect  that  he  would  be  in  immediate  danger  of  mob  violence. 
It  was  also  insisted  upon,  as  a  means  of  safety,  that  we  pass  out 
on  the  guard,  in  leaving  the  boat,  while  the  exasperated  people,  a 
'  cabin  full '  of  them,  should  be  unaware  of  our  departure.  A 
carriage  was  in  readiness  to  take  us  to  the  town.  We  were 
quartered  in  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Sawyer,  who  kindly  oflered  his 
house  as  a  place  of  safety,  the  night-guard  about  the  house  alone 
reminding  us  of  the  fact  that  Governor  Robinson  was  a  prisoner. 
I  omitted  to  mention,  in  its  proper  place,  that  the  gentlemen  upon 
first  coming  to  the  state-room  said  they  had  been  talking  to  the 
crowd  for  fifteen  minutes,  trying  to  persuade  them  to  leave  the 
boat,  but  that  none  would  be  satisfied  unless  he  remained  in  Lex 
ington  until  they  could  learn  whether  an  indictment  was  out 
against  him ;  while  others  cried,  *  Drag  him  out.'  To  Governor 
Robinson's  suggestion  that,  if  he  was  running  away  from  an 
arrest,  he  could  see  no  grounds  for  another  state  to  interfere,  one 
of  the  gentleman  replied,  *  He  did  not  wish  to  get  into  an  argu 
ment,'  etc.  Governor  Robinson  is  retained  a  prisoner,  while  I  am 
allowed  to  pass  on. 

"  I  make  this  statement  that  the  true  state  of  the  case  may  be 
known.  SARA  T.  D.  ROBINSON." 

Mrs.  Robinson,  while  she  is  a  quiet  and  unassuming  lady,  is  as 
resolute  as  she  is  high-minded  and  intelligent.  She  went  on  with 
the  testimony,  and  attended  to  the  other  business  of  her  husband 
as  far  as  she  could,  and  then  hurried  back  to  rejoin  him  in  cap 
tivity. 

Shortly  after  Governor  Robinson  left  Lawrence,  ex-Governor 
Reeder  was  also  induced  to  leave.  I  have  little  doubt  but  he  was 
urged  to  do  so  by  the  members  of  the  committee.  They  regarded 
him  as  the  stumbling-block,  and  while  this  was  merely  an  apology 
for  attack,  the^/members  of  the  commission  wished  nothing  to 
occur  that  would  put  a  stop  to  their  important  investigation. 
Reeder  left  in  disguise,  and,  after  being  concealed  for  two  weeks 
in  the  Kansas  City  Hotel,  succeeded  in  making  his  escape  down 


276  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

the  river  as  a  deck  hand  on  board  the  boat.  His  private  secretary, 
Mr.  Lowry,  accompanied  him. 

Shortly  after,  the  Commission  of  Congress  adjourned  from 
Lawrence  to  Leavenworth.  On  account  of  the  aspect  of  affairs, 
which  every  day  grew  more  threatening,  several  citizens  had 
requested  of  them  to  stay  and  use  their  influence  to  defend  the 
place.  Had  the  military  force  been  placed  at  their  disposal,  as 
the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Congress  designed,  they  would  prob 
ably  have  done  so.  But  the  executive  of  the  general  government 
had  intentionally  refused  to  afford  this  protection  to  the  com 
mittee.  It  was  therefore  that  the  committee  left  Lawrence  while 
the  danger  impended. 

On  the  llth  of  May,  Donaldson,  U.  S.  Marshal,  issued  the 
following  singular  proclamation,  which  was  soon  circulated  in  all 
the  pro-slavery  neighborhoods,  and  in  Missouri.  No  copies  of  it 
were  sent  by  the  marshal  to  Lawrence,  or  to  any  free-state  town 
or  neighborhood,  and,  as  a  consequence,  but  few  of  them  were 
circulated  in  the  territory. 

"  PROCLAMATION. 

"To  THE  PEOPLE  or  KANSAS  TERRITORY: 

"  Whereas,  certain  judicial  writs  of  arrest  have  been  directed  to 
me  by  the  First  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  etc.,  to  be 
executed  within  the  County  of  Douglas,  and  whereas  an  attempt 
to  execute  them  by  the  United  States  Deputy  Marshal  was  evi 
dently  resisted  by  a  large  number  of  the  citizens  of  Lawrence, 
and  as  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  thtit  any  attempt  to  execute 
these  writs  will  be  resisted  by  a  large  body  of  armed  men ;  now, 
therefore,  the  law-abiding  citizens  of  the  territory  are  commanded 
to  be  and  appear  at  Lecompton,  as  soon  as  practicable,  and  in 
numbers  sufficient  for  the  execution  of  the  law. 

"  Given  under  my  hand  this  llth  day  of  May,  1856. 

"  J.  B.  DONALDSON, 
"United  States  Marshal  for  Kansas  Territory" 

"P.  S.  No  liability  for  expenses  will  be  incurred  by  the 
United  States  until  its  consent  is  obtained. 

»  J.  B.  D.,  U.  S.  M." 


MARSHAL    DONALDSON    DECLARES   WAR.  277 

Prior  to  the  issue  of  this  proclamation,  the  Southern  regiment, 
who  doubtless  anticipated  it,  had  come  up  in  armed  bands  into 
the  territory,  and  were  committing  depredations,  and  stopping  and 
molesting  people,  and  made  threats  that  they  were  going  to 
destroy  Lawrence.  On  this  account,  the  following  letter  was 
called  out : 

"  LAWRENCE  CITY,  May  Ilth,  1856. 
"  To  His  EXCELLENCY,  WILSON  SHANNON,  GOVERNOR  OF  KANSAS 

TERRITORY  — 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  The  undersigned  are  charged  with  the  duty  of 
communicating  to  your  Excellency  the  following  preamble  and 
resolution,  adopted  at  a  public  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  this 
place  at  seven  o'clock  last  evening,  viz. : 

"  '  Whereas,  we  have  the  most  reliable  information  from  vari 
ous  parts  of  the  territory,  and  the  adjoining  State  of  Missouri,  of 
the  organization  of  guerilla  bands,  who  threaten  the  destruction 
of  our  town  and  its  citizens  ;  therefore, 

"  '  Resolved,  That  Messrs.  Topliff,  Hutchinson  and  Roberts,  con 
stitute  a  committee  to  inform  his  Excellency  of  these  facts,  and  ,to 
call  upon  him,  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  Lawrence,  for  pro 
tection  against  such  bands,  by  the  United  States  troops  at  his 
disposal.' 

"  All  of  which  is  very  respectfully  submitted,  etc. 

"  C.  W.  TOPLIFF, 
«  W.  Y.  EGBERTS, 
"JoiiN  HUTCHINSON." 

On  receiving  this  letter  Governor  Shannon  held  a  consultation 
with  the  pro-slavery  leaders  at  Lecompton.  This  council  was  not 
confined  to  the  federal  officers,  although  all  of  these  were  pro- 
slavery  over  the  eyes.  Buford  and  Colonel  Titus,  the  one  a 
recently-imported  Alabamian,  and  the  other  from  Florida,  and 
several  others  of  the  avowed  conquerors  of  Kansas,  were  admitted 
into  that  executive  conclave.  The  following  ambiguous,  but  dis 
creditable  letter  was  the  product : 
24 


278  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

"  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  May  12, 1856.  > 
LECOMPTOX,  K.  T.  > 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  Your  note  of  the  eleventh  inst.  is  received,  and, 
in  reply,  I  have  to  state  that  there  is  no  force  around  or  ap 
proaching  Lawrence,  except  the  legally  constituted  posse  of  the 
United  States  Marshal  and  Sheriff  of  Douglas  County,  each  of 
whom,  I  am  informed,  have  a  number  of  writs  in  their  hands  for 
execution  against  persons  now  in  Lawrence.  I  shall  in  no  way 
interfere  with  either  of  these  officers  in  the  discharge  of  their 
official  duties. 

"  If  the  citizens  of  Lawrence  submit  themselves  to  the  territorial 
laws,  and  aid  and  assist  the  Marshal  and  Sheriff  in  the  execution 
of  processes  in  their  hands,  as  all  good  citizens  are  bound  to  do 
when  called  on,  they,  or  all  such  will  entitle  themselves  to  the 
protection  of  the  law.  But  so  long  as  they  keep  up  a  military 
or  armed  organization  to  resist  the  territorial  laws  and  the  officers 
charged  with  their  execution,  I  shall  not  interpose  to  save  them 
from  the  legitimate  consequences  of  their  illegal  acts. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be  yours,  with  great  respect, 

"  WILSON  SHANNON. 
"  Messrs.  C.  W.  TOPLIFF,  JOHN  HUTCHINSON,  W.  Y.  ROBERTS." 

This  harsh  and  partisan  letter  from  the  governor,  under  such 
circumstances,  could  not  be  regarded  as  anything  short  of  a 
declaration  of  war. 

As  the  citizens  of  Lawrence  were  anxious  to  avert  troubles,  if 
possible,  a  meeting  was  held,  and  the  following  action  taken  : 

"  Whereas,  by  a  proclamation  to  the  people  of  Kansas  Ter 
ritory,  by  J.  B.  Donaldson,  United  States  Marshal  for  said  ter 
ritory,  issued  on  the  llth  day  of  May,  1856,  it  is  alleged  that 
*  Certain  judicial  writs  of  arrest  have  been  directed  to  him  by  the 
First  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  etc.,  to  be  executed 
within  the  County  of  Douglas,  and  that  an  attempt  to  execute 
them  by  the  United  States  Deputy  Marshal  was  violently  resisted 
by  a  large  number  of  the  citizens  of  Lawrence,  and  that  there  is 
every  reason  to  believe  that  any  attempt  to  execute  said  writs 
will  be  resisted  by  a  large  body  of  armed  men  ;'  therefore, 


MARSHAL    DONALDSOX   DECLARES  WAR.  279 

"  Resolved,  By  this  public  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Lawrence, 
held  this  thirteenth  day  of  May,  1856,  that  the  allegations  and 
oharges  against  us,  contained  in  the  aforesaid  proclamation,  are 
wholly  untrue  in  fact,  and  the  conclusion  which  is  drawn  from 
them.  The  aforesaid  deputy  marshal  was  resisted  in  no  manner 
whatever,  nor  by  any  person  whatever,  in  the  execution  of  said 
writs,  except  by  him  whose  arrest  the  said  deputy  marshal  was 
seeking  to  make.  And  that  we  now,  as  we  have  done  heretofore, 
declare  our  willingness  and  determination,  without  resistance,  to 
acquiesce  in  the  service  upon  us  of  any  judicial  writs  against  us 
by  the  United  States  Marshal  for  Kansas  Territory,  and  will  fur 
nish  him  with  a  posse  for  that  purpose,  if  so  requested  ;  but  that 
we  are  ready  to  resist,  if  need  be,  unto  death,  the  ravages  and 
desolation  of  an  invading  mob. 

" J.  A.  WAKEFIELD,  President" 

These  resolutions  were  forwarded  to  the  marshal  and  to  Gov 
ernor  Shannon. 

As  I  have  said,  the  marshal  never  sent  a  copy  of  his  proclama 
tion  to  Lawrence.  The  copy  that  reached  Lawrence  was  sent  to 
me  from  Lecompton  by  one  of  my  agents,  and  was  received  a  few 
hours  after  it  was  issued.  I  carried  it  into  the  chamber  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety,  which  held  a  meeting  that  night.  Its  meet 
ings  were  private.  Several  proposals  were  made,  but  the  major 
ity  were  unwilling  to  do  anything.  Lieutenant-Governor  Roberts 
and  Colonel  Holiday  were  opposed  to  any  defence  being  made. 
Holiday  urged  that  it  was  a  busy  season,  and  the  farmers  could 
not  be  taken  from  their  farms  to  sustain  another  siege  at  that 
season  without  great  loss.  Others  urged  that  the  merchants  and 
business  men  had  advanced  provisions,  stores,  and  goods,  during 
the  Wakarusa  war,  and  had  got  pay  only  for  a  small  part  of  it, 
and  could  not  advance  anything  more  to  defend  the  place. 

Dietzler  and  several  other  members  of  the  committee  were  in 
favor  of  defending  the  place  against  the  marshal's  posse.  The 
discussion  was  vague,  pointless,  and  unsatisfactory.  There  was 
no  one  to  take  the  lead.  One  proposal  was  that  efforts  be  made 
to  see  that  three  or  four  hundred  men,  armed  only  with  pistols 


280  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

and  other  side-arms,  should  go  to  Lecompton,  and  offer  themselves 
to  Donaldson  as  his  "  posse,"  in  obedience  to  the  proclamation, 
and  demand  from  the  governor  a  share  of  the  public  arms  then  at 
Lecompton. 

The  committee  determined  that  matters  should  go  on  as  they 
were.  Roberts  declared  that  he  did  not  mean  to  go  out  of  the 
territory,  but  should  stay  and  be  arrested. 

I  mention  these  things  because  they  show  reasons  why  the 
impending  stroke  was  permitted.  Several  of  those  who  had  advo 
cated  warlike  measures  left  in  disgust.  The  people,  who,  as  a 
general  thing,  wanted  the  town  to  be  defended,  dispensed  with  the 
old  committee,  and  elected  a  new  one.  The  following  are  their 
names,  composed  in  part  of  the  first :  William  Y.  Roberts,  G.  W. 
Dietzler,  Lyman  Allen,  John  A.  Perry,  C.  W.  Babcock,  S.  B. 
Prentiss,  A.  II.  Mallory,  Joel  Grover.  A  few  days  after  its 
selection,  Mr.  S.  C.  Pomeroy  arrived  from  the  East,  where  he 
had  been  on  the  business  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society,  and  was 
admitted  as  a  member. 

A  change  of  rulers  does  not  always  bring  a  change  of  policy ; 
this  second  committee  was  more  pacific  than  the  first,  although 
selected  by  the  people  with  the  expectation  that  resistance  might 
be  made.  In  fact  it  was  the  federal  authority  employed  that 
acted  as  a  dead  weight  on  them. 

Whether  it  was  owing  to  the  proclamation,  or  preconceived 
arrangement,  Marshal  Donaldson's  posse  grew  with  frightful  rapid 
ity.  The  whole  country  was  soon  in  a  state  of  warlike  confusion ; 
that  is,  as  warlike  as  a  country  can  be  when  the  demonstrations  are 
all  on  one  side.  As  the  molestation  of  travellers  was  frequent 
another  meeting  was  held,  of  which  Dietzler  was  chairman,  arid 
J.  H.  Green  secretary.  This  meeting  passed  resolutions  similar 
to  those  adopted  at  the  first  meeting.  These  resolutions  were 
sent  to  Lecompton  with  the  following  letter,  which  was  signed  by 
Robert  Morrow,  Lyman  Allen,  and  Jno.  Hutchinson : 

"  LAWRENCE,  May  14,  1856. 
"  J.  B.  DONALDSON,  U.  S.  MARSHAL  FOR  K.  T.  — 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  We  have  seen  a  proclamation  issued  by  yourself, 
dated  llth  May,  inst,  and  also  have  reliable  information  this 


MARSHAL    DONALDSON   DECLARES   WAR.  281 

morning  that  large  bodies  of  armed  men,  in  pursuance  of  your 
proclamation,  have  assembled  in  the  vicinity  of  Lawrence.  That 
there  may  be  no  misunderstanding,  we  ask,  respectfully,  that  we 
be  reliably  informed  what  are  the  demands  against  us.  We 
desire  to  state,  most  truthfully  and  earnestly,  that  no  opposition 
whatever  will  now,  or  at  any  future  time,  be  offered  to  the  execu 
tion  of  any  legal  process  by  yourself,  or  any  person  acting  for 
you.  We  also  pledge  ourselves  to  assist  you,  if  called  upon,  in 
the  execution  of  any  legal  process. 

"  We  declare  ourselves  to  be  order-loving  and  law-abiding  citi 
zens  ;  arid  only  await  an  opportunity  to  testify  our  fidelity  to  the 
laws  of  the  country,  the  constitution,  and  the  Union. 

"  We  are  informed,  also,  that  those  men  collecting  about  Law 
rence  openly  declare  that  it  is  their  intention  to  destroy  the  town 
and  drive  off  the  citizens.  Of  course  we  do  not  believe  you  give 
any  countenance  to  such  threats ;  but,  in  view  of  the  excited  state 
of  the  public  mind,  we  ask  protection  of  the  constituted  author 
ities  of  the  government,  declaring  ourselves  in  readiness  to  coop 
erate  with  them  for  the  maintenance  of  the  peace,  order,  and 
quiet,  of  the  community  in  which  we  live." 

To  this  Marshal  Donaldson  sent  the  following  reply,  in  which 
an  officer,  under  circumstances  of  the  utmost  importance,  descends 
to  sneering  insults  and  irony,  and  treats  the  people,  he  should  have 
protected,  as  enemies : 

"OFFICE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  MARSHAL,) 
LECOMPTON,  K.  T.,  May  15,  185G.      5 

u  MESSRS.  G.  W.  DIETZLER  AND  J.  H.  GREEN,  LAWRENCE,  K.  T. — 
"  On  yesterday  I  received  a  communication  addressed  to  me, 
signed  by  one  of  you  as  president,  and  the  other  as  secretary, 
purporting  to  have  been  adopted  by  a  meeting  of  the  citizens 
of  Lawrence,  held  on  yesterday  morning.  After  speaking  of  a 
proclamation  issued  by  myself,  you  state,  'that  there  may  be  no 
misunderstanding,  we  beg  leave  to  ask,  respectfully,  that  we  may 
be  reliably  informed  what  are  the  demands  against  us?  We  de 
sire  most  truthfully  and  earnestly  to  declare  that  no  opposition 
whatever  will  now,  or  at  any  future  time,  be  offered  to  the  exe- 
24* 


282  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

cution  of  any  legal  process  by  yourself,  or  any  person  acting  for 
you.  We  also  pledge  ourselves  to  assist  you,  if  called  upon,  in 
the  execution  of  any  legal  process,'  etc. 

"  From  your  professed  ignorance  of  the  demands  against  you, 
I  must  conclude  that  you  are  strangers,  not  citizens,  of  Lawrence, 
or  of  recent  date,  or  been  absent  for  some  time  ;  more  particularly 
when  an  attempt  was  made  by  my  deputy  to  execute  the  process 
of  the  First  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  Kansas  Ter 
ritory  against  ex-Governor  Reeder,  when. he  made  a  speech  in  the 
room  and  presence  of  the  Congressional  Committee,  and  denied 
the  authority  and  power  of  said  court,  and  threatened  the  life  of 
said  deputy  if  he  attempted  to  execute  said  process ;  which  speech 
and  defiant  threats  were  loudly  applauded  by  some  one  or  two  of 
the  citizens  of  Lawrence,  who  had  assembled  at  the  room  on  learn 
ing  the  business  of  the  marshal,  and  made  such  hostile  demon 
strations  that  the  deputy  thought  he  and  his  small  posse  would 
endanger  their  lives  in  executing  said  process. 

"  Your  declaration,  that  you  '  will  truthfully  and  earnestly  offer 
no  opposition  now,  nor  at  any  future  time,  to  the  execution  of  any 
legal  process,'  etc.,  is,  indeed,  difficult  to  understand.  May  I  ask, 
gentlemen,  what  has  produced  this  wonderful  change  in  the  minds 
of  the  people  of  Lawrence?  Have  their  eyes  been  suddenly 
opened  so  that  they  are  now  able  to  see  that  there  are  laws  in 
force  in  Kansas  Territory  that  should  be  obeyed  ?  Or  is  it  that 
just  now  those  for  whom  I  have  writs  have  sought  refuge  else 
where  ?  Or  it  may  possibly  be  that  you,  now,  as  heretofore, 
expect  to  screen  yourselves  behind  the  word  '  legal,'  so  signifi 
cantly  used  by  you.  How  am  I  to  rely  on  your  pledges,  when  I 
am  well  aware  that  the  whole  population  is  armed  and  drilled,  and 
the  whole  town  fortified ;  when,  too,  I  recollect  the  meetings  and 
resolutions  adopted  in  Lawrence,  and  elsewhere  in  the  territory, 
openly  defying  the  law  and  the  officers  thereof,  and  threatening  to 
resist  the  same  to  a  bloody  issue,  and  recently  verified  in  the  at 
tempted  assassination  of  Sheriff  Jones  while  in  the  discharge  of 
his  official  duties  in  Lawrence?  Are  you  strangers  to  all  these 
things  ?  Surely  you  must  be  strangers  in  Lawrence  !  If  no  out 
rages  have  been  committed  by  the  outlaws  in  Lawrence  against 


MARSHAL    DONALDSON   DECLARES   WAR.  283 

ie  laws  of  the  land,  they  need  not  fear  any  posse  of  mine.  But 
must  take  tlie  liberty  of  executing  all  processes  in  my  hands,  as 
bp.  United  States  Marshal,  in  my  own  time  and  manner,  and  shall 
nly  use  such  power  as  is  authorized  by  law.  You  say  you  call 
pon  the  constituted  authorities  of  the  government  for  protection, 
'his,  indeed,  sounds  strange  from  a  large  body  of  men  armed  with 
sharpe's  rifles,  and  other  implements  of  war,  bound  together  by 
aths  and  pledges,  to  resist  the  laws  of  the  government  they  call 
ri  for  protection.  All  persons  in  Kansas  Territory,  without  re- 
;ard  to  location,  who  honestly  submit  to  the  constituted  author- 
ties,  will  ever  find  me  ready  to  aid  in  protecting  them  ;  and  all 
fho  seek  to  resist  the  laws  of  the  land,  and  turn  traitors  to  their 
ountry,  will  find  me  aiding  and  enforcing  the  laws,  if  not  as  an 
fficer  as  a  citizen.  "  Respectfully  yours, 

"  J.  B.  DONALDSON, 

"17.  S.  Marshal  of  K  T." 

It  is  but  justice  to  Donaldson  to  say  that  he  did  not  write  that 
jtter,  for  he  could  not.  Some  border  ruffian  scribe,  of  unusual 
mligtiity  and  literary  excellence,  most  certainly  penned  it. 

In  the  early  part  of  this  difficulty  Captain  Walker,  a  free-state 
aptain  of  volunteers,  had  been  sent  with  a  letter  to  Lecompton. 
)n  his  return  he  was  pursued  by  these  Southerners  and  fired  upon, 
lessrs.  Babcock,  Roberts,  and  Mr.  Miller,  former  editor  of  the 
?ree  State,  went  up  to  Lecompton  to  see  the  governor,  and  try  to 
et  the  matter  arranged.  They  failed,  of  course.  On  their  return 
tiey  were  waylaid,  when  but  a  short  distance  from  Lecompton,  by 
band  of  South  Carolinians,  who  took  Mr.  Miller  prisoner.  These 
len  were  part  of  the  posse. 

Mr.  Miller  was  originally  from  South  Carolina  ;  and,  as  he  had 
entured  to  be  a  free-state  man  in  Kansas,  they  made  up  what  they 
rere  pleased  to  consider  a  court  from  amongst  their  own  number, 
nd,  placing  Mr.  Miller  before  it,  tried  him  for  treason  to  South 
Carolina.  After  a  hard  effort  some  of  the  Carolinians,  who  knew 
lim,  and  felt  friendly,  contrived  to  prevent  his  being  hung, 
.Ithough  he  was  found  guilty.  He  got  off  after  losing  his  horse 
,nd  money. 


284  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

It  was  about  the  same  time  that  Mr.  Weaver,  a  sergeant-at- 
arms  of  the  Kansas  Commission,  was  arrested  while  in  the  dis 
charge  of  his  duty,  and  taken  across  the  Kansas  river  into  the 
South  Carolina  camp,  which  formed  part  of  Marshal  Farm's  posse. 
Mr.  Weaver,  when  taken,  was  travelling  in  company  with  a  dra 
goon  he  had  met  on  the  way.  The  dragoon  was  also  taken.  They 
questioned  this  blue-jacketed  and  yellow-trimmed  hero,  as  to 
"  What  the  devil  he  meant  by  riding  through  the  country  with  a 
d — d  abolitionist?"  Thinking  it  now  safe,  they  concluded  *to 
let  the  dragoon  go,  but  kept  Mr.  Weaver.  This  gentleman  showed 
his  papers,  and  wished  to  be  released,  as  he  was  a  United  States 
officer.  His  papers  got  a  very  critical  examination  before  the 
captain  first;  then  something  that  passed  for  a  major,  and  finally 
every  ruffian,  gentle  or  simple,  had  to  have  a  peep  at  them.  All 
this  investigation  did  not  procure  his  liberation.  He  was  taken 
to  the  head-quarters  of  the  chief  Carolinian  then  in  command,  a 
Colonel  Wilkes.  This  colonel  hunted  up  a  General  Craimes, 
whom  he  got  to  help  him  in  the  investigation.  After  giving 
Weaver's  papers  a  thorough  and  critical  investigation,  the  colonel, 
with  his  genera],  pronounced  them  "  all  very  good,"  and  expressed 
as  their  opinion  that  he  ought  to  be  permitted  to  pass.  On  the 
request  of  Weaver,  a  pass  was  given  him,  so  that  he  could  get 
through  all  armed  parties  he  would  meet.  This  document  was 
signed  "  Warren  D.  Wilkes,  of  South  Carolina."  The  colonel 
very  considerately  suggested  to  Mr.  Weaver  that,  if  he  was  hailed 
by  any  party,  he  had  better  answer  promptly;  otherwise  he 
might  be  shot. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  another  letter  sent  by  the  people  of 
Lawrence  to  Lecompton : 

"  LAWRENCE,  K.  T.,  May  17,  1856. 
"  J.  B.  DONALDSON,  U.  S.  MARSHAL  OF  K.  T.  - 

"DEAR  SIR:  We  desire  to  call  your  attention,  as  citizens  of 
Kansas,  to  the  fact  that  a  large  force  of  armed  men  have  collected 
in  the  vicinity  of  Lawrence,  and  are  engaged  in  committing  depre 
dations  upon  our  citizens  ;  stopping  wagons,  arresting,  threatening, 
and  robbing  unoffending  travellers  upon  the  highway,  breaking 
open  boxes  of  merchandise,  and  appropriating  their  contents  ; 


MARSHAL   DONALDSON   DECLARES   WAR.  285 

iave  slaughtered  cattle,  and  terrified  many  of  the  women  and 
ihildreu. 

"  We  have  also  learned  from  Governor  Shannon,  '  that  there 
ire  no  armed  forces  in  the  vicinity  of  this  place  but  the  regularly 
:onstituted  militia  of  the  territory ;' — this  is  to  ask  if  you  recognize 
hem  as  yom-  posse,  and  feel  responsible  for  their  acts.  If  you  do 
lot,  we  hope  and  trust  you  will  prevent  a  repetition  of  such  acts, 
ind  give  peace,  to  the  settlers. 

"  On  behalf  of  the  citizens, 

"  C.  W.  BABCOCK, 
"  LYJIAN  ALLEN, 
"  J.  A.  PERRY." 

To  this  letter  the  marshal  did  not  deem  it  necessary  to  reply. 

An  armed  force  was  thus  concentrating  round  Lawrence.  Their 
;amps  and  posts  were  drawing  nearer  and  nearer.  Missourians, 
resh  from  different  parts  of  the  state,  and  some  of  them  pretend- 
ng  to  be  Georgians,  were  collected  close  to  Lawrence,  and  threat- 
med  the  town  with  destruction.  They  stole,  or,  as  they  expressed 
t,  "  pressed  "  all  the  horses  belonging  to  free-state  men  that  they 
ould  find.  A  large  number  of  valuable  horses  were  taken  around 
jawrence  in  this  way.  Cattle  were  taken  from  the  settlers  and 
[riven  into  the  camp  for  beef.  Property  of  all  kinds,  especially 
.rms,  they  took  whenever  they  got  an  opportunity.  Mr.  Stowell 
iad  gone  down  to  Kansas  city,  Mo.,  after  some  fifty  breech-load- 
Dg  guns  of  an  old  pattern.  Queer-looking,  alligator  guns  these 
Fere,  for  we  recaptured  some  of  them  when  the  war  broke  out. 
IVhile  driving  through  the  town  pf  Franklin,  on  the  way  back  at 
light,  he  was  stopped  by  a  party  of  Georgians,  under  Captain 
Hoon,  who  searched  the  wagons  and  seized  the  guns.  While 
hey  were  attacking  the  wagons  Mr.  Stowell  made  his  escape, 
[his  was  an  unfortunate  affair  for  the  people  of  Lawrence,  as  arms 
vere  scarce. 

At  the  time  these  guns  were  taken  the  fight  ought  to  have  com- 
oenced.  They  had  been  taken,  without  even  the  pretence  of 
iiithority,  on  the  highway,  and  the  Lawrence  companies  ought  to 
iave  marched  down  and  retaken  them.  When  the  news  of  the 


286  THE  CONQUEST  OF  KANSAS. 

capture  was  brought  up  they  were  prepared  to  do  so.  Drums 
were  beat  and  men  mustered,  but  just  as  they  were  ready  to  start 
the  Committee  of  Safety  took  the  matter  into  consideration,  and 
ordered  that  they  should  not  go  down.  There  were  some  bitter 
imprecations  in  Lawrence  that  night. 

Another  more  startling  event  occurred.  A  young  man  named 
Jones,  who  had  emigrated  to  the  territory  from  Illinois,  was 
attacked,  near  Blanton's  Bridge,  by  two  of  these  young  Southern 
ers,  belonging  to  the  posse.  Armed  parties  of  these  were  scouring 
the  county  in  all  directions.  Jones  had  been  to  a  store  to  get 
some  flour,  which  he  had  with  him  on  the  horse.  He  was  close  to 
a  store  at  the  end  of  the  bridge,  when  they  attacked  him ;  they 
were  armed  with  United  States  muskets  and  bayonets.  These 
arms  were  Mississippi  rifles,  as  they  are  called.  They  were  public 
arms,  belonging  to  the  territory,  in  the  charge  of  Governor  Shan 
non,  and  with  his  permission  given  to  these  young  Southerners 
and  Missourians,  who  formed  the  posse. 

When  Jones  was  attacked  by  these  two  men  he  dismounted  and 
went  into  the  store.  While  there  they  entered  and  attacked  him. 
A  person  present  in  the  store  handed  Jones  a  pistol,  whereupon 
the  men  raised  their  pieces  and  threatened  to  shoot  him  unless  hej 
gave  it  up.  The  person  in  the  store  again  got  it,  when  an  alter 
cation  between  him  and  the  two  men  ensued ;  Jones  left,  got  on 
his  horse,  and  started  for  home.  The  two  men  followed  him,  swear 
ing  that  the  abolitionist  should  not  escape.  They  fired  at  him  ;  he 
fell  mortally  wounded,  and  died  during  the  day,  or  before  next 
morning.  The  murderers  immediately  left. 

About  noon  the  report  of  this  occurrence  reached  Lawrence,  and 
excited  great  indignation.  A  few  young  men,  amongst  whom  was 
Mr.  Stewart,  formerly  from  the  State  of  New  York,  and  who  had 
been  employed  as  clerk  by  the  codifying  committee,  a  Mr.  Cook, 
also  of  New  York,  Mr.  Lenhart,  and  two  others,  started  for  Blan 
ton's  Bridge  to  see  about  it ;  determined,  if  possible,  to  find  the 
murderers.  They  were  armed  with  Sharpe's  rifles,  and  some  of 
them  had  revolvers.  They  had  gone  but  a  short  distance,  and 
were  just  at  the  California  road,  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Lawrence, 
when  tiiov  -ivmed  men  rldin-T  down  the  California  road 


MARSHAL   DONALDSON    DECLARES   WAR.  287 

in  the  direction  of  Franklin.  The  two  roads  are  at  right  angles 
with  each  other,  and  the  parties  were  likely  to  meet  at  the  point 
where  they  cross.  Stewart  insisted  on  hailing  them,  and  asking  if 
;hey  knew  of  the  Jones  affair,  as  perhaps  they  were  the  men.  The 
others  demurred  to  this,  when  Stewart  said,  "  What  did  we  come 
:br?  Are  we  afraid  to  speak  to  these  men?  "  At  this  the  young 
men,  who  were  all  mere  boys,  marched  forward. 

When  the  men  came  forward  Stewart  asked  where  they  were 
;oing? 

11  Where  we  d — n  please !  "  was  the  reply. 

"Who,  and  what  are  you  ?  "  said  Stewart. 

"  That 's  none  of  your  d — d  business ! "  was  the  reply,  and  both 
men,  who  were  armed  with  Sharpe's  rifles,  raised  them ;  one  of 
them  took  deliberate  aim  at  Stewart,  saying,  "  D — n  you,  I  know 
who  you  are."  The  boys  instantly  raised  their  guns,  and  one  of 
them  attempted  to  shoot ;  his  cap  bursting,  the  piece  did  not  go  off. 
At  the  same  instant  the  two  men  fired,  one  of  them  shooting  Stew 
art  through  the  head,  the  ball  entering  his  temple  and  killing  him 
instantly.  He  reeled  an  instant  and  fell  dead  on  the  road.  All 
of  the  young  men  attempted  to  fire,  but  all  their  guns  snappec}. 
The  two  pro-slavery  men  rode  x>ff  rapidly.  Mr.  Cook,  finding  his 
rifle  would  not  go,  drew  his  revolver  and  started  after  them,  on 
foot,  as  fast  as  he  could  run,  discharging  his  revolver  at  them. 
One  of  the  men,  the  one  who  shot  Stewart,  was  wounded  in  the 
arm,  and  dropped  his  Sharpe's  rifle,  which  he  had  just  loaded. 
Several  of  the  pistol  bullets  went  through  their  clothes. 

The  young  men  lifted  the  body  of  their  dead  comrade  and  carried 
him  back  to  Lawrence.  None  of  the  citizens  had  been  aware  of 
their  enterprise,  or  its  object,  until  the  body  was  conveyed  through 
the  streets  towards  the  Free-State  Hotel.  Mr.  Eldridge  was 
unwilling  that  it  should  be  laid  there,  and  it  was  taken  to  a  house 
which  had  been  used  as  a  guard-house.  Marshal  Fain  was  in 
the  Free-State  Hotel  at  the  time. 

All  this  time  the  citizens  of  Lawrence  had  made  no  preparations 
for  defence,  and,  as  the  marshal,  who  had  charge  of  the  posse, 
was  a  United  States  officer,  they  determined  to  make  none.  The 
people  clamored,  and  wished  that  the  hordes  of  villains  be  driven 


288  THE    CONQUEST  OF   KANSAS. 

back,  but  it  was  overruled.  Companies  were  formed  in  different 
parts  of  the  territory,  and  some  of  them  marched  towards  Law 
rence,  but  their  services  were  refused  by  the  committee. 

By  this  time  the  enemy,  still  timorous,  were  concentrating  their 
forces  closer  and  closer  to  Lawrence,  and  ex-senator  Atchison, 
with  the  Platte  County  Rifles  and  two  brass  cannon,  was  approach 
ing  the  doomed  town  from  the  north,  over  the  Delaware  reserve. 

During  the  whole  of  this  preparation  against  Lawrence,  the 
most  urgent  appeals  had  been  made  to  Colonel  Sumner  to  defend 
the  town ;  not  only  by  its  citizens,  but  by  members  of  the  con 
gressional  committee,  and  other  influential  third  parties.  These 
were  made  in  vain. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

SACKING   OF   LAWRENCE. 


290  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

the  same  point.  General  Stringfellow  had  crossed  from  Missouri 
to  Atchison,  and  reinforced  by  his  brother,  the  doctor  (who 
is  the  more  eminent  of  the  two),  and  the  infamous  Bob  Kelly, 
Stringfellow's  law  partner  Abell,  and  several  other  pro-slavery 
men  there,  had  gone  to  Lecompton.  Colonel  Boone,  from  West- 
port,  with  several  other  pro-slavery  leaders  from  that  place,  and 
also  from  Liberty  and  Independence,  at  the  head  of  bodies  of 
armed  men,  or  to  take  command  of  companies  that  had  preceded 
them,  marched  across  the  frontiers  a  day  or  two  before  the  twenty- 
first.  On  the  evening  of  the  twentieth  Atchison  and  the  String- 
fellows  had  reinforced  the  different  camps  under  Colonel  Wilkes,  of 
Carolina,  and  Colonel  Titus,  of  Florida,  who  were  camped  between 
Lecompton  and  Lawrence.  At  the  same  time  the  Missourians 
and  their  Southern  allies  from  the  eastern  frontier  were  encamped 
at  Franklin,  on  the  other  or  south-eastern  side  of  Lawrence,  under 
Colonel  Buford.  The  forces  thus  congregated  numbered  from 
five  to  eight  hundred  men.  Part  of  these  were  mounted,  part  of 
them  on  foot.  They  were  mostly  armed,  Missourians,  Carolinians, 
Georgians,  Alabamians  and  all,  with  Mississippi  rifles  and  bayo 
nets.  These  arms  were  United  States  arms ;  they  belonged  to  the 
territory,  and  were  in  charge  of  the  federal*  appointees  of  Kansas. 
Besides  the  artillery  brought  by  Atchison,  there  were  other  two 
pieces  of  cannon  in  the  hands  of  these  men.  The  camp  towards 
Lecompton  broke  up  before  daylight  on  the  twenty-first,  and,  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Titus,  marched  for  Lawrence. 

Shortly  after  sunrise  the  inhabitants  of  Lawrence  saw  the 
advanced  guard  of  this  army,  some  two  hundred  horsemen,  drawn 
up  on  Mount  Oread,  on  the  highest  point,  some  two  hundred  yards 
behind  Governor  Hobinson's  house.  They  were  armed,  as  I  have 
mentioned,  and  also  in  an  irregular  way,  with  revolvers  and  bowie- 
knives.  These  men  had  halted  on  the  top  of  the  hill,  and  looked 
down  on  Lawrence.  The  town  was  perfectly  quiet.  Its  inhab 
itants  were  shaking  off  their  slumbers;  those  already  astir  were 
going  quietly  about  their  avocations.  No  guns  were  planted  upon 
the  embankments.  No  lines  of  riflemen  were  drawn  up.  The 
cry  was,  "Peace!  peace!  when  there  was  no  peace."  There  were 
but  few  men  then  in  Lawrence ;  for,  when  the  committee  decreed 


SACKING   OF   LAWRENCE.  291 

that  there  should  be  no  resistance,  many  of  the  fighting  men  left 
the  town,  where  they  would  only  have  been  needlessly  exposed. 
The  few  men  then  in  town  were  without  a  tried  leader,  round 
whom  they  could  rally.  At  that  moment, 

"  A  leader  in  that  hapless  town 

Were  worth  a  thousand  men  !  " 

***** 
"  0,  for  a  blast  of  that  dread  horn 

On  Fontarabia's  deserts  blown  ! " 

But  it  was  too  late  then.  When  the  posse  was  thus  seen  col 
lected  on  Mt.  Oread  there  were  some  fluttering  amongst  timid 
hearts,  recollections  of  bloody  threats,  and  the  knowledge  of  the 
murderous  wishes  of  their  enemies.  Groups  began  to  cluster  here 
and  there  in  the  streets,  and  many  eyes  were  turned  to  the  body 
of  armed  horsemen  on  the  hill ;  but  there  was  no  demonstration 
of  resistance. 

.: -About  seven  o'clock  the  posse  moved  forward  from  the  high 
est  peak  to  the  brow  of  the  hill  nearest  the  town,  and  G-OV.  Rob 
inson's  house  was  taken  possession  of  for  head-quarters.  They 
then  planted  their  cannon  on  the  end  of  the  hill  overlooking  the 
town,  and  pointed  towards  it.  This  was  long  musket-range  from 
the  town,  but  good  range  for  breech-loading  rifles.  About  eight 
o'clock,  the  remainder  of  the  forces  from  the  camps  to  the  west, 
who  were  on  foot,  arrived  at  the  summit  of  Mt.  Oread,  and  halted 
there.  When  the  posse  first  took  possession  of  Mt.  Oread  a 
white  flag  flew  over  their  lines,  but  soon  after  a  red  one  —  thte 
war-flag  —  took  its  place;  on  this  was  inscribed,  "Southern 
Rights."  Soon  after,  a  United  States  flag,  the  "  stripes  and  stars," 
floated  beside  it. 

As  soon  as  these  forces  were  securely  posted,  Deputy  U.  S. 
Marshal  Fain,  who  was  with  Donaldson's  posse,  rode  into  Law 
rence  with  ten  men.  These  had  no  guns.  It  is  proper  to  add 
that  Deputy  Fain  had  been  in  Lawrence  the  evening  before, 
alone,  and  served  two  writs  without  molestation  ;  indeed,  he  never 
had  been  resisted  in  Lawrence.  When  Fain  came  into  town  he 
summoned  several  gentlemen  to  act  as  his  posse :  Dr.  Jarvin,  a 
pro-slavery  resident  of  Lawrence,  John  A.  Perry,  C.  W.  TopliiF, 


292  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Win.  Jones,  S.  W.  Eldridge  and  T.  B.  Eldridge.  These  gentle 
men  assisted  him.  He  then  arrested  Gen.  Dietzler  and  Judge  Gr. 
W.  Smith.  He  said  he  had  other  writs,  but  made  no  more  arrests. 
He  staid  until  after  dinner;  called  for  dinner  at  the  hotel,  where 
he,  and  the  pos.se  he  brought  with  him,  dined ;  he  left  immediately 
after,  neither  he  nor  his  companions  paying  their  bill.  He  re 
turned  to  the  posse  on  the  hill.  While  these  arrests  were  making, 
and  while  the  posse  he  had  raised  in  Lawrence  was  under  his 
orders,  and  retained  by  him,  two  of  the  number,  Mr.  Perry  and 
Col.  Topliff,  were  robbed  by  the  posse  on  the  hill.  They  lived  in 
a  house  on  the  side  of  Mt.  Oread,  near  which  the  part  of  the 
posse  on  the  hill  were  stationed.  During  the  time  they  were  wait 
ing  for  Fain  to  go  through  his  legal  manoeuvre,  they  busied  them 
selves  in  breaking  into  a  few  houses  in  the  suburbs,  and,  amongst 
other  performances,  robbed  these  gentlemen  of  several  hundred 
dollars  in  money,  a  gold  watch,  and  other  property.  It  is  proper 
to  add  that  only  a  portion  of  those  on  the  hill  were  thus  engaged. 

While  Fain  and  his  small  posse  were  in  Lawrence,  Col.  Buf'ord 
and  the  forces  from  Franklin  reinforced  them.  There  was  some 
speech-making  on  the  hill.  When  Deputy  Marshal  Fain  returned 
to  the  hill  he  briefly  addressed  the  posse,  telling  them  that  he  had 
"  got  through  with  them,  but  that  Sheriff  Jones  had  some  pro 
cesses  to  serve,  and  that  they  would  hold  themselves  in  readiness 
to  go  with  him." 

Sheriff  Jones,  the  man  who  had  been  "  murdered,"  "  shot  in  the 
spine,"  etc.,  and  over  whom  the  border  ruffian  journals  had  pro 
nounced  some  pathetic  obituaries,  rode  forward  in  the  crowd.  It 
was  no  wonder  that  the  people  of  Lawrence  now  believed  the 
story  of  his  being  shot  a  hoax;  for,  although  he  had  been  wound 
ed,  his  injury  had  been  exaggerated.  Jones  was  received  with 
enthusiastic  cheering. 

While  Fain  was  in  town  he  had  been  treated  with  great  respect 
by  those  who  had  received  or  assumed  the  privilege  of  acting  for 
the  citizens.  Some  one  or  two  of  the  "  Safety  Valve,"  as  the 
Committee  of  Safety  were  sarcastically  called,  vied  with  each  other 
in  showing  their  willingness  to  respect  authorities.  This  yielding 
spirit  was  generally  disapproved  by  the  people,  even  then,  and 


SACKING   OF   LAWRENCE.  293 

by  several  members  of  the  committee.  Whether  this  arose  from 
an  over-anxiety  about  that  first  law  of  nature,  "  Number  One,"  or 
a  too  severe  conscientiousness  regarding  the  lives  and  property 
entrusted  to  their  charge,  is  doubtful.  If  the  first,  it  was  simply 
cowardice  ;  if  the  latter,  the  sequel  proved  it  to  be  wretched  pol 
icy.  Under  the  feeling  to  which  I  allude,  a  letter  was  framed, 
addressed  to  the  marshal,  which  ran  in  the  following  words  :\ 

"  LAWRENCE,  K.  T.,  May  21,  1856. 
"  J.  B.  DONALDSON,  United  States  Marshal,  K.  T. : 

"  We,  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  for  the  citizens  of  Law 
rence,  make  this  statement  and  declaration  to  you,  as  Marshal  of 
Kansas  Territory  : 

"That  we  represent  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  of  Kan 
sas,  who  acknowledge  the  constituted  authorities  of  the  govern 
ment  ;  that  we  make  no  resistance  to  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
national  or  territorial,  and  that  we  ask  protection  of  the  govern 
ment,  and  claim  it  as  law-abiding  American  citizens. 

"  For  the  private  property  already  taken  by  your  posse  we  ask 
indemnification ;  and  what  remains  to  us  and  our  citizens  we  throw 
upon  you  for  protection,  trusting  that  under  the  flag  of  our  Union, 
and  within  the  folds  of  the  constitution,  we  may  obtain  safety. 
u  SAMUEL  C.  POMEROY,  C.  W.  BABCOCK, 
"  WT.  Y.  ROBERTS,          S.  B.  PRENTISS,    • 
"  LYMAN  ALLEN,  A.  H.  MALLORY, 

"  JOHN  PERRY,  JOEL  GROVER  " 

It  is  not  worth  while  to  make  any  comments  upon  this  let 
ter.  Every  man  may  draw  his  own  conclusions.  It  proposes 
to  relinquish  that  for  which  the  free  squatters  had  always 
contended,  —  a  position  against  the  Bogus  Legislature  and  its 
usurpations.  The  present  prostrate  condition  of  Lawrence  was 
owing  to  a  desire  to  submit  to  the  federal  or  national  author 
ities;  but  this  was  no  reason  why  there  should  be  submission 
to  tbe  territorial  laws.  Well  knowing  that  the  force  arrayed 
against  Lawrence  was  there  to  sustain  the  usurpations  of 
which  the  Bogus  Legislature  was  an  essential  part,  these  peace- 
seeking  leaders  in  Lawrence,  in  this  hour  of  peril,  framed  the 
25* 


294  THE    CONQUEST  OF   KANSAS. 

foregoing  document,  with  the  fallacious  hope  of  averting  the  storm. 
The  position  they  took  may  be  apologized  for  by  their  extreme 
peril,  but  cannot  be  justified ;  and  even  then  would  not  have  been 
sustained  by  the  people,  and  is  now  utterly  repudiated.  It  is 
proper  to  state  that  several  of  those  whose  names  are  attached  to 
the  document  declare  that  it  had  not  their  assent.  Messrs.  Allen, 
Babcock,  Mallory  and  Grover,  repudiate,  and  declare  they  did 
not  sign  it ;  some  of  these  admitting  that  they  signed  a  paper  that 
forenoon,  but  know  of  no  part  of  such  a  document  sustaining  or 
submitting  to  the  territorial  laws.  I  have  been  informed  that  Dr. 
Prentiss  was  not  present  when  it  was  drafted. 

However  humiliating  this  letter,  it  utterly  failed  in  averting 
the  blow.  It  was  only  the  prelude  to  acts  of  reckless  villany. 

It  was  nearly  three  o'clock  when  Sheriff  Jones  rode  into  town 
with  some  twenty  armed  men.  He  halted  in  front  of  the  Free- 
State  Hotel,  and  called  for  Gen.  Pomeroy.  Pomeroy  came  out 
arid  shook  hands  with  him. 

"  Gen.  Pomeroy,"  said  Jones,  "  I  recognize  you  as  one  of  the 
leading  citizens  here,  and  as  one  who  can  act  for  the  people  of 
Lawrence.  I  demand  that  all  the  arms  of  Lawrence  be  given  up, 
or  we  will  bombard  the  town."  Jones  here  took  out  his  watch, 
and  continued  :  "  I  give  you  five  minutes  to  decide  on  this  propo 
sition,  and  half  an  hour  to  stack  the  arms  in  the  streets." 

Gen.  Pomeroy  said  the  time  he  gave  was  too  short ;  but  Jones 
was  not  in  tune  to  listen  to  any  evasion ;  the  army  on  the  hill 
had  waited  too  long  already.  Pomeroy  hurried  up  stairs,  and 
communicated  with  the  Committee  of  Safety.  Only  fancy  treat 
ing  on  the  point  at  issue  under  such  circumstances!  — Jones,  with 
an  army  at  his  back,  thirsting  for  blood  and  plunder ;  the  commit 
tee,  who  had  provided  no  means  of  defence,  and  who  had  only  a 
handful  of  men  in  Lawrence,  who,  if  they  attempted  to  resist, 
would  merely  be  butchered,  unless  the  invaders  were  cowards ! 
Pomeroy  returned  to  Jones  and  informed  him  that  the  artillery  in 
Lawrence  would  be  given  up ;  but  the  Sharpens  rifles  and  other 
guns  were  private  property,  and  that  each  man  had  his  own  gun, 
and  would  not  give  them  up  upon  any  order  of  the  committee,  and 
that  Jones  would  himself  have  to  apply  for  and  get  these  from 


SACKING    OF   LAWRENCE.  295 

the  persons  who  had  them.  Like  a  prudent  general,  who  takes 
what  lie  can  get  as  it  comes,  Jones  said,  "  Very  well ;  give  up  the 
cannon."  The  artillery  in  question  consisted  of  the  twelve-pound 
l»rass  howitzer,  brought  into  Lawrence  so  gallantly  during  the 
Wakarusa  war,  and  some  four  other  small  brass  breech-loading 
cannon,  carrying  a  pound  ball.  These  latter  were  nearly  useless, 
or  could  be  of  comparatively  little  service  in  a  field  engagement, 
or  in  defending  or  assailing  any  point  or  town.  All  of  these  guns 
had  been  carefully  concealed  a  few  days  before,  having  been 
buried  under  the  foundation  of  a  house  in  town,  where  they  could 
never  have  been  found.  Gen.  Pomeroy  and  Lieut.  Gov.  Roberts 
hastened  to  give  them  up  as  a  peace-offering ;  and  they  were  dug 
up  and  surrendered  to  Jones  by  these  gentlemen.  Jones  desired 
that  they  be  taken  out  to  the  camp  outside,  and  free-state  men 
were  called  on  to  do  this  ignominious  service.  Numbers  of  those 
whom  Jones  thus  asked  haughtily  refused.  Some  of  the  men 
with  Jones  threatened  to  use  their  arms,  and  rode  at  some  of  the 
young  men  who  refused,  and  threatened  them  with  their  bayonets, 
but  did  not  intimidate  them  into  compliance.  A  few,  less  reso- 
liyte,  aided  the  ruffians  to  remove  the  guns.  ; 

{  While  this  was  going  on,  other  important  events  were  transpir 
ing.  One  of  the  threats  Jones  had  made,  if  the  guns  were  not 
given  up,  was  that  the  "  posse  "  would  come  in  town.  While  the 
guns  were  being  delivered  up,  and  a  few  Sharpe's  rifles  taken,  the 
forces  on  Mt.  Oread,  under  Atchison,  Buford,  Stringfeliow  and 
Titus,  marched  down  the  hill  towards  the  south  end  of  Lawrence, 
dragging  their  cannon  with  them.  They  formed  in  a  hollow 
square  in  the  prairie  amongst  the  houses  in  the  suburbs,  and 
there  Atchison  made  a  speech  to  them.  The  great  border  ruffian, 
ex-Senator,  ex-Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  was  not  re 
markably  sober  on  this  important  occasion.  For  several  days  he 
and  his  confreres  had  been  engaged  in  a  debauch,  in  which,  per 
haps,  they  strove  to  drown  their  knowledge  of  better  things.  He 
began  his  speech  with, 

'•  Boys,  to-day  I  'm  a  Kickapoo  Ranger,  by  G— d !  This  day 
we  have  entered  Lawrence,  and  the  abolitionists  have  not  dared 
to  fire  a  gun."  Various  reports  of  this  wild  speech  have  been 


296  THE    CONQUEST   OP   KANSAS. 

published,  but  all  more  or  less  incorrect.  It  is  an  odd  mixture 
of  drunken  enthusiasm,  restraining  forbearance,  partisan  ferocity, 
and  profanity.  He  declared  that  the  Free-State  Hotel  must  be 
destroyed,  and  the  printing  offices ;  but  told  them  they  must 
deport  themselves  as  Southern  gentlemen,  and  "  law  and  order  " 
men.  He  said  they  must  not  forget  to  be  gallant,  and  must 
respect  ladies ;  but  added,  "  if  you  find  a  woman  armed  as  a  sol 
dier,  and  thus  putting  off  the  garb  of  her  sex,  trample  her  under 
foot  as  you  would  a  snake."  He  said  the  people  of  Lawrence 
seemed  determined  not  to  resist,  and  that,  therefore,  it  would  not 
do  to  attack  them ;  but  said  that  if  there  was  the  least  appearance 
of  resistance,  no  quarter  should  be  shown.  He  alluded  to  the  dis 
tance  the  young  Southerners  had  come  to  aid  them  in  the  defence 
of  "  Southern  rights,"  and  complimented  them  on  their  zeal  and 
courage.  He  commenced  speaking  on  his  horse,  and  then  dis 
mounted,  and  got  on  a  brass  cannon,  from  which  he  spoke.  He 
was  interrupted  by  the  arrival  of  Jones,  who,  after  the  guns  had 
been  delivered  up,  rode  out  of  town.  Jones  told  them  that  he  had 
orders,  from  the  First  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for 
Kansas  (Judge  Lecompte),  to  demolish  the  hotel  and  destroy  the 
printing  offices.  Loud  and  enthusiastic  cheers  were  given  for 
Jones.  Atchison  resumed  his  speech,  telling  them,  "And  now 
we  will  go  in  with  our  highly  honorable  Jones,  and  test  the 
strength  of  that  d — d  Free-State  Hotel !  "  He  said  something 
more,  urging  them  to  bravery  and  good  order,  and  finished  by 
saying,  "  If  any  man  or  woman  stand  in  your  way,  blow  them  to 
h-li  with  a  chunk  of  cold  lead !  " 

The  army  of  invasion  formed  into  line  and  marched  into  Law 
rence.  A  motley-looking  crew  they  were  ;  many  of  them  had  red 
flannel  shirts,  with  curious  border  ruffian  devices  on  them,  so  that 
they  could  be  recognized  by  their  friends  in  travelling.  This 
scarlet  uniform  gave  them  some  little  the  appearance  of  the  "  red 
coats  ;  "  and  certainly  never  did  such  "  tories  "  march  to  desecrate 
American  soil,  or  trample  under  foot  the  rights  of  American  free 
men.  As  motley  an  assortment  of  banners  floated  over  them. 
The  flag  of  South  Carolina,  with  a  crimson  star  in  the  centre,  and 
the  motto  "  Southern  rights."  Another  flag  resembled  the  Ameri- 


SACKING    OF   LAWRENCE.  29- 

can  flag,  in  being  striped  like  it ;  but  there  were  no  stars,  and  in 
their  stead  a  rampant  tiger,  —  fit  emblem  of  the  men  it  floated 
over,  and  the  cause  it  vindicated.  Another  had  white  and  black 
alternate  stripes,  which  truly  represented  the  cursed  amalgamation 
of  races  which  is  ruining  the  slave  states,  and  which  these  nullify 
ing  filibusters  meant  to  introduce  into  Kansas,  and  to  nationalize. 
One  banner  bore  the  inscription,  "  South  Carolina ;  "  another, 
"  Supremacy  of  the  white  race,"  on  the  one  side,  and  "  Kansas 
the  outpost,"  on  the  other.  One  bore  an  inscription  in  the  shape 
of  a  sorry  distich  : 

"  You  Yankees  tremble, 

And  abolitionists  fall  ; 
Our  motto  is 
'  Southern  rights  to  all.' " 

When  they  had  passed  the  Little  Redan  earth- work  at  the  foot 
of  Massachusetts-street,  they  were  halted,  and  their  cannon  pointed 
up  the  street.  Dreadful  rumors  had  prevailed  that  the  street  was 
mined,  and  that  they  would  be  blown  to  atoms  if  they  entered  it. 
Several  of  the  young  Southerners  and  some  Missourians  were  for 
advancing  into  town ;  but  Buford,  calling  them  back,  said,  "  No 
one  must  go  in  that  street  now,  —  there  is  no  saying  what  these 
infernal  Yankees  would  do."  At  this  point  two  spies,  who  had 
been  staying  in  Lawrence  for  several  days,  stepped  up  to  Buford, 
and  told  him,  "It's  all  right,  cap'n,  —  there's  no  nrim?s  in  the 
streets.  The  stories  are  all  humbug."  After  this,  and  a  little 
more  discussion,  the  army  of  invasion  moved  forward,  and  soon 
was  in  possession  of  the  town.  Before  the  army  thus  entered, 
Jones  had  given  orders  that  all  the  women  and  children  should 
leave  the  town.  Several  had  fled  in  the  morning,  on  the  first 
appearance  of  danger,  but  most  of  them  had  remained  until  now. 
It  was  a  trying  and  sorrowful  scene  to  see  the  people  of  Lawrence 
leave  their  homes  and  fly  from  the  place.  Some  of  the  women 
were  moved  to  tears,  and  others  would  look  back,  like  Lot's  wife, 
and  freely  vent  their  indignation.  They  had  not  time  to  move 
their  effects;  and,  had  they  been  seen  taking  them  off,  they  would 
probably  have  been  stopped. 

The  first  place  attacked  was  the  printing  office  of  the  "  Free 


^0  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

State"  It  was  in  the  second  story  of  a  concrete  building.  There 
was  a  store  below.  One  of  the  ruffian  officers  entered  the  store 
and  demanded  of  the  proprietor  if  there  was  a  mine  under  the 
building  to  blow  it  up.  The  merchant  assured  him  there  was  not, 
when  the  interrogator  told  him  that  they  were  going  up  into  the 
printing  office,  and  that  if  anything  happened  he  would  hold  him 
responsible.  The  "  posse  "  or  ruffians,  either  or  both,  entered  the 
office  of  the  Free  State,  and  the  work  of  demolition  commenced. 
The  press  and  other  articles  were  first  broken,  so  as  to  be  rendered 
perfectly  useless,  and  then  thrown  into  the  Kansas  river.  As  this 
was  some  distance  to  carry  the  articles,  they  got  tired  of  it,  and 
began  throwing  the  remainder  in  the  street:  Books  and  papers 
were  thrown  in  the  street.  Many  of  these  men  got  books  they 
fancied,  and  kept  them.  Some  of  the  officers  ordered  them  to 
take  nothing,  saying,  "  These  Yankees  will  tell  stories  enough 
about  us  for  this,  ^without  our  stealing  from  them."  Colonel 
Zadoc  Jackson,  of  Georgia,  exerted  himself  to  prevent  the  plunder, 
as  did  several  others ;  they  were  prepared  for  the  most  desperate 
war  against  Freedom  and  American  rights,  but  they  had  too  much 
honor,  or  too  much  pride,  to  wish  to  occupy  the  position  of  high 
waymen.  Unfortunately,  these  officers  were  unable  to  prevent 
these  outrages,  or  restrain  the  villains  they  had  gathered  up  to 
do  their  lawless  work. 

The  office  of  the  other  paper  in  Lawrence,  the  Herald  of  Free 
dom,  was  entered  by  the  Carolinians,  shortly  after  their  compatri 
ots  had  commenced  the  work  of  demolition  in  the  Free  State  office. 
The  Herald  of  Freedom  office  is  a  tall,  narrow,  concrete  building. 
Into  this  the  gallant  "  chivalry  "  were  afraid  to  venture.  The 
dread  of  mines  and  infernal  machines  was  a  sort  of  nightmare 
with  them.  In  order  to  be  safe  in  entering  the  office  in  question, 
they  drove  some  young  men,  residents  of  the  town,  up  the  stairs 
and  into  the  building,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  How  this 
stupid  policy  was  to  demonstrate  anything,  or  afford  security,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  discover.  In  the  Herald  of  Freedom  office 
the  same  reckless  work  of  destruction  went  on.  The  presses  were 
broken  in  a  thorough  and  enlightened  manner,  which  showed  the 
hand  or  the  direction  of  a  practical  printer,  the  fragments  being 


SACKING    OF   LAWRENCE. 


2.1 


perfectly  useless.  Books  and  papers  were  thrown  out  in  the 
street,  or  stolen.  Several  members  of  the  posse  were  marching 
about  the  streets  with  books  stuck  on  the  points  of  their  bayonets. 
Others  were  tearing  books  to  shreds,  but  the  more  prudent  carried 
them  off. 

The  next  step  in  the  process  was  the  destruction  of  the  hotel. 
The  enemy  planted  their  artillery  in  front  of  the  hotel,  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  feet  distant  from  it,  across  Massachusetts-street. 
The  hotel  was  a  very  large  building,  three  full  stories  high  besides 
the  basement;  it  seemed  almost  impossible  that  they  could  miss 
it.  The  proprietor  of  the  •establishment,  Mr.  Eldridge,  was  noti 
fied  by  Jones  to  remove  his  furniture  in  a  certain  time.  This 
Mr.  Eldridge  said  he  could  not  do.  Some  of  the  posse  went  to 
work  and  began  to  carry  articles  of  furniture  out  into  the  street ; 
but  they  very  soon  got  weary  of  this,  and  found  a  task  more 
congenial.  They  discovered  the  wines  and  liquors,  a  good  stock 
of  which  was  on  hand,  and,  helping  themselves  freely  to  these  and 
to  eatables  and  cigars,  the  heroes  of  this  gallant  campaign  were 
soon  in  an  interesting  condition. 

The  hotel  was  cleared  of  people,  and  Atchison  aimed  the  first 
gun  fired  at  it.  The  worthy  ex-vice-president  was  rather  too 
tipsy  to  win  many  laurels  as  a  gunner.  He  stooped  over  the  gun. 
"  A  little  higher,  boys,  a  little  lower  —  a  little  higher.  That 's 
it,  boys ;  let  her  rip  !  "  Bang  went  the  gun,  the  ball  missing  the 
hotel  altogether,  going  clear  over  it.  The  next  gunner  was  rather 
more  successful,  putting  a  ball  through  the  top  corner  of  the 
right.  Some  fifty  rounds  were  fired,  when,  finding  it  slow  busi 
ness,  the  hotel  looking,  externally,  little  the  worse  for  it,  they 
undertook  to  blow  it  up.  Four  kegs  of  gunpowder  were  placed  in 
it,  but  only  two  of  them  exploded,  and  they  made  little  report, 
and  still  less  impression  on  the  walls  ;  but  fire  was  communicated 
to  the  building  in  several  places,  and  it  was  soon  a  magnificent 
sea  of  flame. 

As  the  flames  hissed  and  crackled,  Jones  leaned  upon  his  horse 
and  contemplated  the  spectacle.  His  eyes  glistened  with  a  wild 
delight,  and  he  said,  "  This  is  the  happiest  moment  of  my  life." 

And   now  commenced   a  scene  of  wild   and  •'•reckless  pillage. 


<)f)  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

vVhen  the  citizens  of  Lawrence  had  left  their  homes,  those  who 
could  locked  them ;  but  locks  and  bolts  were  small  security ; 
when  the  marauders  could  not  enter  by  the  doors,  they  got  in  by 
the  windows.  All  the  money  and  jewelry  that  could  be  found 
was  taken,  and  also  clothing.  In  fact,  they  took  everything  they 
wanted,  or  could  carry  away.  Much  of  what  they  could  not  take, 
they  destroyed.  Nor  was  this  pillage  confined  to  the  rank  and 
file.  One  Deputy  United  States  Marshal  (of  whom  there  are 
many)  carried  off  a  valuable  case  of  surgical  instruments  worth 
three  hundred  dollars.  Stringfellow  went  into  a  store,  and  stole 
two  boxes  of  cigars,  remarking,  with  a  laugh, 

"  This  is  all  the  booty  I  want." 

Ex-Vice-President  Atchison  was  also  seen  with  one  of  these,  or 
another  box.  With  such  bright  examples  it  would  be  needless  to 
enter  into  a  detail  of  the  brilliant  exploits  of  the  rank  and  file. 
During  the  early  part  of  the  day  several  young  men,  attempting  to 
escape,  were  chased  and  fired  at.  Some  of  them  got  off,  others 
were  taken  prisoners ;  but  none  were  killed,  so  far  as  has  been 
ascertained,  on  the  free-state  side.  One  pro-slavery  man  shot 
himself  accidentally,  while  the  posse  was  on  Mt.  Oread,  and 
another  was  killed  by  the  falling  of  a  brick  from  the  Free-State 
Hotel.  Two  others  of  these  men  fell  violently  while  galloping 
after  some  flying  free-state  men,  horse  and  man  rolling  over,  one 
of  the  men  having  his  leg  severely  shattered. 

Nearly  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  property 
was  stolen  or  destroyed.  Trunks  were  broken  open,  and  such  of 
their  contents  as  were  not  wanted  were  scattered  about  the  streets. 
Letters,  family  pictures,  and  other  relics  were  not  respected. 
Many  letters  of  public  men  were  taken,  as  they  were  supposed  to 
be  of  value,  politically  or  otherwise.  Even  Mrs.  Robinson's  letters 
were  stolen  by  the  "  chivalry."  One  gentlemanly  Southerner, 
seeing  these,  tried  to  get  possession  of  them  to  restore  them,  but 
did  not  succeed.  The  oflice  of  the  Herald  of  Freedom  was  fired 
several  times,  but,  as  it  had  been  emptied  of  nearly  all  that  was 
combustible,  some  of  the  employes  of  the  office  would  go  in  and 
put  it  out  again. 

The  closing  act  was  the  burning  of  Governor  Robinson's  dwell- 


SACKING    OF   LAWRENCE.  801 

ing,  which  stood  upon  the  brow  of  Mount  Oread.  This  had  been 
plundered  through  the  day,  and  at  night  it  was  set  on  fire  ;  and 
the  pyramid  of  flame  from  the  mount  lighted  up  the  pathway  of 
the  retreating  army. 

Besides  the  plundering  in  town,  these  men,  both,  before  and 
after  the  21st,  went  about  the  country,  and  plundered  many 
houses.  It  is  supposed  that  not  less  than  two  hundred  horses 
were"  taken,  in  and  around  Lawrence.  There  were  also  frightful 
stories  of  outrages,  and  of  women  being  ravished.  Such  cases 
there  may  have  been,  but  rare.  There  were  villains  in  that  posse 
who  were  certainly  none  too  good  for  it. 

Such  was  the  sack  of  Lawrence ;  but,  in  order  that  the  reader 
may  get  a  glance  of  the  picture  as  painted  by  the  actors  in  the 
scene,  I  give  their  own  version  in  subjoined  extracts.  The  first  is 
from  the  journal  of  one  of  these  pro-slavery  bravoes,  who  started 
for  Lawrence,  at  the  secret  order  of  the  Blue  Lodge,  anticipating 
the  marshal's  proclamation,  which  they  had  learned  would  be 
issued.  It  will  illustrate  a  little  of  the  camp  life  of  these  worthies. 
The  writer  has  a  fund  of  humor  for  a  border  ruffian,  and,  doubt 
less,  under  a  better  state  of  affairs,  would  not  have  been  such  a 
bad  fellow.  His  journal  was  published  in  a  pro-slavery  paper. 

"  May  14^,  and  Sunday >  too.  — Flattered  myself  a  halt  would 
have  been  ordered,  but  no ;  the  cry  is,  Onward,  still  onward. 
Learn  that  a  very  important  appointment  has  been  made  by  the 
officer  in  command  during  the  previous  evening.  That  the  little 
doctor,  in  view  of  his  having  become  the  surgeon  of  the  company 
(though  how  he  became  so  no  one  knows),  is  also  appointed  com 
missary  of  the  company.  Understand  he  accepts  the  same  with 
the  spirit  of  a  martyr.  The  men,  evil-minded  of  course,  think 
the  two  jars  of  whiskey,  property  of  the  company,  tend  greatly  to 
his  resignation  toward  the  duties  of  his  appointment,  as  by  it  he 
has  entire  control  of  all  the  whiskey,  which  is  a  consummation 
devoutly  to  be  wished  for  by  .all.  Again  in  motion  ;  we  arrived 
at  the  house  of  a  Dutchman,  who,  although  with  free-soil  procliv 
ities,  had  whiskey.  With  one  or  two  others,  constituted  an 
advance  guard,  and  assailed  the  house  of  said  Dutchman  for 
whiskey.  After  considerable  parleying,  whiskey  produced,  and  I 
26 


302  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

take  the  liberty  of  stating  that  it  was  as  good  as  any  whiskey  I 
ever  tasted  in  the  territory,  either  from  pro-slavery  men  or  others. 
All  hands  drink  here  ad  libitum.  After  a  very  hasty  considera 
tion  of  the  supper,  we  are  turned  out  to  drill.  Drilling  is  a  per 
fect  humbug,  in  my  opinion.  All  are  straightened  out  in  a  line. 
A  fat,  good-natured  orderly  sergeant  drills  us,  —  twenty-five  of 
us,  green  as  gourds  on  the  subject  of  military  tactics.  Shoulder 
arms  !  present  arms !  and  order  arms !  are  strangely  commingled 
in  our  brains,  and  the  order  td  do  one  of  the  foregoing  is  responded 
to  by  attempts  to  do  a  little  of  all  we  know.  Our  marching  and 
countermarching  is  painful,  as  we  all,  from  a  sincere  wish  to  do 
right,  tread  on  the  heels  of  the  person  in  front,  and  are  cursed 
accordingly,  regretting  seriously  our  incapacity  to  be  Napoleons. 
Our  orderly  sergeant  dismisses  us  amongst  the  acclamations  of  the 
company,  and  we  all  make  a  rash  attempt  to  sleep ;  but,  alas  !  our 
attempts  prove  futile.  Hardly  do  we  compose  ourselves,  so  that 
Morpheus  may  embrace  us,  when  we  are  rather  roughly  informed 
that  we  must  turn  out  to  fight  the  enemy.  All  turn  out  with 
their  muskets  'in  most  murderous  attitudes.  One  half  of  our 
force  sent  towards  the  creek  to  reconnoitre ;  the  balance,  amongst 
whom  I  was,  remain  in  camp  to  guard  the  same.  After  a  few 
minutes  of  absence,  first  half  returned,  and  informed  the  company 
in  general,  and  the  officers  in  charge  in  particular,  that  some  two 
individuals  had  passed,  and  had  told  the  gentleman  on  guard  near 
the  road,  that  he  might,  if  he  found  it  convenient,  proceed  to 
Pandemonium  ;  a  decided  reflection  on  our  company,  but  said 
reflection  was  responded  to  in  a  manner  calculated  to  strike  terror 
into  unbelievers,  and  such  who  could  not  prove  unmistakably 
their  soundness  on  the  Groose.  By  the  firing  of  all  the  pistols  in 
the  direction  that  they  who  had  insulted  us  had  gone  quiet  was 
once  more  restored. 

"May  15.  —  Having  been  up  all  night,  am  consequently  up 
very  early  in  the  morning,  and  proceed  to  the  breakfast  ground, 
anxious  to  eat  something.  Find  that  a  bottle  of  whiskey  was 
going  its  rounds  with  unusual  vigor.  Take  my  station,  that  it 
might  find  me  in  its  circle  of  acquaintances.  Whiskey  being  all 
drank,  the  more  important  matter  of  breakfast  claims  our  atten- 


SACKING    OF   LAWRENCE.        f  303 

tion,  and  each  has  some  office  to  do  in  this  respect.  Grinding 
coffee  requiring  less  culinary  talent  than  anything  else,  the  job  is 
assigned  to  me.  All  are  very  jolly  and  dirty,  and  the  conversa 
tion  very  lively. 

"  After  breakfast,  good-natured  orderly  sergeant  gets  us  into  as 
near  a  straight  line  as  he  can,  and  proceeds  to  drill  us  again, 
with,  if  possible,  less  success  than  the  previous  evening.  At  the 
command,  right  wheel,  most  of  us  wheel  the  wrong  way ;  and  the 
nearest  approach  to  a  hollow  square  that  we  can  attain  to  is  an 
imperfect  oval.  Our  muskets  are  seldom,  if  ever,  in  their  proper 
position,  and  prove  for  an  inanimate  subject  very  hard  to  manage. 

"  After  coursing  up  arid  down  the  prairie  to  our  disgust,  and  to 
the  acceleration  of  our  digestion,  we  are  dismissed  with  the  melan 
choly  conviction  that  we  are  but  poorly  drilled,  although  we  feel 
awfully  bored. 

"  Nothing  occurs  to  distract  us  from  our  monotonous  snail's 
pace,  or  attracts  our  attention,  save  two  dogs,  who  join  us  more 
from  interest  than  glory.  At  last  Buck  Creek  appears.  We 
think  how  gladly  would  we  ' pass  '  the  Buck  as  at  'poker  ;'  but 
we  are  not  playing  that  game  now,  although,  before  getting 
through,  we  got  to  *  all  fours.'  Buck  Creek  is  a  succession  of 
ugly  hills  and  gloomy  hollows.  We  got  down  the  hills  and  across 
the  creek,  but  to  ascend  the  other  side  required  a  little  more  ex 
ertion.  We  had  not  gone  far  when  we  succeeded  in  sticking 
admirably.  Mud  being  about  one  foot  deep,  men  fall  in  it  with 
perfect  impunity,  seldom  going  far  with  a  load  before  they  are 
immersed.  That  day  there  were  but  few  of  us  but  deserved  the 
euphonious  title  of  '  stuck-in-the~muds.'  While  stuck  in  the  mud 
we  are  met  by  several  gentlemen,  who  read  to  us  Marshal  Donald 
son's  proclamation,  calling  upon  us  to  aid  in  support  of  the  laws, 
etc.  The  proclamation  is  received  with  great  glee,  and  our  throats 
give  signal  of  our  hearts'  joy.  Retire  to  a  little  distance  to  do 
some  shouting  on  my  own  hook,  and  sit  immediately  behind  a 
horse  to  gratify  my  exhilaration.  The  horse  rather  unceremoni 
ously  kicks  me.  in  the  midst  of  a  most  glorious  yell,  and  on  a 
portion  of  my  frame  that  for  several  days  after  rendered  it  a  mat 
ter  of  impossibility  for  me  to  take  a  seat.  Limping  from  the 


304  f    THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

scene  of  my  disgraceful  kicking,  and  breathing  curses  against  all 
horses  in  general,  and  this  individual  in  particular,  I  \vend  my  way 
slowly  to  the  top  of  the  hill.  On  my  way  thither,  uieefc  a  Chief 
Justice  proceeding  homeward.  Chief  Justice  greets  us  kindly, 
and,  after  we  assist  him  to  catch  a  runaway  steer,  he  bids  us  adieu, 
thinking  that  we  are  a  very  irregular-looking  portion  of  the  regu 
lar  militia." 

Having  given  the  above  picture  of  the  "  militia  "  from  one 
who  ought  to  know,  I  subjoin  the  pro-slavery  account  of  the  sack 
ing  of  Lawrence,  as  published  in  the  official  organ  of  ruffianism 
in  the  territory.  Its  main  discrepancy  consists  in  its  denial  of 
the  stealing,  for  which  I  scarcely  blame  the  editor. 

The  following  is  from  the  Lecompton  Union,  of  May  21st : 

"LAWRENCE    TAKEN! 

"GLORIOUS   TRIUMPH   OF  4THE     LAW   AND    ORDER    PARTY   OVER   FANATICISM 
IN    KANSAS. 

"  FULL    PARTICULARS. 

"  On  Tuesday,  the  20th,  a  large  force  of  law  and  order  men 
having  gathered  in  and  around  Lecompton,  the  marshal  ordered 
the  different  camps  to  concentrate  about  two  miles  this  side  of 
Lawrence,  so  as  to  be  ready  for  the  execution  of  his  immediate 
demands  upon  the  people  of  Lawrence.  At  this  order  we  left  our 
sanctum  and  proceeded  to  the  encampment,  equipped  for  the  occa 
sion,  and  here  begins  our  notice  : 

"  Tuesday,  May  20  —  1  o'clock. 

"  Here  we  are  in  camp.  Everything  looks  very  warlike.  The 
cavalry,  numbering  some  one  hundred  and  eighty,  commanded  by 
Col.  H.  T.  Titus,  of  this  county,  originally  of  Florida,  are  dashing 
over  the  hills  at  the  clear  tones  of  their  commander's  voice.  The 
infantry  companies  are  being  drilled  by  their  different  captains, 
and  everybody  is  in  the  line  preparing  for  an  engagement.  But 
few  have  an  idea  of  the  feeling  that  possesses  one  at  the  martial 
notes  of  a  drum  and  fife,  or  the  clear,  shrill  tones  of  the  bugle, 
sounding  the  charge  of  two  hundred  troopers.  It  is  enough  to 


SACKING    OF    LAWRENCE.  305 

make  the  veriest  coward  a  brave  man,  and  the  expiring  soldier 
grasp  again  his  sword. 

"This  encampment  consists  of  about  fifty  tents,  and  upwards 
of  four  hundred  men.  All  have  made  up  their  minds  to  fight 
desperately,  in  case  of  resistance.  Men  never  were  more  deter 
minedly  resolved  and  eager  to  meet  the  issue. 

"The  prison-tent  has  eight  occupants.  They  all  seem  contented 
and  satisfied,  and  say  they  were  never  better  treated  in  their  lives. 
Their  quarters  are  comfortable,  and  they  have  a  plenty  to  eat  and 
drink. 

'•2  o'clock.  —  Orders  were  received  to  march  at  three.  Tents 
struck,  wagons  loaded,  and  all  were  upon  the  move  at  the  appointed 
time.  Three  pieces  of  cannon,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  addi 
tional  men,  were  in  the  road  a  short  distance  off  to  join  us.  We 
encamped  about  six  o'clock  near  that  place  where  the  noted 
Squatter  Convention  was  held  in  '54.  Here  we  heard  various 
rumors  about  fighting ;  one  that  three  hundred  mounted  men  from 
Topeka  were  in  our  rear,  and  intended  attacking  us  that  night ; 
one  that  the  various  propositions  made  by  the  Lawrenceites  to  the 
marshal  were  only  to  gull  us,  and  that  there  would  certainly  be  a 
fight.  This  last  rumor  was  considered  credible,  and  pleased  the 
boys  very  much.  We  were  not  disturbed  by  the  Topekans  that 
night ;  but  early  next  morning  the  cavalry  were  called  to  escort 
the  cannon  to  Lawrence. 

"  At  half  past  four  o'clock  the  cannon  were  planted  without  any 
resistance  upon  the  heights  beyond  Robinson's  house,  and  within 
four  hundred  yards  of  the  big  stone  hotel.  When  we  first  reached 
there  not  a  human  being  could  be  seen.  In  about  one  hour  there 
gathered  in  the  streets  in  front  of  the  hotel  some  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men.  Some  one  was  haranguing  them.  Off  to  the  east  of  the 
town  eleven  men  came  out  from  a  small  stone  building,  formed  in 
front,  and  marched  in  town.  Several  men  attempted  to  leave 
town,  but  were  cut  off  by  our  pickets.  These  were  the  only  indi 
cations  of  a  fight. 

"  At  ei^ht  o'clock  the  infantry  joined  us.  At  eleven  Major 
Buford's  company  from  Franklin  arrived ;  and  by  twelve  our 
forces  amounted  to  eight  hundred  strong,  cavalry  and  infantry, 
26* 


806  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

and  four  six-pound  pieces  of  brass  cannon.  About  this  time  great 
excitement  was  created  by  Mr.  James  Keiser  accidentally  shooting 
himself;  but  the  wound  was  not  mortal. 

"  At  one  o'clock  the  United  States  Deputy  Marshal  selected  a 
small  posse  and  entered  town  to  make  arrests.  He  selected  his 
posse  from  the  ranks  of  the  Lecompton  Guard,  commanded  by 
Capt.  John  Donaldson,  who  was  also  honored  with  the  command 
of  the  posse,  —  Donaldson's  "  lied  Shirts,"  as  they  are  more  com 
monly  known,  by  adopting  the  red  shirt  as  their  uniform,  —  and 
reflected  credit  upon  themselves  and  their  commander.  They 
were  well  drilled,  always  ready  for  any  emergency,  and  prompt 
and  obedient  in  action.  Most  of  them  were  young  men  from 
Virginia,  who  have  left  home  and  friends  to  offer  up  their  lives  to 
the  preservation  and  establishment  of  Southern  institutions  in 
Kansas.  The  following  are  the  names  of  the  posse  under  Don 
aldson's  command  : 

"  Capt,  J.  Donaldson,  K.  M.  Nace,  J.  N.  Casey,  J.  W.  Hansom, 
B.  Jones,  John  Shelton,  C.  H.  Grover. 

"  Only  three  arrests  were  made,  viz. :  Smith,  Jenkin,  and  Dietz- 
ler.  The  town  seemed  almost  forsaken.  When  the  marshal 
returned,  having  done  all  he  could  do,  he  released  the  posse  from 
his  jurisdiction,  and  they  were  immediately  summoned  by  Sheriff 
Jones.  Mr.  Jones,  notwithstanding  his  feeble  condition,  appeared 
upon  horseback ;  and,  as  he  rode  along  the  line  summoning  each 
company  to  assi&t  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  he  was  received 
with  loud  and  deafening  cheers.  His  pale  countenance  and 
emaciated  form,  the  products  of  an  almost  fatal  blow  from  an 
assassin's  arm,. made  every  man  irresistibly  clutch  his  pistols, 
impatient  to  revenge  this  foul  deed.  The  very  appearance  of 
Jones,  who  had  so  often  presented  himself  at  the  very  mouth  of 
danger,  and  consecrated  his  life  to  the  maintenance  of  the  laws, 
sent  a  thrill  through  every  heart  that  choked  all  utterance  of  their 
willingness  to  follow  him  in  the  face  of  any  danger.  He  selected  a 
small  pos^e  of  mounted  men,  mostly  from  the  Atchison  Guards, 
commanded  by  Capt.  D.  Treville  of  South  Carolina,  Col.  H.  T. 
Titus  commanded  the  posse. 

"  Jones  had  a  great  many  writs  in  his  hands,  but  could  find  no 


SACKING    OF    LAWRENCE.  307 

one  against  whom  he  held. them.  He  also  had  an  order  from  the 
court  to  demand  the  surrender  of  their  arms,  field  and  side,  and  a 
demolition  of  the  two  presses  and  the  Free-State  Hotel  as  nuisan 
ces.  The  arms  were  immediately  demanded  and  surrendered. 
But  very  few  could  be  found,  —  four  pieces  of  cannon,  one  twelve- 
pound  howitzer,  and*four  small  pieces,  and  a  few  Sharpe's  rifles. 
When  they  agreed  to  surrender,  our  men  were  marched  down  in  front 
of  the  town,  and  one  cannon  planted  upon  their  own  battlements. 
Over  the  largest  piece,  commanding  the  Emigrant  Aid  Hotel,  was 
unfurled  the  stars  and  stripes. 

"  The  cannon  were  then  brought  out  and  thrown  in  front  of  our 
lines.  During  this  time  appeals  were  made  to  Sheriff  Jones  to 
save  the  Aid  Society's  Hotel.  This  news  reached  the  company's 
ears,  and  was  received  with  one  universal  cry  of  '  No  !  no  !  Blow 
it  up  !  blow  it  up  !  We  will  not  injure  private  property ;  but  our 
motto  is,  Destruction  to  everything  belonging  to  the  Aid  Society ! 
The  court  has  declared  it  a  nuisance,  and  we  will  destroy  it.' 

"  About  this  time  a  banner  was  seen  fluttering  in  the  breeze 
over  the  office  of  The  Herald  of  Freedom,  Its  color  was  a  blood- 
red,  with  a  lone  star  in  the  centre,  and  South  Carolina  above. 
Tiiis  banner  was  placed  there  by  the  Carolinians  —  Messrs. 
Wrights  and  a  Mr.  Cross.  The  effect  was  prodigious.  One  tre 
mendous  and  long-continued  shout  burst  from  the  ranks.  Thus 
floated  in  triumph  the  banner  of  South  Carolina,  —  that  single 
white  star,  so  emblematic  of  her  course  in  the  early  history  of  our 
sectional  disturbances.  When  every  Southern  State  stood  almost 
upon  the  verge  of  ceding  their  dearest  rights  to  the  North, 
Carolina  stood  boldly'out,  the  firm  and  unwavering  advocate  of 
Southern  institutions. 

"  Thus  floated  victoriously  the  first  banner  of  Southern  rights 
over  the  abolition  town  of  Lawrence,  unfurled  by  the  noble  sons 
of  Carolina,  and  every  whip  of  its  folds  seemed  a  death-stroke  to 
Beeeher  propagandism  and  the  fanatics  of  the  East.  0  !  that 
its  red  folds  could  have  been  seen  by  every  Southern  eye ! 

"  Mr.  Jones  listened  to  the  many  entreaties,  and  finally  replied 
that  it  was  beyond  his  power  to  do  anything,  and  gave  the  occu 
pants  so  long  to  remove  all  private  property  from  it.  He  ordered 


308  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

two  companies  into  each  printing  office  to  destroy  the  press.  Both 
presses  were  broken  up  and  thrown  into  the  streets,  the  type 
thrown  in  the  river,  and  all  the  material  belonging  to  each  office 
destroyed.  After  this  was  accomplished,  and  the  private  property 
removed  from  the  hotel  by  the  different  companies,  the  cannon 
were  brought  in  front  of  the  house  and  directed  their  destructive 
blows  upon  the  walls.  The  building  caught  on  fire,  and  soon  its 
walls  came  with  a  crash  to  the  ground.  Thus  fell  the  abolition 
fortress ;  and  we  hope  this  will  teach  the  Aid  Society  a  good  les 
son  for  the  future. 

"  Before  entering  town  our  commanders  instructed  each  member 
of  his  company  of  the  consequences  befalling  the  violation  of  any 
private  property.  As  far  as  we  can  learn,  they  attended  strictly 
to  these  instructions.  One  act  we  regret  to.  mention  —  the  firing 
of  Robinson's  house.  Although  there  is  but  little  doubt  as  to  the 
real  owners  of  this  property,  yet  it  was  a  private  residence,  and 
should  have  remained  untouched.  During  the  excitement,  the 
commissary,  Col.  Abell,  of  Atchison  city,  learned  that  it  was  on 
fire,  and  immediately  detailed  a  company  to  suppress  the  flames, 
which  was  done.  Once  afterwards,  we  understand,  Sheriff  Jones 
had  the  flames  suppressed,  and  the  boys  guilty  of  the  act  were 
sent  immediately  to  camp ;  but  with  regret  we  saw  the  building 
on  fire  that  night  about  ten  o'clock.  This  we  saw  from  camp,  and 
cannot  tell  who  set  it  on  fire  the  third  time.  During  the  firing 
upon  the  hotel  one  of  our  men  was  killed  by  the  falling  of  a  stone 
from  the  wall. 

"  Before  another  week  rolls  around  no  doubt  the  papers  will  be 
filled  with  vastly  magnified  reports,  and  the  country  disturbed  with 
'  loud  shrieks  for  the  cause  of  freedom  '  by  abolition  organs.  This 
cry  one  anticipates,  and  will  not  be  disappointed  at  the  bloody 
picture  their  ready  writers  will  paint  for  their  own  purposes ;  but 
they  are  only  a  faction  in  the  country,  and  have  produced  this 
state  of  things.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  that  portion  of 
the  North  and  East  calling  themselves  conservative  national  men, 
will  be  led  into  excitement  and  extravagances  by  their  '  loud 
shrieks.'  We  think  the  conservative  men  of  the  North  and  East 
have  had  furnished  them,  long  since,  sufficient  data  to  form  correct 


SACKING    OF    LAWRENCE.  309 

•pinions  of  the  motives  governing  these  men.     If  every  man  of 

hem  had  been  killed,  every  house  burned,  and  total  and  entire 
extermination  had  been  the  motto  of  the  '  law  and  order '  party, 
who  would  be  to  blame?  Impartial  decision  answers,  '  these  men 

lave  brought  the  calamity  upon  their  own  heads.' 
"  We  have  done  what  we  have  done,  and  would  not  have  any- 

'hing  undone  that  was  done,  and  shall  do  no  more  if  let  alone  ; 

50  let  our  doings  go  forth  for  the  inspection  and  criticism  of  the 
nation.  In  this  report  we  have  *  not  extenuated,  nor  aught  set 
down  in  malice ; '  but  furnished  a  simple  and  unvarnished  sum- 
total  of  facts.  As  to  the  « law  and  order  '  party  of  Kansas,  they 
have  but  one  opinion,  but  one  mind,  —  to  stand  in  defence  of  their 
laws  and  their  rights  at  all  hazards. 

"  We  forgot  to  mention,  in  our  account,  that  the  long  conjecture 
of  the  Free-State  Hotel  being  a  fortress  was  found  to  be  true. 
From  the  surface  of  the  roof  the  wall  extended  to  the  height  of 
three  and  a  half  feet,  with  four  port-holes  in  each  side,  —  making 
in  all  sixteen,  —  large  enough  to  admit  the  mouth  of  an  eighteen- 
pound  gun.  The  mouths  of  the  holes  were  concealed  from  view  by 
a  thin  coat  of  lime  that  could  be  easily  knocked  out  when  desired: 
The  above  statement  can  be  established  by  several  hundred 
witnesses. 

"The  'Red  Shirts'  raised  the  first  flag  upon  the  Free-State 
Hotel.  They  have  in  possession  the  twelve-pound  howitzer  taken 
from  the  enemy,  and,  whenever  necessary,  can  use  it  effectually. 
Capt.  Donaldson  may  feel  proud  of  his  'Red  Shirts.'" 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

GUERILLA  WAR — THE   DRAGOONS — LAW  AND    ORDER   IN 
LEAVENWORTH. 

THE  day  after  the  sacking  of  Lawrence,  the  marshal's  posse 
began  to  disperse.  Those  Southerners,  who  had  been  disgusted  by 
the  outrages  of  their  companions,  or  who  had  secured  as  much  plun 
der  as  they  could  take  care  of,  incontinently  left,  Buford's  prayers, 
their  oath,  and  the  necessities  of  "  law  and  order,"  to  the  contrary, 
notwithstanding.  It  was  on  the  22nd  that  Atchison,  with  the  Platte 
County  Rifles,  rode  to  the  southern  outskirts  of  Lawrence,  and 
requested  permission  of  the  citizens  to  go  through  the  town  and 
cross  the  ferry  at  that  point.  To  allow  the  great  ruffian  and  his 
retreating  band  the  privilege  of  passing  peacefully  through  a  town  ^ 
the  people  of  which  were  bewailing  their  lost  property,  and  the 
smoke  from  the  ruins  of  the  best  buildings  in  the  place  still  ascend  - 
ing,  was  too  much  to  ask  or  give ;  but  a  few  of  the  leading  citi 
zens  gave  permission.  Perhaps  they  thought  that  it  would  take 
some  days  or  a  week  to  rally  sufficient  force  to  Lawrence  to  defend 
it,  and,  knowing  that  the  different  sections  of  the  army  were 
still  within  a  few  miles  of  Lawrence,  desired  to  avoid,  at  the  pres 
ent,  a  collision  with  a  small  part,  the  destruction  of  whom  would 
soon  bring  on  them  the  whole  force.  Some  few  citizens,  however, 
when  the  rumor  that  Atchison  was  coming  through  the  town, 
reached  them,  seized  their  guns  and  went  out  into  the  street. 
Had  the  notice  of  their  approach  not  been  so  short  it  is  more  than 
likely  that  a  fight  would  have  ensued,  whether  the  "  committee  " 
authorities  would  have  sanctioned  it,  or  whether  the  participants 
would  have  been  "  right  on  the  record  "  or  not.  But  there  were 
only  a  few  men  who  thus  hurried  into  the  streets,  and  they,  find- 


GUERILLA   WAR.  311 

ing  that  there  was  neither  concert  of  action  nor  force  sufficient, 
•withdrew. 

Atchiion  and  his  men  rode  through  the  streets  as  quietly  as 
possible,  having  only  one  piece  of  artillery  with  them.  The  rank 
and  file  looked  camp-weary  and  camp-dirty,  and,  as  they  rode 
along,  cast  suspicious  glances  at  the  citizens.  Well  they  knew 
that  every  man  of  them  should  have  been  strung  up  by  the  neck, 
and,  although  they  had  humbly  begged  that  they  might  go  through, 
they  seemed  to  have  at  bottom  a  suspicion  that  so  unreasonable  a 
request  was  hardly  likely  to  be  granted.  Atchison  is  a  tall,  mus 
cular  man,  his  face  slightly  marked  by  the  ravages  of  dissipation. 
As  he  rode  on  through  the  streets  of  Lawrence,  he  buttoned  his 
coat  and  pulled  his  hat  as  far  over  his  eyes  as  possible.  A  few 
of  the  citizens  watched  the  retreat  of  that  wild  band  of  Missou- 
rians  until  they  crossed  the  Kaw  and  were  lost  to  view  in  the 
dense  timber  that  skirts  its  northern  shore. 

The  day  after  the  sacking  of  the  town,  a  man  named  Cox,  who 
had  at  one  time  pretended  to  be  a  free-state  man,  and  who  had 
acted  as  a  spy  in  Lawrence,  drove  into  that  town  from  Lecomp- 
ton,  on  his  way  to  Kansas  city.  He  had  been  in  Lawrence,  and, 
knowing  the  peaceable  character  of  the  people,  supposed  that  he 
could  enter  and  leave  it  unmolested.  In  this  supposition  he  was 
not  mistaken ;  but  he  still  had  a  few  guilty  fears,  though  he  had 
ventured  into  town,  and  betrayed  his  nervousness  by  his  sidelong 
glances  at  every  one,  and  his  frightened  manner.  The  people, 
generally,  paid  no  attention  to  him,  only  regarding  him  with  con 
tempt.  Two  waggish  boys,  who  saw  his  trepidation,  went  to  him, 
and,  to  have  some  fun,  said,  with  a  solemn  shake  of  their  heads, 

"  Look  here,  sir,  it 's  not  safe  for  you  to  be  here ;  take  our 
advice,  and  leave." 

Quaking  with  a  guilty  conscience,  he  got  his  buggy,  harnessed 
up,  and  started  off  for  Franklin  as  fast  as  he  could  make  his  horse 
go,  trembling  with  fear  all  the  way ;  his  exodus  under  such  trepi 
dation  being  hailed  by  a  shout  of  laughter  from  a  group  of  ob 
servers  at  the  foot  of  Massachusetts-street.  In  order  to  make  a 
plausible  story  of  it,  he  reported,  when  he  got  to  Franklin,  that  he 
had  been  driven  out  of  Lawrence  by  a  mob,  and  fired  at.  By  the 


312  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

time  he  got  to  Westport,  this  furnished  food  for  another  declara 
tion  of  war  from  Missouri.  The  Westport  paper  got  up  another 
"  war  "  extra,  of  which  the  subjoined  is  a  morsel  : 

"  Fish's  abolition  hotel  may  meet  with  an  accident.  All  nui 
sances  should  be  abolished. 

"  There  should  be  no  mistake  in  this  matter.  Our  Missouri 
friends  must  understand  that  this  is  but  the  beginning  of  the  end. 
We  want  you  still ;  and  if  our  citizens  are  to  be  shot  at,  simply 
because  they  are  true  to  Southern  principles,  in  the  streets  of  Law 
rence  in  the  open  day,  and  that,  too,  within  four  and  twenty  hours 
after  the  reception  of  such  a  bitter  lesson  as  the  pro-slavery  men 
of  Kansas  (!)  taught  them  on  the  21st,  we  have  but  one  resource 
left,  and  that  is  to  level  Lawrence  (and,  if  necessary,  every  other 
abolition  settlement  in  Kansas)  with  the  ground.  We  pity  the 
women  and  children  upon  whom  this  unhappy  state  of  affairs  falls 
heavily ;  but  the  responsibility  must  rest  with  the  fanatics  who 
have  preached  Sharpe's  rifles  and  armed  resistance  to  our  laws. 

"  Come,  then ;  we  call  upon  every  true-hearted  pro-slavery  man 
and  son  of  the  South  to  come  up  and  help  us. 

*  *  *  *  * 

"  Three  times  three  for  our  gallant  Jones." 

This  merely  resulted  in  keeping  a  portion  of  the  Westport  row 
dies  in  the  county,  who,  under  Capt.  Pate,  of  Westport,  command 
er  of  the  Shannon  Sharp-Shooters,  and  Coleman,  the  murderer, 
went  about  the  county  to  the  south  of  the  Kaw,  committing  dep 
redations. 

Some  of  the  Southerners,  who  had  been  in  Lawrence  on  the  21st, 
left  it  intensely  disgusted.  One  physician  from  Kentucky,  who 
had  acted  as  an  orderly  sergeant  in  one  company  of  the  posse, 
abandoned  his  companions  while  they  were  sacking  the  town.  He 
wept  that  evening,  as  he  rode  through  the  Delaware  reserve,  and 
denounced  the  whole  conduct  of  his  companions,  declaring,  to  a 
gentleman  who  rode  part  of  the  way  with  him,  that  he  "  knew  who 
was  in  the  wrong  now."  Another  Kentuckian  and  pro-slavery 
man,  who  was  in  the  territory,  left  it  at  the  same  time.  The 
account  he  gave  was  published  in  a  Kentucky  paper,  and  part  of 
his  version  runs  thus  : 


GUERILLA    WAR.  313 

"  Mr.  Sebree  says  that  large  numbers  of  Missourians  are  in  the 
territory,  and  that  the  supply  of  them  is  only  limited  by  the  de- 
and.  The  representation  he  makes  of  the  men  who  compose  the 
body  of  the  pro-slavery  party,  and  of  their  proceedings,  is  not  very 
flattering  to  them.  He  says  that  decent  Southern  men,  who  go 
there  under  no  undue  excitement,  are  ashamed  of  them,  and  he  saw 
some  such  whose  minds  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in  Kansas  had 
undergone  a  complete  change.  The  large  company  of  Southern 
emigrants,  recruited  in  Alabama  by  Major  Buford,  he  represents 
as  a  miserable  set  of  drunken  loafers,  many  of  whom  have  died  in 
consequence  of  their  vices  and  imprudence,  and  all  of  whom  are 
cursing  the  men  that  induced  them  to  go  into  the  country.  Mr.  Se- 
broe  says  it  is  generally  conceded  that,  of  the  actual  citizens  of  the 
territory,  two  to  one  are  in  favor  of  a  free  state,  and  that,  with  the 
exception  of  a  comparatively  small  number  of  brawlers,  they  are 
:{uiet,  industrious  men,  seeking  to  establish  homes  for  themselves 
and  their  families.  They  have  been  outnumbered  and  outvoted 
by  the  people  from  the  borders  of  Missouri,  who  have  been  organ 
ized  for  that  purpose.  These  are  unpalatable  truths  for  Southern 
men,  but  the  sooner  the  truth  is  known  the  better.  Mr.  Sebree 
thinks  that  the  war  has  but  commenced,  and  that,  in  a  very  short 
time,  thousands  of  armed  men  will  be  in  Kansas  from  the  free 
states." 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  free-state  guerilla  companies  sprang 
up.  Finding  that  armed  bands  of  pro-slavery  men  were  prowling 
about  the  territory,  a  handful  of  persons,  chiefly  youths,  took  the 
field.  One  company,  under  a  young  printer  named  Lenhart,  was 
particularly  active  and  bold.  Nearly  every  one  of  its  mem 
bers  had  been  plundered  at  Lawrence,  or  where  they  lived  in  the 
vicinity,  some  of  them  of  all  they  had,  even  their  clothes.  Other 
companies  also  took  the  field.  Capt.  John  Brown,  senior,  who 
lived  near  Os-'awattomie,  immediately  on  the  sacking  of  Lawrence 
concluded  that  the  war  was  begun,  and  that  it  ought  not  to  ter 
minate.  His  son,  Capt.  Brown,  junior,  had  been  up  with  a  com 
pany  of  men  to  relieve  Lawrence  during  the  marshal's  attack. 
This  company  only  got  to  Palmyra  when  they  heard  that  Law 
rence  was  sacked,  and  that  the  citizens  had  sought  to  make  no 
27 


314.  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

resistance.  As  they  were  not  now  wanted  in  Lawrence,  they 
prepared  to  return,  but  part  of  their  number  went  with  Capt. 
Brown,  senior.  Several  small  companies  of  free-state  youths,  with 
no  recognized  leaders,  or  with  temporary  leaders,  engaged  in  the 
guerilla  warfare.  To  recapture  the  horses  and  arms  taken  at 
Lawrence  was  one  great  object,  and  many  engaged  in  it  with  the 
determination  to  plunder  those  who  had  been  in  arms  against,  even 
if  they  should  not  be  in  arms  when  they  happened  to  meet  them. 

One  of  the  earliest  of  these  adventures  was  the  capture  of  three 
horses  from  Capt.  Pate's  camp.  Pate  and  Coleman  had  been  at 
Franklin  since  the  sacking  of  Lawrence.  This  company  went 
down  the  road,  and  was  menacing  Fish's  store,  where  it  was  re 
ported  that  the  free-state  people  had  gunpowder.  Several  free- 
state  men  had  been  stopped  by  them.  While  thus  camped  near 
Fish's,  on  the  California  road,  three  young  men,  almost  boys, 
slipped  into  their  camp  unperceived  at  night,  and  each  selecting 
a  horse  from  the  lot  of  horses  tied  up,  saddled  them,  and,  mounting, 
galloped  off  through  the  lines,  the  sentinels  and  others  of  the  party 
who  got  the  alarm  sending  bullets  whistling  after  them  through 
the  night.  They  got  off  with  the  horses  scathless. 

Another  party  of  Southerners  were  going  up  the  Santa  Fei 
road  to  commit  depredations.  They  had  taken  one  free-state  man 
on  the  road,  and  abused  him,  and  had  also  insulted  and  intimidated 
some  settlers,  and  ordered  them  to  leave  the  territory.  Eight  of 
the  young  free-state  guerillas,  being  informed  of  this,  started  to 
hunt  them,  and  found  them,  as  I  have  stated,  on  the  Santa  Fe 
road.  As  there  were  eighteen  of  the  Southerners,  the  others  did 
not  deem  it.  advisable  to  attack  them.  They  lay  in  wait  for  them 
where  the  road  passes  some  thickets,  and,  as  the  pro-slavery  men 
rode  past,  fired  at  them.  Several  of  the  Southerners  were  killed, 
and  the  rest,  thinking  the  ambushed  force  larger  than  it  was, 
galloped  off.  Several  horses  and  some  arms  were  also  captured  at 
this  time. 

Another  incident  occurred,  which  made  some  disturbance  at  the 
time.  It  was  called  in  the  papers  the  "  Burning  of  St.  Bern- 
hardt,"  and  was  reported  as  the  burning  of  a  pro-slavery  town  by 
the  abolitionists.  Now  Bernhardt,  in  the  first  place,  is  not  a 


GUERILLA    WAll.  315 

town,  and,  in  the  second  place,  it  was  not  burned.  What  is  called 
Bernhardt  is  constituted  by  a  log  house  in  which  a  store  is  kept. 
The  owner  had  been  a  pro-slavery  man,  and  took  an  active  part  in 
the  difficulties  distracting  the  territory.  His  store  was  attacked, 
about  the  time  of  which  I  write,  by  one  of  the  boldest  bands  of 
young  guerillas.  There  was  no  shooting  done.  The  proprietor 
saw  that  it  was  no  time  to  resist,  and  the  others,  who  intended  to 
take  what  they  happened  to  want,  told  him  to  hand  down  this, 
that,  and  the  other  thing,  which  he  did  with  as  much  equanimity 
and  politeness  as  he  could  muster.  They  thus  got  what  arms  and 
ammunition  he  had,  blankets,  clothing,  shoes  and  boots,  pro 
visions,  etc.  Having  got  what  they  wanted  in  this  way,  the  lieu 
tenant  of  the  company,  a  harum-scarum  New  Yorker,  called  the 
owner  to  the  door.  Two  horses  were  hitched  up  close  by. 

"  Look  here !  "  cried  the  lieutenant,  pointing  to  one  of  the 
horses,  "  Look  here !  saddle  that  horse  for  me.  I  want  him  to 
use  till  the  end  of  the  war." 

The  obliging  retailer  of  calico  and  coffee  complied,  while  the 
lieutenant,  a  mere  boy,  watched  the  proceedings  with  becoming 
gravity. 

"  Look  here  ! "  he  resumed  again,  "  put  the  saddle  on  the  other 
horse  ;  I  believe  I  prefer  him." 

This  was  also  complied  with,  the  man  being  glad  to  get  off  so 
easily.  This  was  the  "burning  "  or  sacking  of  Bernhardt. 

Another  incident  I  will  narrate.  The  pro-slavery  men  had 
stored  some  of  the  arms  taken  at  Lawrence,  and  other  articles, 
including  two  kegs  of  gunpowder  of  their  own,  at  the  house  of 
a  pro-slavery  man.  The  guerillas  heard  of  this,  and  made  a  night 
attack  on  it.  No  one  was  killed,  as  the  pro-slavery  men  attempted 
no  resistance.  The  articles  sought  were  taken.  But  I  need  not 
enumerate  instances  ;  such  was  the  state  of  affairs.  Armed  guerilla 
bands  of  both  parties  were  ranging  over  the  country,  and  when 
ever  they  met  there  was  a  skirmish.  The  marshal's  posse  had 
been  disbanded.  The  Missourians  had  returned  to  Missouri, 
where  many  of  the  Georgians  and  Carolinians  had  also  gone;  the 
remainder  being  in  the  roving  bands  of  which  I  have  spoken. 
But  fevv-  pro-slavery  men  were  at  Lecompton  to  defend  it,  as  the 


316  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

artillery  taken  at  Lawrence  was  there,  with  some  other  guns  and 
horses,  as  well  as  other  property.  The  governor  got  alarmed. 
He  heard  the  reports  of  the  skirmishes,  and  from  all  accounts  the 
free-state  guerillas  appeared  to  get  the  best  of  it ;  the  pro- 
slavery  men  being  almost  invariably  worsted  when  there  was 
a  brush.  Another  thing  disturbed  the  governor's  equanimity. 
He  had  a  couple  of  carriage  horses.  As  he  had  winked  at  the 
stealing,  or  "  pressing,"  of  free-state  men's  horses,  he  wras  regarded 
as  an  accessory  before  the  fact,  and  as  it  was  desirable  that 
guilty  men  only  should  suffer,  two  waggish  free-state  guerillas 
"  pressed "  the  governor's  horses.  One  of  these  they  dubbed 
"  Shannon,"  and  the  other  "  Pierce,"  and  they  forthwith  went 
guerilla-ing  on  them.  This  was  unendurable.  Besides,  the  gov 
ernor  was  quaking  in  his  boots  for  fear  of  a  regular  attack  by  the 
Lawrence  people  on  Lecompton.  Under  these  circumstances,  the 
military  was  called  out,  and  soon  dragoon  camps  were  scattered 
over  the  country,  and  the  clanking  of  sabres  and  the  sound  of 
iron  hoofs  resounded  in  the  valley  of  the  Kaw.  The  country 
was  not  placed  under  martial  law.  The  bogus  laws  were  recog 
nized  by  all  the  territorial  officers,  who  were  pro-slavery  men,  or 
their  tools,  and  the  troops  were  dependent  on  the  territorial 
authorities. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  Potawattomie  affair  happened. 
It  was  one  of  those  stern  and  remorseless  acts  in  civil  war  which 
make  the  delicate  and  sensitive  shrink ;  but  it  is  wrapped  in  pro 
found  mystery.  In  the  neighborhood  of  Osawattomie,  on  the 
Potawattomie,  lived  a  Mr.  Wilkinson,  a  member  of  the  Bogus 
Legislature.  He  and  a  Mr.  Sherman,  and  a  few  other  pro-slavery 
men  in  that  neighborhood,  had  always  been  violent,  bad  men.  Im 
mediately  after  the  sack  of  Lawrence  these  men  concluded  that 
the  war  had  begun,  and  that  the  free-state  people  must  be  driven 
from  the  country.  Violent  partisans,  men  of  reckless  character, 
and  covetous  of  the  claims  of  the  free-state  settlers  who  surrounded 
them,  they  commenced  the  work  of  persecution.  Several  free-state 
men  were  ordered  to  leave,  by  letter,  and  verbally.  One  man 
was  seized  and  abused,  and  threatened  that  he  would  be  killed  if 
he  did  not  leave,  and  a  cabin  was  burned.  Such  was  the  provo- 


GUERILLA    WAR.  317 

cation,' — how  the  rest  happened  God  in  heaven  only  knows.  Terri 
ble  stories  have  floated  through  the  newspapers,  distorted  and 
misrepresented  by  those  whose  interest  it  was  to  misrepresent 
them.  From  all  I  can  learn,  five  of  these  pro-slavery  men  had 
assembled  in  one  of  their  houses  to  arrange  their  plans  for  an 
attack  on  one  man,  whose  life  they  had  threatened  that  night,  when 
a  party  of  seven  or  eight  guerillas,  not  young  men,  but  stern, 
determined  men,  attacked  them,  and  in  the  scuffle  every  pro- 
slavery  man  was  killed.  It  has  been  stated  that  two  of  them 
were  killed  when  unarmed  and  helpless,  and  that  those  who  took 
them  subjected  them  to  a  form  of  trial,  they  themselves  being  the 
judges,  "and"  shot  "them  in  cold  blood,  in  conformity  with  the 
sentence.  If  this  was  so,  it  was  one  of  those  cases  at  which 
enlightened  humanity  will  shudder,  even  though  it  cannot  forget 
the  fearful  list  of  outrages  that  provoked  it,  and  the  state  of  inse 
curity  which  existed  when  pro-slavery  men  were  permitted  to  run 
riot  in  murder  and  robbery,  and  no  law  to  arrest  their  course. 
Viewing  it  in  this,  its  true  light,  we  still  shudder,  but  attach  the 
blame  to  the  corrupt  government  and  perverted  official  authority, 
where  it  belongs.  Lynch-law  is  terrible  always ;  but  Kansas  was 
the  seat  of  guerilla  warfare,  and  this  was  its  sternest  phase.  The 
frightful  stories  about  mutilation  were  unfounded,  as  applied  to 
this  affair.  A  Mr.  Sherman,  who  was  killed  at  that  time,  was 
killed  by  the  Camanches,  he  having  gone  out  to  the  plains  to  hunt 
buffalo.  The  Indians  not  only  killed  him,  but  mutilated  his  body ; 
and  his  friends,  when  they  found  the  body,  brought  it  home  to 
Potawattonrie.  The  pro-slavery  men  in  the  neighborhood  took 
advantage  of  this  circumstance  to  confound  this  affair  with  the 
other,  and  charge  it  upon  the  "  abolitionists,"  and  it  afforded  a 
fine  theme  for  war  extras  along  the  Missouri  frontier.  Free-state 
men,  too,  believing  the  worst  pro-slavery  version  of  it,  held  meet 
ings  and  denounced  it. 

About  this  time  the  committee  of  Congress  were  sitting  in 
Leavenworth  city.  The  pro-slavery  men  were  anxious  to  break 
up  their  investigation.  Those  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  sack 
ing  of  Lawrence,  and  who  had  gone  over  from  the  north  side  of 
the  river,  got  to  Leavenworth.  There,  also,  came  Colonel  Wilkes 
27* 


318  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

and  several  other  Southerners.  As  they  clustered  into  Leaven- 
worth  the  town  grew  more  and  more  warlike  every  clay.  Citizens 
of  Leavenworth  who  were  known  to  be  free-state  men  were  notified 
that  they  must  leave  the  territory.  This  was  the  state  of  affairs 
when  the  following  notice  was  found  posted  upon  the  doors  of  the 
committee  rooms  : 

"  May  26.  Messrs.  HOWARD  AND  SHERMAN. 

"  Sirs,  with  feelings  of  Surprise  and  Disgust  wee  have  been 
noticeing  the  unjust  manner  in  which  you  have  been  Conducting 
this  Investigation.  Wee  wish  to  inform  you  that  you  can  no 
longer  sit  in  this  place. 

"  Wee  therefore  request  you  to  alter  your  Obnoxious  course,  in 
order  to  avoid  the  consequences  which  may  otherwise  follow. 

"  Capt.  KEMP  —  in  behalf  of  the  citizens. 
"Leavenworth  City  — 1856." 

This  passed  without  note  by  those  to  whom  it  was  addressed, 
but  it  was  significant  of  what  was  to  follow.  On  the  morning  of 
the  28th  of  May,  the  office  of  the  Leavenworth  Herald  issued  a 
reprint  of  a  violent  "  war  "  extra  of  the  Westport  paper,  the 
design  of  which  was  to  excite  the  border  men  to  acts  of  violence 
•against  the  free-state  settlers  of  Kansas.  In  the  forenoon  of  that 
day  a  pro-slavery  meeting  was  held,  at  which  Stringfellow  and 
General  Richardson  were  prominent  actors.  At  this  meeting  it 
was  decreed  that  all  persons  who  had  taken  an  active  part  as  free- 
state  men  must  leave  the  territory.  A  list  of  names  of  those  they 
were  most  anxious  to  get  rid  of  was  drawn  up. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Kickapoo  Rangers,  and  the  young  South 
erners,  under  Wilkes,  armed  themselves  with  the  United  States 
muskets  and  bayonets,  put  into  their  hands  by  the  territorial  offi 
cers,  and  began  to  parade  the  streets  in'  military  array.  Guards 
were  placed  at  every  avenue  of  escape  from  the  city,  and,  as  soon 
as  this  and  other  steps  were  taken,  the  work  of  arresting  began. 
It  was  noon.  The  committee  had  adjourned  for  dinner,  and  I  was 
proceeding,  in  company  with  Mr.  Sherman,  and  some  of  the 
officers  of  the  committee,  when  we  saw  the  band  of  armed  men 
parading  the  streets  towards  the  hotel,  or  boarding-house,  where 


LAW  AND  ORDER  IN  LEAVENWORTH.       319 

we  stayed.  There  they  arrested  Judge  Conway,  who  was  acting 
as  transcribing  clerk  for  the  commission.  He  had  some  of  the 
^stimony  which  he  was  transcribing  in  his  possession,  and  gave 
this  to  Mr.  Sherman,  who  occupied  a  parlor  down  stairs.  Besides 
,'onway  they  took  the  mail-carrier,  who  carried  between  Leaven- 
worth  and  Lawrence,  and  another  man  named  Baldwin,  who  had 
just  come  to  town ;  neither  of  these  gentlemen's  names  were  on 
[he  list  which  Colonel  Wilkes  carried.  Mr.  Sherman  stopped  at 
the  office  of  Messrs.  Parrot  and  Miles  More.  Seeing  the  armed 
force  coming  down  a  street  to  the  right,  and  knowing  that  niy 
name  was  on  the  list,  and  having  also  learned  that  it  was  not  the 
intention  that  I  should  leave  the  territory,  unless  I  left  by  a  route 
which  none  of  us  are  in  a  hurry  to  travel,  I  took  to  the  left,  and 
avoided  them  by  going  through  an  alley,  Mr.  Hanscomb  of  the 
committee  considerately  going  with  me. 

The  armed  band  continued  on  their  way  down  town,  and  drew 
up  before  the  office  of  Messrs.  Parrot  and  More,  and  arrested  these 
gentlemen.  While  the  prisoners  were  placed  in  line,  Mr.  Sherman, 
who  saw  one  of  the  clerks  of  the  commission  amongst  them, 
demanded  of  Wilkes  if  he  had  any  legal  process  for  making  these 
arrests,  or  if  it  was  by  any  legal  authority.  Wilkes  told  him 
"  No ;"  he  had  a  list  of  names  given  him,  and  those  he  meant  to  take. 
The  armed  party  moved  on  down  the  street,  and  arrests  were 
made  until  they  had  taken  thirty  prisoners.  These  were  placed 
in  the  upper  part  of  a  frame  building,  and  guarded.  The  prison 
ers  were  kept  till  night,  and  then,  as  those  who  took  them  had  no 
means  of  keeping  them,  they  permitted  many  of  those  they  had 
taken  to  get  away  under  a  promise  that  they  would  leave  the 
territory.  That  afternoon  they  entered  the  committee  rooms  to 
find  me,  but  I  had  escaped  through  their  guards,  and  gone  up  to 
the  fort.  They  informed  the  committee  that  they  had  a  certain 
list  of  names  of  men  who  must  leave,  and  that  if  they  had  any 
need  for  them  they  must  examine  them  immediately.  The  com 
mittee,  being  unable  to  carry  on  an  investigation,  adjourned  and 
proceeded  to  Westport.  The  violent  proceedings  in  Lea.venworth 
lasted  for  some  time,  and  had  not  been  fairly  settled  up  to  the 
close  of  July. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

CAPTAIN   WALKER  —  THE    GOVERNOR   ON   SHARPE' S   RIFLES. 

THE  good  people  in  and  about  Lecompton  have  been  afflicted, 
ever  since  Lecompton  grew  out  of  the  Bogus  Legislature  and  a 
fifty  thousand  dollar  appropriation,  with  a  desire  to  "  wipe  out " 
the  "  abolitionists,"  who  happened  to  have  claims  within  a  few 
miles  of  the  place.  As  Lecompton  was  not  a  city,  except  on 
paper,  until  late  in  the  fall  of  1855,  it  so  happened  that  much  of 
the  country  adjacent  was  taken  by  free-state  men.  The  effort  to 
dispossess  these  people  caused  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  and  their 
presence  was  a  fruitful  source  of  annoyance.  Even  Judge  Le- 
compte,  who  has  an  interest  in  the  capital  named  after  him,  was 
unable  to  keep  the  matter  as  it  should  be,  although  he  decided 
cases  in  an  extra-judicial  way  before  they  came  up,  and  threw  all 
the  influence  of  the  bench  in  favor  of  "  law  and  order,"  and  the 
interests  of  Lecompton.  When  difficulties  arise,  it  is  natural,  as 
it  is  providential,  that  more  energetic  minds  should  arise  with 
them  to  solve  them,  and  it  is  equally  natural  that  these  should 
be  very  thoroughly  hated  by  those  in  whose  way  they  happen  to 
come. 

One  of  the  men  whom  the  pro-slavery  party  at  Lecompton 
learned  to  hate  very  thoroughly  was  Capt.  "Walker,  of  the  Bloom- 
ington  company,  a  brave  Ohioan.  The  captain  had  rendered 
himself  conspicuous  on  several  occasions,  and  the  enemies  of  the 
free-state  party^ignalled  him  out  for  destruction.  Shortly  ai'ter  the 
sack  of  Lawrence,  Colonel  Titus,  the  Floridan,  offered  three  hun 
dred  dollars  for  his  head,  although  it  is  doubtful  if  he  could  have 
paid  this  reward  if  it  had  been  claimed.  Threats  were  also  made 
that  his  house  should  be  burned  down.  Most  of  these  threats  the 


CAPTAIN    WALKER. 

Hunt  captain  had  disregarded;  but,  one  night,  there  came  an 
intimation  that  looked  too  true  for  joking ;  the  house  was  to  be 
>urned  down  that  night ;  so  the  captain  sent  out  to  invite  his 
neighbors  to  a  cartridge  frolic.  Amongst  others,  there  was  Col. 
Toplifi',  who  had  been  appointed  by  Gov.  Robinson  to  drill  the 
military  companies  and  put  the  volunteers  in  shape.  The  colonel 
was  a  West  Point  graduate,  and  knew  all  the  modes  in  which 
men  could  be  trained  to  shoot  each  other  scientifically,  from  the 

d-fashioned  sergeant  niajor  polka  to  the  Crimea  drill. 

On  the  occasion  to  which  I  refer  some  thirty  men  had  con 
gregated  at  Walker's.  A  dozen  of  these  were  stationed  in  the 
bouse  with  Walker,  and  the  remainder,  with  Topliff,  were 
stationed  in  an  empty  log  cabin  close  at  hand.  Captain  Walker's 
bouse  stands  at  the  point  where  the  Lecompton  road  branches 
from  the  California.  There  is  an  upright  fence  about  thirty  yards 
in  front  of  the  building,  which  is  a  log  house.  Some  of  the 
ihinking  was  knocked  from  the  walls  of  the  house  on  the  night  in 
question  ;  but  whether  to  look  out  at,  or  shoot  out  at,  will  be  seen. 
All  remained  still  about  the  premises  until  nearly  midnight,  and 
the  watchers  had  begun  to  get  sleepy,  or  to  think  it  was  a  false 
alarm,  when  some  fifteen  horsemen  came  up  the  Lecompton  road. 
When  they  got  in  front  of  Captain  Walker's  house,  several  of 
them  dismounted,  and,  drawing  their  pistols  and  bowie-knives,  and 
endeavoring  to  sink  their  humanity  down  to  a  point  where  they 
would  not  scruple  to  "  kill  an  abolitionist,"  they  were  just  on  the 
point  of  pitching  in,  a  portion  of  the  party  being  in  the  yard,  some 
in  the  saddle,  and  some  dismounting,  when  Captain  Walker,  think 
ing  their  demonstrations  sufficiently  conclusive,  gave  the  com 
mand  "  Fire !  "  and  the  riflemen  in  the  house  began  to  blaze 
away. 

Never  did  the  touch  of  the  magician's  wand  make  Harlequin  go 
through  more  rapid  and  spasmodic  evolutions  than  did  this  crack 
ing  of  Sharpe's  rifles,  these  bowie-knife  heroes  of  law  and  order. 
No  one  gave  the  command  to  retreat ;  but  that  was  quite  super 
fluous ;  there  was  a  general  scattering.  One  horse  fell,  shot  dead 
in  the  gateway,  and  those  inside  had  to  jump  the  fence.  One  of 
these  gentry,  in  this  "  ground  and  lofty  tumbling,"  lost  half  of 


322  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

his  coat-skirt,  which,  with  a  bottle  of  whiskey  in  the  pocket  of 
the  same,  was  left  hanging  to  the  fence.  Another  left  his  hat, 
and  several  bowie-knives  and  revolvers  were  afterwards  found  in 
the  yard.  In  their  anxiety  to  get  off,  they  ran  into  Coloiiel 
ToplifPs  company,  which  they  did  not  see,  in  the  dark,  until  they 
were  close  on  it.  Luckily  for  them,  Topi  iff  had  told  the  men  not 
to  fire.  As  soon  as  the  ruffians  saw  they  had  got  into  another 
scrape,  they  again  wheeled  to  back  out  of  it,  but  not  before  two 
of  them  were  captured. 

These  gentry  protested  their  innocence  of  any  intentions  to  do 
wrong ;  and,  when  they  were  taken  to  the  house  to  give  an  account 
of  themselves,  told  half  a  dozen  different  stories  as  to  the  reason 
of  their  present  whereabouts,  each  of  them  being  more  improbable 
than  the  other,  and  none  of  them  exactly  agreeing.  At  length, 
seeing  that  appearances  were  too  decidedly  against  them  to  make 
much  by  denying  it,  they  admitted  the  party  had  come  to  burn 
the  house,  but  swore  that  they  two,  individually,  knew  nothing  of 
it  when  they  left  Lecompton,  or  they  would  not  have  engaged  in 
anything  so  discreditable.  One  of  these  worthies  was  a  deputy 
U.  S.  marshal,  and  it  was  ascertained  that  Governor  Shannon's 
son,  who  officiated  as  his  private  secretary,  had  been  with  the 
party.  It  was  also  ascertained  that,  besides  the  horse  lying  dead 
in  the  gate,  there  were  some  others  rendered  useless  by  the  opera 
tion,  and,  although  the  parties  engaged  kept  very  quiet  about  the 
business,  it  was  understood  that  several  of  them  were  his,  and  that 
one  man  had  been  severely,  if  not  mortally,  wounded. 

The  dangling  coat-skirt,  with  its  whiskey-bottle,  having  been 
relieved  from  the  paling,  those  of  the  warriors  who  imbibed 
drank  to  the  success  of  the  defence  in  border  ruffian  whiskey.  In 
the  morning  the  two  prisoners  were  allowed  to  go,  their  captors 
not  knowing  what  to  do  with  them.  They  were  very  glad  of  this 
privilege,  and  made  liberal  promises  of  amendment.  But  these 
worthless  fellows  repaid  this  kind  treatment  basely.  By  going  to 
the  house  they  had  ascertained  who  took  part  in  the  defence,  and 
used  this  knowledge  to  predicate  writs  of  arrest.  Writs  of 
arrest  are  not  hard  to  obtain  in  Kansas  when  a  pro-slavery  man 
wants  to  arrest  a  free-state  man.  As  a  consequence,  Captain 


THE    GOVERNOR    ON    SHARPE's   RIFLES.  323 

Walker  had  to  flee  from  his  house  and  his  family,  and  conceal 
himself  in  the  prairie  ravines,  or  the  thickets.  Another  of  the 
persons  present  was  Judge  Wakefield.  When  the  old  judge 
heard  that  there  was  a  writ  out  against  him  he  started  for  Illi 
nois,  where  he  intended  to  "  work  in  the  cause  "  till  the  storm  blew 
over.  .He  was  arrested  at  Leavenworth,  while  on  his  way,  and 
carried  back  to  Lecompton,  but,  after  a  good  deal  of  detention  and 
indignity,  got  away,  as  the  actors  in  this  affair,  even  with  the 
judiciary  on  their  side,  had  not.  the  impudence  to  appear  against 
him. 

Under  these  circumstances  Governor  Shannon  became  impressed 
with  the  conviction  that  it  would  be  a  good  thing  if  he  could  go 
round  amongst  the  free-state  settlers  and  take  their  guns  from 
them.  This  brilliant  idea  about  "  putting  an  end  to  all  trouble," 
had  been  suggested  several  times  before  by  the  border  ruffians, 
but  it  was  only  now  that  Shannon  was  brought  to  feel  its  immense 
importance.  He  accordingly  started  in  pursuit  of  arms,  especially 
Sharpe's  rifles,  ignoring  the  constitutional  right  to  bear  arms,  and 
the  opinion  the  settlers  might  have  on  the  subject.  Well  knowing 
that  a  simple  demand  of  this  kind  from  him  would  be  apt  to  fye 
treated  with  contempt  by  the  "  abolition  traitors,"  he  fortified 
himself  with  a  dozen  of  dragoons,  and  a  staff  from  the  chivalry, 
Colonel  Titus  being  its  chief  pillar  and  ornament,  his  Fidus  Acha 
tes,  and  legal  and  military  adviser  to  boot.  In  taking  the  field, 
they  did  not  encumber  their  progress  with  ambulance,  limiting 
the  range  of  this  peace-giving  mission  to  the  distance  they  could 
go  between  times  to  get  hungry.  The  only  articles  requiring  a 
commissariat  were  whiskey  and  brandy,  which  were  never  neg 
lected  ;  each  man,  however,  providing  for  himself. 

The  governor  went  from  house  to  house,  searching  for  guns. 
The  wonderful  zeal  displayed  on  these  occasions  was  highly  cred 
itable  to  him.  He  searched,  with  a  vigor  which  ought  to  recom 
mend  him  for  a  custom-house  officer,  in  trunks,  bureaus,  boxes, 
under  beds.  No  place  was  too  sacred  or  too  mean  for  him  to 
poke  his  nose  into.  He  got  a  few  guns  in  this  way ;  nor  was  that 
all.  There  .was  a  camp  of  the  recently-imported  Georgians  close 
to  Lecompton  at  the  time,  and  they,  being  well  advised  as  to 


324  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

what  was  going  on,  followed  the  governor  in  his  rounds,  keeping, 
however,  "afar  off,"  and  stealing  —  no,  "pressing"  what  horses 
there  might  be  about  the  premises.  As  the  guns  were  supposed 
to  be  gone,  this  was  a  safe  business.  Amongst  the  other  houses 
that  he  entered  was  that  of  the  murdered  Barber.  Mrs.  Barber 
had  returned  to  Ohio  to  see  her  friends,  but  the  brother  of  the 
deceased  and  other  two  men  were  there.  Here  the  governor  rum 
maged  through  the  whole  house,  as  usual,  opening  every  trunk  and 
box  save  one  small  box.  In  this  the  three  men  had  deposited 
their  Sharpe's  rifles  (for  they  happened  to  have  them)  when  they 
saw  the  governor  and  dragoons  coming.  This  box  was  hauled 
out,  and  the  governor  was  eying  it  very  intently,  as  if  he  would 
have  said, 

"  Fee  faw  fum  — 
I  smell  the  blood  of  an  Englishman  ! " 

Hereupon,  one  of  the  men  interfered,  and  said  the  box  in  ques 
tion  "  belonged  to  the  Widow  Barber,  and  had  been  locked  by  her 
when  she  went  away,  but  he  would  break  it  open,"  etc.  The 
governor  concluded  to  let  the  box  go  without  being  broken  open ; 
whether  the  name  of  "  Widow  Barber  "  grated  on  his  ear,  and 
made  him  willing  to  go,  we  can  only  guess. 

Another  young  man  he  came  across,  and  disarmed  rather  slyly. 
The  person  in  question,  knowing  that  Sharpe's  rifles  had  been  pro 
nounced  contraband,  and  happening  to  have  one,  started  with  it  to 
what  he  supposed  to  be  a  place  of  greater  safety.  While  travel 
ling,  on  emerging  from  a  bushy  ravine,  he  was  surprised  to  see 
Gov.  Shannon  and  Col.  Titus  with  their  horses  drawn  up  before 
him.  His  first  impression  was  to  turn  and  escape,  but  seeing  only 
Shannon  and  Titus,  and  happening  to  remember  that  if  Shannon 
dared  to  molest  him,  this  would  afford  him  an  opportunity  to  shoot 
him  and  Titus,  which  he  felt  was  decidedly  too  good  a  chance  to 
throw  away,  he  strode  on.  They  permitted  him  to  pass  them, 
but  just  as  he  did  so  he  came  on  the  dragoons,  and,  being  thus 
fairly  caught,  flight  was  out  of  the  question.  His  rifle  was  added 
to  Gov.  Shannon's  trophies  of  the  war,  the  youth  cursing  the 
dragoons  generally,  and  Shannon  specially. 


THE    GOVERNOR   ON   SHARPE'S    RIFLES.  325 

Thus  it  was  that  Gov.  Shannon,  during  his  hunt  for  Sharpe's 
rifles,  lately,  left  a  streak  of  glory  in  his  wake  that  will  last  long 
after  his  brilliant  political  services  are  forgotten. 

While  thus  engaged  he  enquired  for  many  persons  whom  he 
was  pleased  to  consider  dangerous  characters,  and  especially  did 
he  ask  for  Capt.  Walker,  whom  he  seemed  anxious  to  catch. 
During  this  "  investigation  "  the  governor  was  often  in  a  situation 
of  which  it  might  truly  be  said,  that  if  he  "  was  na  fou,  he  just 
had  plenty." 

"  One  day  an  equestrian,  tall,  stoop-shouldered,  and  —  well  — 
not  exactly  sober  man — rode  up  to  the  residence  of  Capt.  Thorn, 
which  is  situated  on  the  California  road,  a  few  miles  west  of  Law 
rence,  lie  had  several  specimens  of  the  recently  imported  '  chiv 
alry  '  with  him ;  imposing  men,  none  of  them  being  of  less  grade 
than  a  colonel  or  a  major,  and  a  string  of  Uncle  Sam's  dragoons 
behind  them,  in  dirty  blue  woollen  uniform,  with  dirty  white 
facings.  The  leader  of  the  party  drew  up  his  horse  at  the  door, 
and  hailed  a  little  girl  who  appeared. 

"  '  Who  lives  here?  ' 

" '  Capt.  Thorn.' 

"  '  Who  's  Capt.  Thorn  ?  What  is  he  captain  of  ?  —  hie  —  Cap 
tain  of  Capt.  Walker's  company,  eh  ?  '  and  the  long-backed  inter 
rogator  swq$red  uneasily  on  his  horse. 

"  '  No,  sir ;  he 's  an  old  sea-captain.' 

"'  0,  yes;  where  is  he?' 

" '  At  Lawrence.' 

"'At  Lawrence !  Lawrence !  —  hie  —  Lawrence !  What 's  he 
doing  there  ?  Gone  to  raise  a  company,  eh? ' 

"  '  No,  sir  ;  he  has  gone  for  lumber.' 

"  '  Lumber !  lumber  !  What 's  he  going  to  do  —  hie  —  with 
lumber  ?  ' 

"  '  Going  to  fence  our  field,  sir.' 

"  '  Ah  !  yes,  yes ;  well  —  hie  —  look  here,  my  little  girl ;  don't 
you  know  I  'm  Governor  Shannon?  ' 

"  At  this  point,  Mrs.  Thorn,  who  had  been  at  work  in  the  gar 
den,  came  up,  and  the  little  girl,  with  admirable  Tiaivete,  said, 
'Mother  —  Gov.  Shannon.'  Here  Shannon  cordially  offered  his 
28 


OZO  T.HE   CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

hand,  but  Mrs.  Thorn  4said  her  hands  were  all  dirty  ;  she  had  been 
working  in  the  garden. 

"  'Never  mind,  ma'am.  —  never  mind  —  I  don't  care  —  I  don't 
mind  dirt,  ma'am,  at  all  —  hie  —  I  never  do.  This  is  Gaptaiu 
Thorn's,  I  believe  ? ' 

"  '  Yes,  sir.' 

"  '  Very  well,  ma'am,  that 's  all  right  —  hie  —  that 's  all  right. 
You  don't  keep  any  Sharpe's  rifles,  Mrs.  Thorn,  do  you  ?  I  'm  out 
to  put  a  stop  to  all  this  business,  —  hie  —  I  'm  —  I  'm  determined 
to  have  all  the  Sharpe's  rifles.  We  have  —  hie  —  we  have  law 
and  order  in  this  territory,  ma'am,  and  I  'in  '  — 

" '  We  're  peaceable  people,  sir  ;  we  have  no  Sharpe's  rifles.' 

"  '  That 's  right,  ma'am,  all  right.     I  —  hie  —  believe  you.' 

"  '  Yes,  sir  ;  and  we  want  protection.  There  have  been  parties 
—  Southerners  —  about,  molesting  people  and  taking  horses,  sir. 
Can  we  not  be  protected  from  them  ?  ' 

"  '  Certainly,  ma'am,  certainly.  Look  here,'  turning  to  that  tall 
specimen  from  Florida,  Col.  Titus,  '  look  here,  colonel,  I  say ;  I 
want  you  distinctly  to  understand  —  hie  —  distinctly  to  under 
stand,  mind  —  that  this  good  woman  and  her  family  are  not  to  be 
molested.  Yes,  sir  —  hie —  they  are  to  be  protected  ;  mind,  this 
house  is  to  be  protected.  These  are  law  and  order  folks,  sir ; 
they  have  no  —  hie  —  no  Sharpe's  rifles.'  And  with  these  assur 
ances  of  protection,  and  a  gallant  bow  to  the  ladies  that  nearly 
precipitated  him  from  his  horse,  he  wheeled  about  with  his  cortege 
of  Southern  bravos  and  United  States  dragoons,  and  rode  off." 

The  day  following  he  started  determined  to  find  Capt.  Walker. 
"  On  that  day  Major  Hoyt  stopped  for  a  moment  at  the  house  of 
Capt.  Thorn,  arid  told  them  to  send  over  a  girl  to  Capt.  Walker's 
to  let  him  know  that  Shannon  and  the  troops  were  coming.  The 
little  girl  in  question,  Miss  Dolly  Thorn,  not  more  than  nine  or 
ten  years  old,  I  should  think,  went  over.  Capt.  Walker  picked 
up  his  rifle  and  hid  in  the  ravine.  The  governor  and  his  troops 
came,  searched,  found  nothing,  and  went  away.  Shortly  after  they 
left,  and  just  as  the  little  girl  was  about  starting  home,  these 
Georgians  came  up,  and  were  for  taking  Capt.  Walker's  pony, 
that  was  staked  out  in  the  prairie  in  the  front  of  the  house.  With 


THE    GOVERNOR   ON    SHARPED    RIFLES.  327 

wonderful  tact  and  coolness,  the  little  girl  went  to  the  pony  and 
put  her  arms  round  its  neck,  as  its  head  was  down. 

"  '  Is  that  your  pony,  sis  ?  '  asked  one  of  them. 

"  *  Yes,  bir.' 

"  '  Well,  we  must  have  it ;  the  governor  told  us  we  must  take 
it.' 

"  '  It 's  my  pony  ;  you  can't  have  it ! ' 

"  Here  they  threatened  her,  and  one  of  them,  it  is  said,  although 
I  can  hardly  credit  it,  presented  a  pistol.  The  little  girl  did  not 
relinquish  her  hold  of  the  pony,  although  she  was  nearly  moved 
to  tears.  At  last  one  of  them  said,  *  Well,  well,  sis,  you  may 
keep  it,'  and  turned  away  from  her,  With  great  coolness  and 
prudence,  she  unloosed  its  halter,  put  on  Capt.  Walker's  saddle 
and  bridle,  and  started  home  with  it." 

About  the  same  time  a  more  startling  occurrence  took  place.  A 
free-state  settler  from  one  of  the  Western  States,  named  Storrs, 
had  a  fine  claim  on  Washington  creek.  A  party  of  Georgians 
camped  on  the  creek,  a  short  distance  above  him.  These  fellows 
threatened  to  burn  out  and  drive  off  Mr.  Storrs.  Accordingly, 
they  attacked  the  house  one  day,  or  rather  made  demonstrations 
of  attacking  it,  keeping  some  little  distance  off,  as  the  house  had 
one  or  two  holes  knocked  out  between  the  logs  where  the  attack 
was  expected,  and  five  of  the  neighbors  had  got  into  it  before  the 
attacking  party  came  up.  The  house  was,  therefore,  an  ugly 
thing  to  attack,  and  the  Georgians,  who  were  well  armed,  but  pru 
dent  withal,  made  their  approaches  with  due  caution.  A  widow 
woman  lived  on  a  claim  adjoining  Mr.  Storrs',  and,  seeing  the 
state  of  affairs,  she  got  a  horse  and  galloped  to  Lawrence  for  help. 
There  was  a  company  of  dragoons  on  Mount  Oread,  and  although 
they  had  done  nothing  towards  defending  the  free-state  people, 
yet  Col.  Topi  iff,  in  the  emergency,  thought  they  might  be  got,  and 
went  to  the  officer  of  the  dragoons.  That  officer  happened  to  be  a 
pretty  good  fellow,  and  so  he  despatched  an  orderly  and  two 
dragoons,  who,  with  Col.  Topliff,  and  other  two  free-state  men, 
galloped  as  quickly  as  they  could  to  the  scene  of  operations.  The 
Georgians,  who  were  on  the  look-out,  saw  their  approach,  and 
retreated  before  they  had  been  observed  by  them.  Meanwhile, 


328  THE  CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

the  watchers  at  the  narrow  portals  of  that  squatter's  cabin  were 
keeping  a  bright  look-out.  So  far  they  had  kept  the  Georgians  at 
bay,  but  they  expected  an  attack  every  moment.  As  ill-luck  would 
have  it,  the  dragoons  approached  the  house  from  the  same  direction 
in  which  the  Georgians  had  been  lust  seen.  The  besieged,  who 
had  no  idea  that  the  dragoons  would  come  to  help  them,  and  who 
did  not  expect  to  see  their  friends  come  in  that  way,  cried  out, 
"Halt!"  when  the  dragoons  were  two  hundred  yards  off;  hut 
the  party,  anxious  to  be  in  time,  came  on  pell-mell,  at  the  gallo,*. 
"  Halt !  "  was  again  shouted,  but  as  this  also  was  disregarded,  and 
as  those  in  the  house  thought  the  enemy  were  near  enough,  they 
blazed  away.  In  a  twinkling,  both  the  foremost  dragoons  rolled 
over,  horse  and  man,  one  of  them  with  a  bullet-hole  in  his  arm 
and  another  in  his  leg ;  both  horses  were  wounded,  and  though 
the  other  dragoon  was  not  shot,  he  came  down  with  an  emphasis 
that  left  him  stretched  for  a  minute  or  two  senseless.  In  the 
summersault  his  sabre  flew  out  of  its  scabbard,  and  the  scabbard 
bent  double.  As  the  bullets  were  coming  too  thick  to  be  pleasant, 
Col.  Topliff,  with  his  two  friends  and  the  orderly,  wheeled  about 
and  galloped  back  as  hard  as  they  came,  the  Sharpe's  rifle-bullets 
going  "uzz —  uzz  —  uzz ;  "  there  is  a  fascinating  music  in  a 
Sharpe's  rifle-bullet. 

Of  course  they  were  fully  persuaded  that  the  house  had  been 
taken  by  the  Georgians,  and  it  was  not  before  next  day  that  the 
mistake  was  discovered.  Luckily,  nobody  was  killed.  It  was 
only  a  few  days  after  this  that  Storrs  came  into  Lawrence,  telling 
that  the  Georgians  had  attacked  his  house,  and  threatened  to 
destroy  it.  A  few  neighbors  were  in  the  house,  with  his  wife  and 
two  young  children.  The  Georgians  had  stepped  out  of  rifle-shot 
from  the  house,  and  Mr.  Storrs  hurried  into  Lawrence  for  assist 
ance.  Almost  immediately  a  volunteer  company,  of  forty-six 
men  in  all,  started  for  the  spot;  eight  of  them  being  a  mile  or 
more  behind  the  rest,  and  taking  a  different  road.  Before  the 
first  party  arrived,  the  Georgians,  who  had  been  threatening  the 
house,  retired,  and  went  up  the  Wakarusa  to  a  camp.  In  the 
meantime,  the  party  of  eight  came  across  a  party  of  five  Geor 
gians  near  the  crossing  of  the  Wakarusa,  and  took  them  prisoners. 


THE   GOVERNOR   ON   SHARPED   RIFLEri.  329 

They  had  with  them  a  camp-wagon  and  three  yoke  of  oxen.  They 
were  brought  up  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Storrs,  where  the  whole  com 
pany  had  assembled.  The  leader  of  these  Georgians,  a  Captain 
Jenigen,  of  Georgia,  one  of  Buford's  men,  evinced  some  anxiety, 
and  asked  one  or  two  what  free-state  people  did  with  prisoners,  in 
a  tone  that  showed  he  did  not  look  upon  the  matter  as  a  joke. 

Captain  Jenigen  was  a  young  Georgian,  rather  good-looking, 
although  rendered  fierce  in  expression  by  a  red  or  sandy  mustache. 
He  had  evidently  seen  better  society  than  that  in  which  he  was 
found,  for  his  comrades  were  a  hard-looking  set. 

These  prisoners  were,  on  deliberation,  set  at  liberty,  with  their 
goods,  including  a  fine  horse  the  captain  had,  which  some  of  the 
boys  suspected  had  been  stolen,  a  double-barreled  shot-gun,  a  fancy 
rifle  that  the  captain  said  was  a  family-piece,  an  ornamental 
sword,  which  the  captain  said  had  been  given  him,  as  a  present, 
by  somebody  in  St.  Louis,  as  his  company  came  up  the  river. 
In  fact,  they  got  all  of  their  own  property  back,  even  their  arms. 
They  denied  having  been  at  the  sack  of  Lawrence,  or  having  been 
with  those  who  had  attacked  Storrs'  house.  They  said  they  had 
merely  stopped  at  the  camp  of  these  Georgians,  on  their  way  down 
from  One-hundred-and-ten  to  Franklin.  It  was  very  evident  that 
they  lied  in  all  this.  Two  kegs  of  gunpowder  were  taken  from 
them,  two  Sharpe's  rifles  that  had  been  stolen,  and  one  of  the 
breech-loading  .rifles  taken  at  Franklin  just  before  Lawrence  was 
attacked.  Capt.  Jenigen  was  a  gentleman,  and  was  evidently 
surprised  at  the  liberality  with  which  he  was  treated.  He  said, 
as  he  prepared  to  leave,  "  By  G — d,  boys,  is  not  this  carrying  the 
thing  too  fur  ?  "  and  then  he  solemnly  promised  that  those  arms 
just  returned  should  never  be  used  against  free-state  people.  He 

cursed  Shannon  for  a  d d  old  fool,  and  suid  he  had  left  Bu- 

ford,  and  was  "  down  on  him."  He  added,  with  admirable  naive 
te,  that  he  was  a  gentleman  when  he  was  at  home.  Mr.  Storrs 
and  family  left  their  prairie  home,  and  returned  to  Lawrence  for 
safety,  taking  all  the  furniture  they  could  in  their  wagons.  It 
was  a  sad  scene  —  that  bustling,  hurried  departure.  Once  I  saw 
Mrs.  Storrs  wipe  the  perspiration  from  her  husband's  brow,  and 
28* 


380  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

say  with  that  inspiring  tone  —  woman's  best  gift  —  "  Well,  never 
mind  ;  we  will  get  over  this  yet." 

It  afterwards  turned  out  that  this  Capt.  Jenigen  was  one  of  the 
hardest  cases  in  Buford's  regiment.  Nest  day  after  we  let  him 
go,  he  robbed  a  free-state  man,  on  the  road,  of  his  horse,  watch, 
and  money.  The  day  after,  he  and  his  men  robbed  and  abused  a 
teamster.  He  was  subsequently  engaged  in  some  of  the  most  law 
less  outrages,  and  yet  I  learn  that  he  is  the  only  son  of  a  respect 
able  family  in  Georgia. 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

BATTLE    OF   BLACK    JACK. 

TOWARDS  the  close  of  May,  1856,  Captain  H.  C.  Pate,  with  his 
company  of  "  Shannon's  Sharp  Shooters,"  went  down  towards 
Osawattomie.  Their  business  may  be  inferred  from  a  statement 
Df  the  occurrence  published  in  the  Lecompton  Unio?i,  by  Mr. 
Brock,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  company.  He  says  : 

"  We  were  going  down  to  the  southern  part  of  the  territory, 
expecting  to  see  rattlesnakes  and  abolitionists,  and  took  our  guns 
along." 

Captain  Pate,  however,  pretended  to  be  an  officer  under  Mar 
shal  Donaldson.  Quite  likely  they  belonged  to  the  "  militia,"  as 
they  had  the  United  States  arms  belonging  to  the  territory;  but 
most  of  them,  like  their  gallant  captain,  lived  in  Missouri.  Cap 
tain  Pate  is  a  Virginian  by  birth.  He  is  a  good-looking  fellow, 
and  a  man  of  intelligence.  He  has  been  engaged  as  an  editor  in 
Cincinnati,  and  has  acted  as  the  Kansas  correspondent  of  the 
Missouri  Republican  ;  for  which  he  provided  pro-slavery  versions 
of  the  occurrences  in  Kansas,  he  residing  in  Western  Missouri. 
Fie  is  a  violent  pro-slavery  man,  and  has  been  engaged  in  the 
lawless  inroads  on  the  territory  ever  since  he  has  lived  in  the 
Missouri  border.  He  was  at  the  sacking  of  Lawrence,  and  distin 
guished  himself  chiefly  by  riding  about  on  a  fine  horse,  he  being 
decorated  with  ribbons.  It  would  be  impossible  to  speak  highly 
of  the  moral  character  of  a  man  who  has  participated  so  actively 
in  outrages  on  an  intelligent  and  moral  people.  He  has  the 
bearing  of  a  gentleman,  but  is  either  the  tool  of  a  corrupt  system, 
or  is  a  very  corrupt  man. 

Directly  the  reverse  of  this  picture,  in  many  respects,  is  a 


332  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

character  I  must  now  introduce,  —  old  Captain  Brown,  or  Captain 
John  Brown,  Sen.  Captain  Brown  moved  to  the  territory  from  the 
State  of  New  York,  early  in  1855,  but  he  is  by  birth  a  Yermonter. 
He  is  an  old  soldier,  and  was  through  the  war  of  1812.  Tall 
and  stern-looking,  hard-featured  and  resolute,  there  is  something 
in  Captain  Brown's  air  that  speaks  the  soldier,  every  inch  of  him. 
He  is  not  a  man  to  be  trifled  with ;  and  there  is  no  one  for  whom 
the  border  ruffians  entertain  a  more  wholesome  dread  than  Captain 
Brown.  They  hate  him  as  they  would  a  snake,  but  their  hatred 
is  composed  nine  tenths  of  fear.  Although  the  captain  is  a  prac 
tical  man,  he  is  one  of  those  abstruse  thinkers  who  have  read  much 
and  thought  more.  In  his  opinions  he  is  inexorably  inflexible, 
and  the  world  generally  would  pronounce  him  a  "  fanatic."  He 
is  one  of  those  Christians  who  have  not  quite  vanished  from  the 
face  of  the  earth,  —  that  is,  he  asks  the  blessing  of  God  when  he 
breaks  his  bread,  and  does  not,  even  in  camp,  forget  his  devotions 
in  his  zeal  against  the  border  ruffians.  There  is  not  a  more  stern 
disciplinarian  in  Kansas ;  he  is  a  regular  martinet,  and  so  care 
fully  can  he  conceal  his  quarters,  that,  when  you  wish  to  find  him 
when  he  does  not  wish  it,  you  might  as  well  hunt  for  a  needle  in  a 
haystack  as  for  Captain  Brown.  He  is  a  strange,  resolute,  repul 
sive,  iron-willed,  inexorable  old  man.  He  stands  like  a  solitary 
rock  in  a  more  mobile  society,  a  fiery  nature,  and  a  cold  temper, 
and  a  cool  head,  —  a  volcano  beneath  a  covering  of  snow.  Whether 
with  reason  or  not,  I  cannot  say,  but  he  was  regarded  as  a  parti 
cipator,  if  not  leader,  in  the  Potawattomie  affair;  and,  as  thej 
border  ruffians  desired  to  kill  him,  an  object  Captain  Pate  admits 
he  had  in  view  was  "  to  capture  Old  Brown." 

While  near  OsaHvattomie  he  contrived  to  seize  two  of  the  old 
man's  sons,  —  Captain  John  Brown,  Jun.,  who  was  a  member  of 
the  State  Legislature,  and  Mr.  Jason  Brown.  These  were  taken 
while  quietly  engaged  in  their  avocations.  Captain  Brown,  Jun., 
had  been  up  with  his  company  at  Lawrence,  immediately  after  the 
sacking  of  the  place,  and  at  the  time  the  men  at  Potawattomie 
were  killed.  He  had  returned  home  when  he  saw  he  could  not 
aid  Lawrence,  and  quietly  went  to  work.  He  and  his  brother 
Jason  were  taken  by  Pate ;  charged  with  murder ;  kept  in  irons 


BATTLE  OF  BLACK  JACK.  333 

in  their  camp,  and  treated  with  the  greatest  indignity  and  inhu 
manity.  While  Pate  was  thus  taking  people  prisoners,  without 
any  legal  authority  or  writs,  he  was  joined  by  Captain  Wood's 
company  of  dragoons,  who,  so  far  from  putting  a  stop  to  his 
violent  career,  aided  him  in  it,  and  took  from  him,  at  his  desire, 
the  two  prisoners,  keeping  them  under  guard  in  their  camp, 
heavily  ironed  and  harshly  treated.  While  these  companies  were 
thus  travelling  close  to  each  other  Captain  Pate's  men  burned  the 
store  of  a  man  named  Winer,  a  German,  who  was  supposed  to 
.have  been  in  the  Potawattomie  affair.  They  also  burned  the 
house  of  John  Brown,  Jun.,  in  which,  amongst  a  variety  of  house 
hold  articles,  a  valuable  library  was  consumed.  They  also  burned 
the  cabin  of  another  of  the  Browns  (the  old  captain  has  six  grown 
sons),  and  also  searched  houses,  menaced  free-state  settlers,  and 
acted  in  a  violent  and  lawless  manner  generally. 

Not  being  able  to  find  Captain  Brown  at  Osawattomie,  Pate's 
company  and  the  troops  started  back  again  for  the  Santa  Fe 
road.  In  the  long  march  that  intervened,  under  a  hot  sun,  the 
two  Browns,  now  in  charge  of  the  dragoons,  and  held  without  even 
the  pretence  of  bogus  law,  were  driven  before  the  dragoons,  chained 
like  beasts.  For  twenty-five  miles  they  thus  suffered  under  this 
outrageous  inhumanity.  Nor  was  this  all.  John  Brown,  Jun., 
who  had  been  excited  by  the  wild  stories  of  murder  told  against 
his  father,  by  their  enemies,  and  who  was  of  a  sensitive  mind,  was 
unable  to  bear  up  against  this  and  his  treatment  during  the  march, 
and  afterwards,  while  confined  in  camp,  startled  his  remorseless 
captors  by  the  wild  ravings  of  a  maniac,  while  he  lashed  his  chains 
in  fury  till  the  dull  iron  shone  like  polished  steel. 

To  rescue  his  two  sons  from  their  captors  became  the  determina 
tion  of  Captain  Brown.  Like  a  wolf  robbed  of  its  young  he 
stealthily,  but  resolutely,  watched  for  his  foes,  while  he  skirted 
through  the  thickets  of  the  Merodesin  and  Ottawa  creeks.  Per 
haps  it  was  a  lurking  dread  of  Captain  Brown's  rescuing  the 
prisoners  that  made  Captain  Pate  deliver  them  to  the  United 
States  dragoons.  The  dragoons,  with  their  prisoners,  encamped 
on  Middle  Ottawa  creek,  while'  Pate  went  on  with  his  men  to  the 
Santa  Fe  road,  near  Hickory  Point.  On  the  evening  of  Satur- 


334  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

day,  the  31st  of  May,  he  encamped  on  the  head  of  a  small  brunch 
or  ravine,  called  Black  Jack,  from  the  kind  of  timber  growing 
there.  His  camp  was  on  the  head  of  the  ravine,  in  the  edge  of 
the  prairie,  not  far  from  the  Santa  Fe  road,  but  to  the  north  of 
it.  This  camp  was  some  five  miles  east  of  Palmyra,  and  nearly 
the  same  distance  in  a  north  north-easterly  direction  from  Prairie 
city.  The  bottom  of  the  ravine  at  Black  Jack,  besides  the 
growing  timber,  had  some  deep  water-drains  or  ruts,  round  which 
was  a  thicket ;  there  were  also  several  bogs  on  the  spot  where  the 
camp  was. 

On  the  same  night  that  they  pitched  their  tents  on  Black  Jack, 
Pate's  company  attacked  and  plundered  the  town  of  Palmyra. 
That  night  they  only  got  arms  and  a  few  other  articles.  They 
surprised  the  household  of  Mr.  Barricklon,  who  keeps  a  store  in 
the  place,  getting  into  the  house  before  the  inmates  awoke.  There 
were  several  men  there,  but  no  resistance  was  offered  to  Pate's  men. 
Not  being  satisfied,  the  Missourians  returned  next  morning  and 
made  a  more  thorough  work  of  plundering.  They  took  one  keg 
of  gunpowder,  which  was  in  the  store,  and  blew  it  up  in  the  Santa 
Fe  road,  just  to  gratify  their  reckless  disposition.  They  loaded 
a  wagon  with  plunder,  and  started  back  for  their  camp.  This  was 
on  Sunday  morning. 

On  Saturday  night  Captain  Shore  had  been  out  reconnoitring 
the  enemy.  Captain  Shore  is  a  free-state  man,  who  came  from 
Missouri.  He  was  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature  of  Kansas. 
He  is  a  quiet  man,  but  brave  and  resolute.  He  commanded  the 
Prairie  city  company.  The  same  night  Dr.  Graham,  of  Prairie 
city,  along  with  a  Mr.  Barringer,  went  to  Palmyra  to  reconnoitre. 
They  knew  that  a  band  of  Missourians  was  somewhere  in  the  neigh 
borhood,  but  did  not  know  where.  About  nine  o'clock  at  night 
the  forces,  coming  to  plunder  Palmyra,  came  across  these  two  men 
and  took  the  doctor  prisoner  ;  Mr.  Barringer  escaped.  The  doctor 
was  carried  prisoner  to  their  camp.  They  also  took  a  Baptist 
preacher  prisoner,  the  Rev.  Father  Moore.  He  was  a  free-state 
man,  but  came  to  the  territory  from  Missouri.  He  was  an  old 
man,  and  was  taken  while  riding  down  the  Santa  Fe  road  towards 
Westport.  Some  of  his  captors  had  known  him  in  Missouri,  and 


BATTLE  OF  BLACK  JACK.  335 

tormented  him  after  they  had  made  him  prisoner,  with  a  wicked 
refinement  of  cruelty.  They  knew  he  was  opposed  to  drinking ; 
so,  when  they  had  taken  him  prisoner,  they  seized  his  person,  and, 
putting  a  tin  funnel  in  his  mouth,  poured  liquor  down  his  throat,  — 
the  scoundrels  swearing  that  they  would  "  make  the  old  preacher 
drunk."  On  Sunday  they  took  another  prisoner,  a  free-state  man, 
who  lived  in  that  neighborhood,  an  Englishman,  named  Lymer. 

After  dinner,  on  Sunday,  Pate's  men  wanted  to  go  over  to 
Prairie  city  and  plunder  it.  Pate  attempted  to  dissuade  them, 
but  some  of  them  would  not  be  dissuaded.  Amongst  other  things, 
they  had  stolen  a  number  of  horses  from  the  free-state  men. 
Prairie  city  is  a  small  place  yet,  and,  fancying  that  it  would  be 
easily  taken,  and  that  no  resistance  would  be  offered,  six  of  Pate's 
men  started  on  the  expedition.  At  the  time  this  party  approached 
Prairie  city,  the  people  of  that  place  and  vicinity  were  congre 
gated  in  the  house  of  Dr.  Graham,  to  hear  preaching.  They 
could  "  watch  as  well  as  pray,"  however.  There  were  some  twenty 
men  present,  and  most  of  them,  after  the  old  Revolutionary  pat 
tern,  had  gone  to  church  with  their  guns  on  their  shoulders.  It 
was  one  of  those  primitive  meetings  which  may  often  be  found  in 
the  West,  with  the  slight  addition  of  its  military  aspects ;  simple 
and  unostentatious  garb ;  easy  and  primitive  manners ;  a  log 
house,  the  ribbed  timbers  of  which  gave  a  rough-cast  look  to  the 
simple  scene,  with  here  and  there  the  heavy  octagon  barrel  of  a 
long  Western  rifle,  or  the  smooth  barrel  of  a  shot-gun,  were  visible 
where  they  leaned  against  the  wall,  ready  for  action.  The 
worshippers  were  nearly  through  with  their  devotions,  and  the 
closing  psalm  was  echoing  through  the  timbers  of  that  log  house, 
to  one  of  those  quaint  old  melodies  to  be  found  in  the  Missouri 
Harmony,  when  the  sacred  strain  was  snapped  by  another  "  Mis 
souri  Harmony."  A  watcher  entered,  saying, 

"  The  Missourians !  — they  are  coming  !  " 

Never  was  a  congregation  dismissed  on  shorter  notice.  The 
holy  man  forgot  the  benediction  in  remembering  his  rifle.  The 
six  ruffians  had  galloped  up,  when  the  congregation,  suddenly 
rushing  out,  surrounded  them.  Two  of  the  number,  who  were  a 
little  back,  wheeled  their  horses  and  galloped  off,  more  than  one 


836  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

bullet  going  whizzing  after  them ;  but,  thanks  to  their  fleet  steeds, 
or  their  enemies'  hurried  shooting,  they  got  off  scathlcss,  and 
got  back  and  told  a  frightful  story  to  Pate  about  the  other  men 
being  killed  —  "  horribly  !  "  etc. 

The  other  men  were  merely  taken  prisoners  of  war.  One  of 
them,  however,  had  come  very  near  getting  his  quietus.  A  son 
of  Dr.  Graham,  a  boy  of  about  eleven  years,  seized  his  father's 
double-barrelled  gun  at  the  first  alarm,  and  hurried  out  to  the 
fence,  the  Missourians,  who  were  thus  all  taken  aback,  being  im 
mediately  outside  of  it.  The  daring  boy,  with  his  Irish  blood  up, 
went  within  three  rods  of  them,  and,  poking  his  gun  over  the  fence, 
took  deliberate  aim  at  one  of  the  men,  and  would  have  fired  the 
next  moment,  —  for  Bub  was  not  enlightened  in  the  mysterious 
"  articles  of  war,"  —  when  a  free-state  man  put  aside  his  gun,  and 
said, 

" Bub,  what  are  you  doing? " 

"  Going  to  shoot  that  fellow." 

"You  mustn't." 

Bub  shook  his  head  and  began  to  put  up  his  gun  again,  mut 
tering, 

"  He  's  on  pap's  horse." 

Bub  remembered  that  his  "  pap  "  was  then  a  prisoner  in  the 
enemy's  camp,  if  not  killed,  and  he  felt  that  important  interests 
were  devolving  on  him,  and  must  not  be  neglected.  The  names 
of  three  of  the  men  taken  were  Forman,  Luck  and  Hamilton ;  the 
name  of  the  other  I  forget.  They  all  lived  about  Westport. 

Through  the  whole  of  that  Sunday  night  did  Captain  Brown's 
and  Captain  Shore's  company  hunt  for  Captain  Pate,  but  their 
search  was  unsuccessful.  As  the  gray  dawn  of  Monday  morning, 
June  2d,  glimmered  in,  they  had  returned  to  Prairie  city,  when 
two  scouts,  Messrs.  McAlliston  and  Hill,  brought  the  tidings  that 
the  enemy  was  encamped  on  the  Black  Jack,  some  four  or  five 
miles  off.  A  small  party  was  left  to  guard  the  prisoners,  and  the 
remainder  immediately  took  up  their  line  of  march  for  the  enemy. 

Of  those  who  thus  left  Prairie  city,  Captain  Shore's  company 
numbered  twenty  men,  himself  included,  and  Captain  Brown  had 
nine  men  besides  himself.  They  rode  towards  the  Black  Jack. 


BATTLE  OF  BLACK  JACK.  337 

Arrived  within  a  mile  of  it,  they  left  their  horses  and  two  of  their 
men  to  guard  them.  They  despatched  other  two  messengers,  one 
to  Palmyra  for  help,  and  another  to  Captain  Abbott's  company, 
come  eight  miles  off,  on  the  Wakarusa.  The  remainder,  twenty- 
six  men  all  told,  in  two  divisions,  each  captain  having  his  own 
men,  marched  quietly  forward  on  the  enemy. 

On  Sunday  night  there  were  sixty  men  in  the  pro-slavery  camp 
on  the  Black  Jack.  Coleman,  the  murderer  of  Dow,  and  a  num- 
^er  with  him,  had  reinforced  Pate.  Late  on  Sunday  night  five 
or  six  pro-slavery  men  left  the  camp ;  but,  on  the  morning  of  the 
second  June,  they  had  upwards  of  fifty  well-armed  men  in  martial 
array.  Three  or  four  wagons  had  been  drawn  up  in  a  line,  as  a 
part  of  breastwork,  several  rods  out  on  the  prairie  from  the 
ravine,  and  one  of  the  tents  was  there.  Such  was  the  state  of 
affairs  when  the  outer  picket-guard,  about  six  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  galloped  in  and  reported, 

"  The  abolitionists  are  coming !  " 

"  Where  —  how  many  ?  "  and  there  were  a  hurrying  to  and  fro, 
and  seizing  arms. 

"Across  the  prairie  —  there's  a  hundred  of  them,"  cried  the 
frightened  border  ruffian,  whose  fears  had  multiplied  the  approach 
ing  force  by  four,  and  who  probably  had  never  stopped  to  examine 
carefully  or  count,  but  had  galloped  off  as  soon  as  he  caught  the 
first  glimpse  of  them. 

Captain  Pate's  position  at  Black  Jack  was  a  very  strong  one. 
It  afforded  shelter  for  his  men,  and,  except  by  a  force  coming  up 
the  ravine  or  stream  from  the  timber  at  Hickory  Point,  had  to  be 
approached  over  open  prairie,  sloping  up  from  the  place  where  the 
Missourians  were  posted.  When  the  alarm  was  sounded,  Captain 
Pate  drew  up  his  men  in  line  behind  the  breastwork  of  wagons. 

When  they  neared  the  enemy's  partition  Captain  Brown 
wished  Shore  to  go  to  the  left  and  get  into  the  ravine  below  them, 
while  he,  with  his  force,  would  get  into  the  upper  or  prairie  part 
of  the  ravine,  in  the  bottom  of  which  was  long  grass.  As  the 
ravine  made  a  bend,  they  would  thus  have  got  in  range  of  the 
enemy  on  both  sides,  and  had  them  in  cross  fire,  without  being  in 
their  own  fire.  Captain  Brown,  with  his  nine  men,  accordingly 
29 


338  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

went  to  the  right.  Captain  Shore,  with  more  bravery  than  mili 
tary  skill,  approached  the  foe  over  the  hill  to  the  west  of  their 
camp,  marching  over  the  prairie  up  within  good  range,  fully 
exposed,  and  with  no  means  of  shelter  near  them. 

"  Who  comes  there  ?  What  do  you  want  ? "  cried  Captain 
Pate. 

"  When  I  get  my  men  in  line  I  '11  show  you,"  cried  the  gallant 
Captain  Shore ;  and,  true  to  his  word,  without  waiting  for  or 
wanting  any  humbug  parley,  the  gallant  band  poured  in  a  volley 
on  the  Missourians,  who  were  drawn  up  behind  the  wagons,  the 
latter  instantly  returning  it. 

Volley  after  volley  pealed  through  the  air,  and  echoed  from  the 
ravine  at  Black  Jack  away  up  to  the  dense  timber  at  Hickory 
Point.  Meantime,  Captain  Brown  had  hurried  into  the  ravine  on 
the  right  of  Shore,  and,  posting  his  men  well,  began  to  discourse 
the  "  music  of  the  spheres  "  from  that  quarter. 

"  We  're  whipped  !  we  're  whipped  !  "  yelled  the  Missourians, 
before  the  battle  had  lasted  ten  minutes,  and,  breaking  from  the 
wagon,  they  retreated  to  the  ravine  and  concealed  themselves 
there,  some  seven  or  eight  of  them  being  wounded.  One  was  shot 
through  the  mouth  by  a  Sharpe's  rifle  bullet.  He  had  been 
squatted  behind  the  wagon  wheel ;  the  ball  hit  one  of  the  spokes, 
shivering  it,  and  the  border  ruffian,  in  trying  the  juggler's  feat  of 
catching  it  in  his  mouth,  got  it  lodged  somewhere  away  about  the 
root  of  the  tongue,  or  the  back  of  his  neck.  Another  was  shot  in 
the  upper  part  of  the  breast,  or  the  lower  part  of  his  neck,  the 
bullet  descending,  and  lodging  in  his  back.  Another,  Jim  McGea, 
of  Westport,  was  wounded  in  the  most  uncomfortable  manner. 
He,  with  several  others,  who  were  also  wounded,  left  their  camp 
by  the  eastern  side  and  rode  away,  like  other  Hampdens,  leaving 
the  battle-field ;  but,  0,  how  unlike  Hampdens  in  anything  else  ! 

After  Pate's  men  retreated  to  the  ravine,  he  endeavored  to 
rally  them,  and  a  fire  was  kept  up  from  the  ravine  where  they  lay 
concealed,  and  from  which  they  could  shoot  in  comparative  secur 
ity,  although  the  bullets  were  whistling  over  their  heads  at  a 
fearful  rate.  And  soon  the  position  of  Captain  Shore  was  found 
to  be  hazardous  and  critical ;  fully  exposed  to  nn  enemy  who  could 


BATTLE  OF  BLACK  JACK.  339 

shoot  at  his  men  almost  without  running  risk,  they  began  to  give 
way,  and  soon  they  had  nearly  all  retreated  some  two  hundred 
yards  up  the  slope,  on  to  the  high  ground  where  they  were  out  of 
range.  Captain  Shore,  however,  and  two  or  three  of  his  men, 
went  over  and  joined  Brown,  where  the  force  lay  in  the  long 
grass,  firing  down  the  ravine.  While  this  firing  was  going  on,  to 
little  purpose  on  either  side,  Captain  Brown  went  after  the  boys 
on  the  hill.  Some  few  of  them  had  gone  off  after  ammunition; 
one  or  two  of  them  were  sitting  in  the  grass  fixing  their  guns. 
Finding  that  they  could  not  be  brought  up  again  to  a  charge,  he 
led  them  rather  nearer  the  enemy,  and  induced  them  to  shoot  at 
the  horses  of  the  enemy,  which  were  over  the  ravine,  at  long  shot. 
This  he  did  to  get  up  their  spirits,  as  most  of  them  were  mere 
boys,  and  to  intimidate  the  enemy.  He  returned  to  the  ravine. 
The  firing  was  still  kept  up.  It  is  proper  to  state  that  Brown 
and  Shore's  men  had  but  four  guns  of  long  range ;  there  were 
only  three  or  four  Sharpe's  rifles  in  both  companies. 

While  the  firing  was  going  on,  one  of  Pate's  men  got  up  and 
swore  he  would  see  to  the  prisoners.  A  guard  had  been  stationed 
to  watch  the  three  prisoners,  the  tent  in  which  they  were  being 
the  most  exposed  part  of  the  camp.  This  guard  was  in  great 
trepidation.  The  prisoners  had  thrown  themselves  on  the  ground, 
and  the  trembling  guard  also  lay  down,  taking  care  to  get  the 
person  of  Dr.  Graham  between  his  own  precious  carcass  and  the 
enemy.  So  matters  were  when  the  ruffian  to  whom  I  have 
alluded  went  to  the  tent  with  fierce  oaths.  Dr.  Graham  saw  him 
approach  with  ferocious  expression,  and,  just  at  that  moment,  the 
ruffian  raised  his  pistol,  aiming  at  the  doctor,  who  gave  a  spring 
just  as  the  piece  went  off;  the  ball  hitting  him  in  the  side,  inflict 
ing  a  flesh  wound.  Graham  sprang  into  the  ditch  of  the  ravine, 
and,  as  he  did  so,  received  another  ball  in  his  hip.  He  broke  from 
the  camp,  and  fled,  fifteen  pistol-shots  being  fired  after  him  by  the 
person  who  first  attacked  him  and  the  guard.  He  got  off  without 
further  injury,  and  joined  his  friends  on  the  hill. 

The  firing  had  lasted  three  hours.  Only  two  free-stale  men 
were  wounded.  One  of  these,  Mr.  Carpenter,  was  shot  in  the  arm 
in  the  early  part  of  the  engagement.  The  other,  Mr,  Thompson, 


340  THE   CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

a  young  man  with  a  great  exuberance  of  spirits,  kept  springing 
up  in  the  grass,  shouting  and  firing  his  gun,  when,  on  one  of  these 
occasions,  he  was  struck  by  a  ball  in  the  side.  Luckily  it  glanced 
off  the  ribs,  or  it  would  have  killed  him  ;  as  it  was  it  inflicted  a 
severe  wound,  and  two  of  his  friends  had  to  take  him  off  the 
field.  There  were  now  only  nine  free-state  men  in  the  ravine  keep 
ing  up  a  fire,  and  about  as  many  more  on  the  hill,  three  hundred 
yards  from  the  enemy,  who  kept  firing  at  the  horses,  and  occa 
sionally  making  a  sally,  but  never  near  enough  to  do  much  mis 
chief.  Frederick  Brown,  one  of  the  captain's  sons,  a  half-witted 
lad,  stood  on  the  brow  of  the  hill  midway  between  the  two  divis 
ions  of  the  free-state  force.  He  was  in  full  view  of  the  enemy, 
and  had  got  a  sword,  which  he  was  brandishing  in  the  air,  and 
shouting,  "  Come  on !  "  as  if  he  had  a  regiment  behind  him.  His 
mano3uvres  and  demonstrations  had  a  powerful  effect  on  some  of 
the  most  timid  of  the  enemy.  The  pro-slavery  men  in  the  ravine 
were  getting  discouraged ;  they  dared  not  venture  out  of  their 
shelter,  and  the  bullets  were  making  ugly  music  in  it.  They 
knew  that  the  free-state  men  might  receive  reinforcements  at  any 
moment.  In  this  view  of  the  case  they  began  to  drop  off.  One 
by  one  they  would  slip  clown  the  ravine  till  they  were  out  of 
range,  and  then  get  their  horses,  which  were  on  the  eastern  side, 
and  gallop  away.  The  free-state  men  had  no  cavalry  force  in  the 
field,  and  no  men  to  spare  in  any  shape  from  where  they  were,  or 
they  would  have  prevented  this.  Some  one  or  two  of  them  had 
started  off  to  get  help  the  moment  the  party  retreated  to  the 
ravine.  Those  who  went  subsequently  pretended  to  be  going  for 
help,  also ;  but  there  is  no  doubt  their  individual  safety  was 
the  great  consideration.  One  or  two  went  off  when  they  were 
wounded.  In  fact  all  the  wounded  pro-slavery  men  had  thus  rid 
den  off  but  two,  and  these  lay  helpless,  looking  as  if  they  might 
"  go  off"  in  another  way. 

The  bravest  man  in  the  pro-slavery  camp  was  a  young  South 
erner,  named  James.  Whether  this  was  his  first  or  second  name 
I  do  not  know;  but  he  was  a  gallant  fellow.  The  tent,  where 
they  hat!  ammunition,  was  out  oF  the  ravine,  and  exposed  to  shot. 
To  this  James  went,  on  several  occasions,  for  supplies. 


BATTLE  OF  BLACK  JACK.  341 

At  last  Captain  Pate  sent  this  Janies  and  their  prisoner 
Lymer  out  with  a  flag  of  truce.  These  walked  up  the  slope 
together  towards  the  free-state  men,  who,  regarding  the  white 
flag  as  a  surrender,  ceased  firing.  When  they  reached  Captain 
Brown,  that  personage  demanded  of  James  if  he  was  captain  of 
the  company.  James  replied,  "  No." 

"  Then,"  said  Captain  Brown,  "you  stay  here  with  me,  and  let 
Mr.  Lymer  go  and  bring  him  out.  I  will  talk  with  him." 

Thus  summoned,  Captain  Pate  came  out;  and,  as  he  approached 
Captain  Brown,  began  to  say  he  was  an  officer  under  the  United 
States  Marshal,  and  that  he  wanted  to  explain  this,  as  he  sup 
posed  Capt.  Brown  would  not  continue  to  fight  against  him  if  he 
knew  it.  He  was  running  on  this  way  when  Brown  cut  him  short : 

"  Captain,  I  understand  exactly  what  you  are,  and  do  not  want 
to  hear  more  about  it.  Have  you  a  proposition  to  make  to  me  ?  " 

"Well,  no— that  is"  — 

"  Very  well,  captain,"  interrupted  Brown,  "  I  have  one  to  make 
to  you  —  that  is,  your  unconditional  surrender." 

There  was  no  evading  this,  and  just  as  little  chance  to  make  a 
fool  of  old  Brown,  who,  pistol  in  hand,  returned  with  James  and 
Captain  Pate  to  their  camp  in  the  ravine,  where  he  repeated  his 
demand  for  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the  whole  company; 
which  was  complied  with.  There  were  only  nine  free-state  men  in 
the  ravine,  or  in  sight,  when  this  was  done ;  four  of  these,  by 
Brown's  orders,  remained  where  they  had  been  stationed.  The 
rest,  five,  Captain  Brown  included,  received  the  surrender  of  the 
arms  and  persons  of  twenty-one  men,  besides  the  wounded.  A 
large  number  of  arms  were  obtained,  some  of  which  had  been 
taken  from  Lawrence,  and  some  at  Palmyra,  twenty-three  horses 
and  mules  (some  of  the  horses  had  been  killed  by  the  boys  when 
firing  at  them  from  the  hill),  wagons,  provisions,  camp -equipage, 
and  a  considerable  portion  of  the  plunder  taken  at  Palmyra,  and 
some  of  that  taken  during  the  sack  of  Lawrence.  One  drum, 
that  was  taken,  was  riddled  with  bullet-holes,  and  all  the  wagons 
were  more  or  less  injured  by  the  bullets. 

The  prisoners  being  now  disarmed  were  ranged  in  file  by  the 
slender  band  of  captors.  The  boys  on  the  hill  were  induced  to 
29* 


342  THE   CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

come  in,  swelling  the  free-state  force  to  sixteen  ;  and  soon  the 
remainder  of  those  who  had  been  in  the  battle  when  it  commenced 
began  to  crowd  in,  as  did  many  others.  In  about  half  an  hour 
after  the  surrender,  Captain  Abbott,  who  had  commanded  the  com 
pany  who  rescued  Branson,  and  who  now  commanded  a  company 
from  the  Wakarusa,  of  fifty  men,  came  up  with  his  company. 
Brown  marched  with  the  prisoners  and  spoils  for  his  own  camp. 
All  of  that  afternoon  men  were  coming  in ;  but  the  game  was 
over.  Towards  night  those  who  had  started  from  Lawrence  be 
gan  to  get  to  Brown's  camp.  The  wounded  pro-slavery  men  were 
taken  to  the  residence  of  Dr.  Graham,  at  Prairie  city;  and  the 
doctor,  though  wounded  himself,  attended  to  them,  as  did  others. 
It  was  expected  that  two  of  the  Missourians  would  certainly  die. 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

BATTLE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

ALMOST  immediately  after  the  battle  of  Palmyra  some  motive 
power  that  lay  behind  the  dragoons  sent  them  trooping  down  in 
the  direction  where  Capt.  Brown  was  supposed  to  be.  But  it 
must  not  be  supposed  that  all  the  soldiers  sympathized  with  this 
persecution  of  the  free-state  cause.  One  subaltern  officer  met  a 
free-state  man,  and,  supposing  he  would  have  means  of  finding  the 
party,  told  him  to  go  down  and  tell  Capt.  Brown  that  they  were 
comiug.  Another  officer,  who  had  come  upon  a  fragment  of  a 
free-state  camp,  and  who  saw  their  rough  camp  life  and  hard  fare, 
swore,  on  his  honor  as  a  soldier,  that  it  looked  too  much  like  the 
days  of  Marion  and  his  men.  He  asked  how  they  were  off  for 
ammunition,  and,  learning  that  they  were  none  too  well  supplied, 
slipped  five  dollars  iato  their  hands  to  get  more.  Other  officers 
there  were  who  had  violent  pro-slavery  proclivities,  and  who  not 
only  executed  their  hard  orders  against  the  settlers  of  Kansas,  but 
exceeded  them,  and  acted  in  a  lawless  and  irregular  manner,  which 
would  have  brought  condign  punishment  on  their  heads  but  for 
the  unsettled  state  of  the  country  and  the  impossibility  of  punish 
ing  crimes  against  free-state  men, 

Bands  of  roving  free-state  men  began  to  concentrate  towards 
Franklin,  the  Wakarusa,  Hickory  Point,  and  Bull  Creek,  on  the 
Shawnee  reserve.  It  was  at  Franklin  the  Southerners  first  began 
to  muster,  and  they  were  clustering  there  before  the  battle  of 
Black  Jack.  Buford's  men  and  some  Missourians  were  there  for 
nearly  a  week  in  martial  array,  and  evidently  in  full  communica 
tion  with  the  other  parties  coming  into  the  territory  and  forming 
in  it.  They  had  a  brass  six-pounder,  and  a  large  quantity  of  am- 


344  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

munition  and  camp  provisions.  They  had  been  taking  prisoners, 
and  had  a  free-state  man  in  their  guard-house  on  the  night  of  the 
4th  of  June. 

To  attack  this  point,  take  the  ammunition  and  the  cannon,  and 
make  the  place  a  dangerous  one  for  those  who  had  thus  taken  pos 
session  of  it,  was  the  policy  of  the  companies  of  free-state  rangers. 

Franklin  lies  four  and  a  half  miles  south-east  of  Lawrence,  near 
the  "Wakarusa.  It  has,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  been  used  as 
a  camp  by  the  border  ruffians,  and  is  the  base  of  operations  against 
Lawrence  by  bands  coining  from  Westport  or  Independence,  Mo. 
During  the  Wakarusa  war  Franklin  was,  in  point  of  fact,  pro- 
slavery  head-quarters.  At  the  sack  of  Lawrence  it  was  the  seat 
of  a  mischievous  camp,  which  formed  a  rallying  point  for  those 
who  came  from  Missouri,  and  at  that  point  the  Lawrence  supplies 
were  intercepted,  and  arms,  provisions  and  goods,  taken. 

It  was  clearly  foreseen  that  there  was  likely  to  be  fighting 
towards  Palmyra  or  somewhere  in  that  direction,  but  it  was 
deemed  advisable  not  to  leave  a  fire  in  the  rear.  It  was  likewise 
possible  that  Lawrence  would  be  attacked  again,  even  by  a  small 
party,  if  the  men  were  to  leave  it.  It  was  therefore  secretly 
resolved  that  Franklin  should  be  attacked  and  disabled.  The  recent 
battles  and  skirmishes  had  put  the  pro-slavery  men  on  their  guard. 
There  were  twenty-three  pro-slavery  men,  partly  Missourians, 
partly  Georgians  and  Alabamians,  in  the  guard-room  where  they 
were  posted.  Sam  Salters  was  with  them.  Besides  these  there 
was  a  pretty  fair  sprinkling  of  the  pro-slavery  residents  of  the 
town. 

As  it  was  supposed  that  the  force  in  Franklin  was  much 
larger  than  it  really  was,  the  first  determination  was  to  have  a 
sufficient  force  to  meet  any  emergency.  The  affair  was  bungled. 
The  person  who  had  undertaken  its  management  had  botched 
it,  or  rather  had  been  too  indolent  to  take  the  proper  steps  to 
secure  concert  of  action.  The  Wakarusa  company  was  to  come 
up  and  attack  on  one  side,  and  the  Lawrence  boys  on  the  other; 
but  they  had  no  means  of  knowing  the  movements  of  the  other 
party,  or  at  what  time  they  were  to  unite  in  attack.  Neither  was 
any  imposition  of  the  forces  made  so  that  they  could  both  attack 


BATTLE    OF   FRANKLIN.  345 

without  getting  into  each  other's  fire.  The  intention  was  to  take 
the  gun,  but  no  provision  was  made  to  ensure  its  being  got  off.  A 
company  of  dragoons  was  camped  on  Mount  Oread,  only  a  few 
miles  off,  and  might  come  down  at  any  moment. 

In  Lawrence  all  was  mystery.  Those  few  who  knew  of  it  could 
get  no  information  as  to  how  the  thing  was  to  be  done,  or  who  were 
going.  After  dark,  nearly  all  who  had  contemplated  going  sup 
posed  that  the  expedition  had  been  abandoned.  A  few,  however, 
were  determined  it  should  not  be ;  they  declared  they  would 
go  if  no  others  went.  "  These  boys  from  the  Wakarusa  will  be 
there,  and  may  get  in  a  scrape,  and  we  must  go  ; "  so  said  some, 
and  some  few  did  go.  About  a  dozen  went  in  one  lot,  nearly  all 
of  them  officers  of  some  kind  ;  stragglers  by  twos  and  threes  went 
after  them. 

About  sixteen  of  the  Lawrence  boys  mustered  in  what  would 
be  the  suburbs  if  the  place  were  not  altogether  rural.  Part  of 
these  were  left  to  guard  the  outlet  towards  Lawrence. 

It  was  as  dark  as  Erebus,  and  a  little  before  two  in  the  morn 
ing  of  the  4th,  when  the  little  party  defiled  by  the  ridge  on  which 
the  town  stands,  and  entered  the  streets  of  Franklin.  The  other 
company  had  got  a  guide,  and  were  to  be  at  the  point  at  the  same 
hour,  but  owing  to  the  darkness  had  lost  the  way,  and  were  stum 
bling  in  the  ravines  to  the  south  of  the  town,  down  towards  the 
Wakarusa.  The  first-mentioned  little  party,  as  gallant  fellows  as 
ever  stood  before  a  breach,  calmly  walked  up  the  street  to  the  spot 
where  they  heard  the  cannon  was,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  it  and 
the  ammunition  without  firing,  if  possible. 

But  the  cannon  was  not  to  be  found  ;  in  fact,  nothing  was  to  be 
found,  or  was  where  it  should  be.  For  more  than  an  hour  those 
who  had  arrived  were  marching  about  seeking  for  something 
they  could  not  find,  or  ascertaining  the  position  of  the  enemy ; 
and  before  operations  had  been  commenced  the  pro-slavery  men 
were  wide  awake  and  ready.  They  kept  in-doors,  which  clearly 
showed  their  discretion.  Those  in  the  guard-house  were  all  on 
the  qui  vine.  They  had  received  notice  of  what  was  coming,  and 
had  their  brass  cannon  posted  in  the  door  and  loaded  with  an 
affectionate  regard  for  abolitionists. 


346  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

It  was  at  last  ascertained  that  the  guard-house  must  be  assailed, 
and  at  it  they  went.  In  front  of  the  guard-house  they  were  hailed, 
and  the  leader  of  the  free-state  rangers  demanded  that  they 
should  surrender.  Again  they  were  hailed  ;  again  the  demand  to 
surrender  was  made,  when  the  guard  fired  on  them.  The  rangers 
poured  in  a  volley ;  it  was  returned  At  this  stage  of  the  game 
something  occurred  which,  with  better  gunning,  might  have  been 
serious.  That  it  happened  without  killing  several  free-state  men  is 
almost  miraculous.  These  were  just  across  the  street  from  the 
guard-house,  and  but  few  shots  had  been  fired,  when  the  six-pound 
howitzer,  the  muzzle  of  which  was  pointed  out  of  the  guard-house, 
was  discharged.  It  was  fired  rather  obliquely,  and  missed  the 
party,  being  also  a  little  too  high.  What  it  was  loaded  with 
Heaven  only  knows ;  probably  shingle-nails,  horse-chains,  or  the 
refuse  of  a  blacksmith  shop ;  for  such  an  infernal  noise  has  not 
been  heard  since  the  siege  of  Sevastopol,  as  when  the  missiles 
went  whistling  by. 

The  firing  from  both  sides  continued  with  great  rapidity,  the 
bullets  whistling  about  like  hail.  The  pro-slavery  men  in  the 
other  houses  commenced  firing  on  the  free-state  men,  who  had 
assailed,  or  wanted  to  assail,  nothing  but  the  guard-house.  The 
fifteen,  finding  it  pretty  hot,  lay  down  flat  in  the  streets,  and  the 
fire  continued  for  nearly  an  hour  —  they  hoping  their  friends 
would  come  up,  when  they  would  make  an  attack  on  the  guard 
house. 

Now  this  kind  of  work  was  decidedly  interesting.  A  man  of 
squeamish  morality,  or  weak  nerves,  or  who  was  "conservative," 
had  better  be  in  his  bed.  There  is  something  confoundedly  radi 
cal  in  a  bullet;'  and,  if  it  be  a  Sharpe's  rifle  bullet,  it  is  perfectly 
fanatical.  They  are  musical  —  decidedly.  The  boys  got  divided, 
—  in  fact,  they  were  never  all  together,  —  and  when  the  firing  began 
it  was  not  safe  for  anybody  to  be  poking  about  anywhere,  for  the 
bullets  were  going  in  all  directions.  Major  Redpath  was  sent  after 
the  other  company ;  but  he  might  as  well  have  been  sent  after  a  rifle- 
bullet,  or  to  dive  through  the  muddy  Kaw  after  a  catfish.  In  spite 
of  the  serious  nature  of  the  case,  the  boys  in  the  street  could  not 


BATTLE    OF    FRANKLIN.  347 

help  laughing  at  his  rashness.  He  mounted  a  horse  and  deliber 
ately  rode  up  the  street,  where  the  balls  were  whistling  about  too 
plenty  to  be  pleasant,  his  horse  kicking  and  plunging,  and  finally  he 
got  in  lull  range  with  the  fire  of  his  own  friends,  and  had  to  back 
out ;  whereupon  he  dismounted  and  led  his  horse  down  the  street 
again. 

One  very  cautious  gentleman,  when  the  firing  began,  made  his 
exodus  on  the  crawling  plan.  He  said  he  was  "  going  for  assist 
ance,"  but  was  not  heard  from  afterwards  that  day.  But  nearly 
all  acted  with  the  coolest  intrepidity.  They  loaded  and  fired  with 
as  much  exactitude  as  if  they  had  been  on  parade ;  only  they  were 
lying  flat  on  their  bellies,  and  had  no  particular  inclination  to 
resume  the  perpendicular.  That  is  one  advantage  of  a  Sharpe's 
rifle.  You  can  lie  as  flat  a.s  you  please,  poke  out  your  gun  before 
you,  shove  in  the  cartridges  from  behind,  and  fire  away  as  long  as 
you  have  any  cartridges  left. 

It  was  a  most  magnificent  spectacle,  —  the  sheets  of  livid  fire 
in  the  darkness  of  the  night.  The  streets  were  momentarily  lit 
up  when  two  or  three  happened  to  go  off  together,  but  there  was 
no  attempt  at  regularity. 

Guided  by  the  firing,  the  Wakarusa  men  found  their  way  to 
Franklin;  but,  although  the  flashes  lighted  the  streets  of  Frank 
lin,  this  latter  company,  having  had  no  proper  understanding 
or  concert  of  action,  as  the  balls  were  whistling  in  all  directions, 
and  as  they  were  as  likely  to  be  shot  by  their  friends  as  their 
enemies,  scarce  knew  how  to  advance.  One  thing,  however,  tlicy 
did  know,  —  the  Buford  men  had  most  of  their  stores  in  a  place 
near  where  they  came  up.  From  this  they  obtained  a  large  quan 
tity  of  powder,  shot,  and  caps,  a  lot  of  provisions,  and  a  few 
Sharpe's  rifles,  and  some  of  the  old  breech-loading  alligator  guns 
that  had  been  taken  at  Franklin  previous  to  the  burning  of  Law 
rence. 

In  this  place  there  were  stores  of  all  kinds,  and  the  bulk 
of  what  was  got  consisted  of  flour,  bacon,  coffee,  sugar,  and 
other  "law  and  order"  condiments,  which  Buford  had  stored  at 
Franklin  for  the  faithful,  little  thinking  that  the  "abominable 


348  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

abolitionists"  were  going  to  lay  their  "appropriation  clause" 
(i.  e.  claws)  on  them. 

A  wagon  was  loaded  with  these,  and,  as  day  was  approaching, 
and  the  United  States  dragoons  might  possibly  interfere,  being 
within  hearing,  this  company  made  off  toward  the  Wakarusa,  on 
the  road  to  Palmyra.  Two  or  three  wagons  could  have  been 
loaded  if  they  had  been  there. 

Thus  the  Wakarusa  company  attended  to  the  stores,  while  those 
in  town  kept  up  the  fire.  This  was  the  only  part  of  the  proceed 
ing  that  was  done  according  to  agreement ;  the  Lawrence  boys, 
having  brought  no  teams  with  them,  had  not  calculated  on  doing 
anything  but  fighting. 

The  firing  in  the  streets  of  Franklin  ceased.  Day  was  begin 
ning  to  come  on,  and  reveal  the  shady  outline  of  timber  on  the 
Kaw.  The  pro-slavery  men  did  not  surrender,  but  dared  not 
return  the  fire,  and  the  others  ceased  when  they  did.  In  fact,  the 
Southerners  in  the  little  guard-house  began  to  "vamose  the  ranch" 
when  the  firing  got  too  hot,  the  house  in  question  being  fairly 
riddled.  When  daylight  began  to  come  in  the  enemy  had  evac 
uated,  save  one,  who  was  so  badly  wounded  he  could  not  get  away. 
He  died  next  day.  Two  Carolinians,  a  Georgian,  and  an  Ala- 
bamian,  were  wounded,  according  to  the  accounts  published  in  the 
pro-slavery  papers,  besides  Tischmaker,  who  was  killed.  They 
represented  that  the  town  had  been  attacked  by  a  hundred  or  two 
hundred  abolitionists,  and  I  don't  blame  them ;  for  fifteen  men 
with  Sharpe's  riiles  can  make  noise  enough  for  a  hundred.  The 
free-state  prisoner  made  his  escape  from  the  guard-house  in  the 
morning.  His  clothes  had  been  cut  by  the  bullets  of  his  friends. 
No  free-state  man  was  even  wounded ;  which,  from  the  nature  of 
the  engagement,  is  almost  incredible. 

And  now  those  in  the  town  were  in  an  awkward  predicament. 
The  cannon  had  been  captured  and  lay  deserted  at  the  door  of  the 
guard-house ;  but  they  could  not  carry  it,  of  course,  and  had  no 
team  to  take  it  away.  Besides,  the  dragoons  were  encamped 
close  to  the  way  they  must  return,  and  they  wished  merely  to 
enter  Lawrence  as  quietly  as  they  had  left  it,  and  had  no 


BATTLE    OF    FRANKLIN.  349 

desire  to  take  the  gun  there.  Under  these  circumstances  they 
evacuated  the  place. 

One  incident  I  had  almost  forgot,  which  will  show  the  small 
amount  of  blood-thirstiness  manifested  by  the  free-state  men. 
After  the  cannon  had  been  discharged  a  man  was  bold  enough  to 
step  out  to  load  it.  A  free-state  man  who  had  crept  up  was  close 
to  him  when  he  came  out,  and  said  sharply : 

"  D — n  you,  load  that  gun  if  you  dare  !  "  and,  instead  of  shoot 
ing  him,  which  he  would  have  had  to  do  very  deliberately,  as  he 
was  very  close,  he  gave  him  a  smart  blow  with  the  butt  of  his 
rifle,  and  drove  him  into  the  guard-house,  adding : 

"  D — n  you,  get  in  there !  " 

Bullets  whistled  about  this  fellow's  ears ;  but  in  the  darkness 
he  was  not  shot.  Another  man  came  out  to  load  it  afterwards, 
when  the  bullets  whistled  about  him  rather  briskly,  and  one  of 
them  took  off  his  ear.  That  was  rather  close  shooting,  and  the 
fellow  dodged  in,  doubtless  having  heard  something. 

The  Lawrence  boys  left  Franklin  on  the  morning  of  the  fifth 
of  June,  not  exactly  in  military  order.  In  fact,  no  one  knew 
when  they  did  go.  They  melted  away  with  the  darkness,  and 
dropped  into  Lawrence  one  by  one  ere  the  quiet,  staid  citizens  of 
that  place  were  fairly  out  of  bed,  or  before  the  gossips  could  collect 
in  front  of  the  post-office  to  inquire,  "  Ho !  did  you  hear  of  that 
affair  at  Franklin?" 

The  officer  commanding  the  dragoons  on  the  Oread  heard  the 
roar  of  the  cannon,  and,  springing  up,  his  camp  was  soon  in 
motion ;  he  telling  the  orderly  to  have  the  men  ready,  while  he 
ran  to  the  brow  of  the  hill  to  listen.  He  could  hear  the  cracking 
of  the  rifles  in  the  distance,  and  could  guess  what  it  meant ;  but 
very  judiciously  stp.id  where  he  was,  and  permitted  his  men  to 
stay.  After  daylight  two  pro-slavery  men  from  Franklin  rode 
up  to  his  camp,  and  wanted  him  to  come  down  with  his  dragoons, 
complaining  bitterly  of  the  "  abolitionists."  The  officer  replied 
by  pointing  with  h;s  hand  down  to  Lawrence,  where  the  black 
ened  vuiiKs  of  buildings  were  visible,  and  said : 

"  Look  at  that !  who  begun  it  ?  " 

And  now  the  reader  ttill  excuse  me  for  writing  of  events  which 
36 


350  THE    CONQUEST    OF  KANSAS. 

transpired  rather  before  the  dates  of  which  I  have  been  writing. 
I  mentioned  the  arrest  of  Gov.  Robinson  at  Lexington.  This 

C5 

was  without  a  warrant.  He  was  retained  by  violence  until  Gov. 
Shannon  had  made  a  requisition  for  him  to  Gov.  Price  of 
Missouri,  which  Shannon  did  before  any  process  had  been 
issued  by  any  territorial  court  against  him.  The  pro-slavery 
men  had  determined  he  should  be  taken,  and  Shannon  scrupled 
at  no  step,  and  faltered  at  no  irregularity,  which  could  secure 
this  purpose. 

Shortly  after  Robinson  was  taken,  G.  W.  Brown,  Esq.,  of  the 
Herald  of  Freedom,  and  Mr.  Gaius  Jenkins,  who  had  driven 
down  Gov.  Reeder  in  his  carriage  when  that  personage  escaped, 
were  arrested  by  a  mob  at  Kansas  city,  and,  without  any 
requisition,  carried  violently  into  the  territory  and  surrendered 
up,  by  the  lawless  men  who  took  them,  to  the  authorities  of  the 
territory.  These  two  men,  after  having  been  detained  for  a 
short  time  in  Westport,  were  taken  to  Lecompton.  Gov. 
Robinson  was  taken  up  the  same  way  until  they  arrived  within 
a  short  distance  from  Franklin,  when  orders  came  to  go  imme 
diately  back.  At  first  it  was  thought  that  this  alarm  was 
needless ;  but  it  was  well  grounded.  Two  or  three  companies  of 
men  were  watching  the  Santa  Fe  and  California  roads,  and,  had 
they  come  on,  he  would  have  been  rescued  to  a  certainty.  He 
was  finally  sent  up  the  river  to  Leavenworth,  —  was  retained  there 
for  a  week,  and  while  there  Stringfel.low  tried  to  get  up  an  excite 
ment  to  have  him  lynched.  Had  they  made  such  an  attempt,  he 
probably  would  have  been  rescued.  He  was  finally  sent  to 
Lecompton,  Judge  Lecoinpte  refusing  to  liberate  him  or  any  other 
of  the  political  prisoners  on  bail. 

These  prisoners  were  therefore  confined  at  Lecompton  in  prison- 
tents,  guarded  by  United  States  dragoons.  The  prisoners  were 
Governor  Charles  Robinson,  General  G.  TV7.  Dietzler,  Judge  G. 
W.  Smith,  and  G.  W.  Brown,  Esq.  To  these  were  added  Cap 
tain  John  Brown,  Jr.,  and  Mr.  Williams,  members  of  the  Legis 
lature. 

I  subjoin  two  of  the  indictments;  the  first  against  several 
persons  for  "high  treason,"  the  other  for  usurping  office: 


BATTLE    OF    FRANKLIN.  351 

"  UNITED    STATES   OF   AMERICA. 
"  TEKRITORY  OF   KANSAS,  COUNTY   OP   DOUGLAS  : 

"  In  the  First  District  Court  of  the  First  Judicial  District  of  the 
Territory  of  Kansas.     April  Term,  A.  D.  1856. 

"The  Grand  Jury  of  the  United  States  of  America,  within  and 
for  the  First  Judicial  District,  Douglas  County,  Territory  of  Kan 
sas,  sworn  to  inquire  upon  their  oath,  present,  that  Andrew  H. 
Reeder,  Charles  Robinson,  James  H.  Lane,  George  W.  Brown, 
George  W.  Dietzler,  George  W.  Smith,  Samuel  N.  Wood,  Gaius 
Jenkins,  late  of  the  County  of  Douglas,  First  Judicial  District  of 
the  Territory  of  Kansas,  owing  allegiance  to  the  United  States  of 
America,  wickedly  devising  and  intending  the  peace  and  tranquil 
lity  of  the  said  United  States  to  disturb,  and  to  prevent  the  exe 
cution  of  the  law  thereof,  within  the  same,  to  wit :  A  law  of  the 
said  United  States  entitled  an  act  to  organize  the  Territories  of 
Nebraska  and  Kansas,  approved  May  30,  1854,  on  the  first  day 
of  May,  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
fifty-six,  in  the  county,  district,  and  territory  aforesaid,  and  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  this  court,  wickedly  and  traitorously  did  intend 
to  levy  war  against  the  said  United  States,  within  the  same,  and 
to  fulfil  and  bring  to  effect  of  the  said  traitorous  intention  of  him, 
the  said  Andrew  H.  Reeder,  Charles  Robinson,  James  H.  Lane, 
George  W.  Brown,  George  "W.  Dietzler,  George  W.  Smith,  Samuel 
N.  Wood,  Gaius  Jenkins;  afterwards,  that  is  to  say,  on  the  seven 
teenth  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1856,  in  the  said 
district,  county,  and  territory  aforesaid,  and  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  this  court,  with  a  great  multitude  of  persons,  whose  names  are 
to  the  said  grand  jurors  unknown,  to  a  great  number,  to  wit :  the 
number  of  one  hundred  persons,  and  upwards,  armed  and  arrayed 
in  warlike  manner,  that  is  to  say,  with  guns,  swords,  pistols,  artil 
lery,  and  other  warlike  weapons,  as  well  offensive  as  defensive, 
being  then  and  there  unlawfully  and  traitorously  assembled,  did 
traitorously  assemble  and  combine  against  the  said  United  States, 
and  then  and  there  with  force  and  arms,  wickedly  and  traitorously 
and  with  the  wicked  and  traitorous  intention  to  oppose  and  pre- 


352  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

vent,  by  means  of  intimidation  and  violence,  the  execution  of  said 
law  of  the  said  United  Slates,  within  the  same,  did  array  and  ex 
pose  themselves,  in  a  warlike  and  hostile  manner  against  the  said 
United  States;  and  then  and  there,  with  force,  and  in  pursuance 
of  such,  their  traitorous  intentions,  they,  the  said  Andrew  H. 
Reeder,  Charles  Robinson,  James  H.  Lane,  George  W.  Brown, 
George  W.  Smith,  George  W.  Dietzler,  Samuel  N.  Wood,  and 
Gaius  Jenkins,  with  the  said  persons  so  as  aforesaid,  traitorously 
assembled,  armed  and  arrayed  in  manner  aforesaid,  wickedly  and 
traitorously  did  levy  war  against  the  said  United  States,  and 
further  to  fulfil  and  bring  to  effect  the  said  traitorous  intention 
of  him  the  said  Andrew  H.  Reeder,  Charles  Robinson,  James  H. 
Lane,  George  W.  Brown,  George  W.  Smith,  George  W.  Dietzler, 
Samuel  N.  Wood,  and  Gaius  Jenkins ;  and,  in  pursuance  and  in 
execution  of  the  said  wicked  intention  and  traitorous  combination, 
to  oppose,  resist,  and  prevent,  the  said  law  of  the  said  United 
States  from  being  carried  into  execution  in  the  territory  and  dis 
trict  aforesaid,  they,  the  said  Andrew  H.  Reeder,  Charles  Robin 
son,  James  H.  Lane,  George  W.  Brown,  George  W.  Smith,  George 
W.  Dietzler,  Samuel  N.  Wood,  and  Gaius  Jenkins,  afterwards,  to 
wit,  on  the  20th  day  of  May,  A.  D.  1856,  in  the  territory,  dis 
trict,  and  county  aforesaid,  and  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  said 
court,  with  the  said  persons  whose  names  to»the  said  grand  jurors 
aforesaid  are  unknown,  did  wickedly  and  traitorously  assemble 
against  the  said  United  States,  with  the  avowed  intention,  by  force 
of  arms  and  intimidation,  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  said 
law  of  the  said  United  States  within  the  same,  and  with  the  inten 
tion  then  and  there  and  thereby  to  subvert  the  government  and 
law,  and  of  the  said  United  States,  in  the  said  Territory  of  Kan 
sas;  and  in  pursuance  and  execution  of  such,  their  wicked  and 
traitorous  combination  and  intention,  they,  the  said  Andrew  H. 
Reeder,  Charles  Robinson,  James  H.  Lane,  George  W.  Brown, 
George  W.  Smith,  George  W.  Dietzler,  Samuel  N.  Wood,  and 
Gaius  Jenkins,  then  and  there,  with  force  and  arms,  with  the  said 
persons  to  a  great  number,  to  wit :  the  number  of  one  hundred  and 
upwards,  armed  and  arrayed  in  a  warlike  manner,  that  is  to  say, 
with  guns,  pistols,  swords,  artillery,  and  other  warlike  weapons, 


BATTLE    OF   FRANKLIN.  353 

as  well  offensive  as  defensive,  and  then  and  there  unlawfully  and 
traitorously  assembled  for  the  purpose  and  design  of  overthrowing 
and  subverting  by  force  and  violence  the  Government  of  the  said 
United  States  in  the  Territory  of  Kansas  aforesaid,  contrary  to 
the  form  of  the  statute  in  such  case  made  and  provided,  and  also 
against  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

"  A.  G.  ISACKS, 
"  United  States  Attorney  for  the  Territory  of  Kansas." 

"  THE  FREE-STATE  GOVERNMENT PRESENTMENT  OF  THE  GRAND 

JURY. 

"TERRITORY   OF   KANSAS  —  DOUGLAS   COUNTY,  SS. 

"  The  First  District  Court,  Adjourned  Session  of  April  Term, 
A.  D.  1856. 

"  The  Grand  Jurors  for  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  Douglas 
County,  sworn  to  inquire  upon  their  oath,  present :  that,  whereas, 
by  an  act  of  Congress  entitled  an  act  to  organize  the  Territories 
of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  approved  May  30,  1854,  among  other 
things  it  was  provided  in  substance  as  follows,  to  wit :  '  That  the 
executive  power  and  authority  in  and  over  said  Territory  of  Kan 
sas  shall  be  vested  in  a  governor,  who  shall  hold  his  office  for  five 
years,  and  until  his  successor  shall  be  appointed  and  qua-lined, 
unless  sooner  removed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States.' 
And  by  another  section  of  the  same  act,  among  other  things, 
it  was  provided  as  follows,  to  wit :  '  That  the  governor,  secre 
tary,  chief  justice,  and  associate  justices,  attorney,  and  marshal, 
shall  be  nominated,  and,  by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate, 
appointed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States.'  One  Charles 
Hobinson,  late  of  the  county  aforesaid,  well  knowing  the  pro 
visions  of  the  aforesaid  acts,  on  the  23d  day  of  April,  in  the 
year  1856,  in  the  county  aforesaid,  and  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  said  court,  then  and  there  being  nominated  and  appointed  ac 
cording  to  the  act  aforesaid,  and  without  then  and  there  having 
any  lawful  appointment  or  appellation  whatever,  as  Governor  of 
the  Territory  of  Kansas,  unlawfully  then  and  there  did  assume 
30* 


354  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

and  take  upon  himself  the  office  of  Governor  of  the  Territory  of 
Kansas,  under  the  false  name  and  style  of  Governor  of  the  State 
of  Kansas  ;  and  that  the  said  Charles  Robinson  afterwards,  to 
wit,  on  the  twenty-third  day  of  April,  in  the  year  aforesaid,  in 
the  county  aforesaid,  and  within  the  jurisdiction  of  said  court,  did 
utter  and  issue  a  certain  Proclamation,  as  Governor  of  the  State 
of  Kansas,  the  issuing  and  uttering  of  which  proclamation,  then 
and  there,  was  an  act  appertaining  to  the  office  of  Governor  of 
the  Territory  of  Kansas,  and  that  the  said  Charles  Robinson, 
without  having  any  appointment  or  deputation  whatever  so  to  do, 
at  the  time  and  place  last  aforesaid,  and  on  divers  times  between 
that  time  and  the  day  of  taking  this  inquisition,  did  exercise  the 
power  appertaining  to  the  said  office  of  Governor  of  the  Territory 
of  Kansas,  to  the  great  disturbance  of  the  peace  and  good  order 
of  the  said  territory,  contrary  to  the  form  of  the  statute  in  such 
case  made  and  provided,  and  against  the  peace,  government,  and 
dignity  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas. 

"  C.  H.  GROVER,  District  Attorney" 

Capt.  John  Brown  was  indicted  for  high  treason  on  a  different 
indictment,  namely,  for  having  brought  a  company  of  men  from 
Osawattomie  to  defend  Lawrence  when  it  was  sacked.  He  and 
Mr.  Williams  were  also  indicted  for  usurping  office  (the  State 
Legislature),  the  form  of  indictment  being  the  same  as  that  against 
Gov.  Robinson. 

Many  other  indictments  were  made  out  against  other  parties, 
some  of  which  were  taken.  I  place  these  indictments  in  the 
history  of  these  occurrences  because  these  remarkable  documents 
are  so  violent,  so  gross  in  their  assumptions  of  power  and  extra- 
judicial  wresting  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  American  citizens. 
Should  the  principles  of  republicanism  prevail  in  our  country,  the 
day  may  come  when  these  papers  will  be  looked  to  with  interest 
and  astonishment.  To  avoid  the  despotic  arrests  for  "  treason  " 
with  which  tyrannical  and  corrupt  governments  have  bolstered 
themselves  up  in  all  ages,  the  fathers  of  the  Revolution  declared 
that  treason  should  only  consist  in  levying  war  against  the  United 
States,  or  in  aiding  and  comforting  its  enemies,  and  that  there 


BATTLE    OF    FRANKLIN.  355 

must  be  two  witnesses  to  an  overt  act.  The  system  in  the  Terri 
tory  of  Kansas  gives  unrestrained  licen.se  to  unprincipled  men  and 
corrupt  officers  to  crush  the  only  instruments  that  would  render  the 
people  dangerous  to  tyrants.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  here  that 
the  names  of  S.  C.  Pomeroy  and  W.  Y.  Roberts  had  been  on  the 
indictments  and  the  records  of  the  court,  but  had  been  scratched 
off,  and  those  of  Jenkins,  and  G.  W.  Smith  inserted.  Perhaps 
the  ruffians  thought,  after  the  surrender  of  the  guns  at  Lawrence, 
iliat  it  would  be  bad  policy  to  indict  them. 


CHAPTER    XXYI. 

NIMROD    WIIITFIELD — DEATH    OF   CANTKAL —  CAMPAIGN 
ING    IN   THE    WAR    OF   FREEDOM. 

THE  governor  issued  another  proclamation.  Under  its  potent 
authority  all  armed  bands  were  to  disperse  and  go  home.  So 
long  as  the  border  ruffians  had  everything  their  own  way  there 
was  neither  proclamation  nor  troops  to  disperse  them ;  but  now 
the  free-state  men  were  rapidly  getting  the  upper  hand  of  them. 
By  the  proclamation  in  question  it  was  declared  that  the  troops 
should  disperse  all  companies,  and  if  they  ventured  to  assemble 
again'  they  should  be  disarmed.  Fortified  by  a  copy  of  this  docu 
ment  and  a  deputy  bogus  sheriff,  Col.  Sumner,  with  several  com 
panies  of  his  dragoons,  were  on  the  hunt  for  Capt,  Brown. 
Brown  was  still  in  camp,  on  Middle  Ottawa  Creek,  with  the  pris 
oners  and  spoil  taken  at  the  battle  of  Black  Jack: 

It  was  about  the  same  time  that  Gen.  TVhitficld  fitted  out  one 
of  the  most  rapidly  organized  and  best  managed  expeditions  that 
ever  went  up  into  the  territory  from  Missouri.  Three  companies 
of  seventy  men  each  were  raised  in  the  neighborhood  of  Westport, 
Independence,  and  Lexington,  in  Missouri.  That  the  man  who 
claimed  to  represent  the  territory  in  Congress,  on  the  strength  of 
Missouri  votes,  should  lead  up  an  army  of  Missourians  to  invade 
the  territory,  was  certainly  appropriate.  The  special  object  of 
this  expedition  was  to  relieve  Capt.  Pate  and  his  fellow-captives ; 
its  incidental  object  to  demolish  "  old  Capt.  Brown,"  and  the  rest 
of  the  free-state  guerillas. 

With  Whitfield  there  was  a  fair  sprinkling  of  the  wildest  pro- 
slavery  leaders  in  Jackson  County,  Mo.  Capt.  Reed,  of  Inde- 


NIMROD   WHITFIELD.  357 

pendence,  a  candidate  for  Congress  in  Missouri,  and  a  man  of 
some  position  ;  the  famous,  or  infamous,  Milt  McGee,  of  West- 
port  ;  Colernan,  the  murderer ;  Capt.  Jenigen,  Capt.  Bell,  and  sev 
eral  of  Buford's  colonels  and  captains.  Their  rendezvous  was  on 
Bull  creek,  some  twelve  miles  east  of  Palmyra.  Having  obtained 
a  force  of  about  three  hundred  men,  they  marched  up  the  Santa 
Fe  road,  and  encamped  on  the  5th  of  June  in  a  ravine  half  a 
mile  to  the  south  of  Palmyra. 

While  these  men  were  assembling,  couriers  had  been  despatched 
for  aid,  as  Capt.  Brown  was  likely  to  be  closely  pressed.  On  the 
6th  of  June,  immediately  after  the  attack  on  Franklin,  men  began 
to  move  in  small  parties  towards  Palmyra.  The  movement  was 
not  a  general  one,  as  some  were  afraid  of  the  proclamation,  and 
others  were  of  the  opinion  that  there  could  be  no  fight.  Several 
companies,  or,  rather,  fragments  of  companies,  marched  ;  —  some 
fifteen  men  from  the  Franklin  free-state  company,  most  of  whom 
were  Western  men,  nearly  all  Missourians,  Capt.  Walker,  with  a 
few  of  the  Bloomington  company,  Capt.  Cracklin,  with  a  seg 
ment  of  a  celebrated  Lawrence  company,  Capt.  Abbott's  Waka- 
rusa  company,  which  made  the  largest  turn-out,  there  being  forty- 
six  of  its  members  on  the  march,  and  a  small  company  from  the 
neighborhood  of  Hickory  Point  and  Palmyra.  When  these  got 
to  the  point  of  rendezvous,  —  the  thick  timber  of  Hickory  Point, 
about  ajnile  from  Palmyra,  —  they  numbered  in  all  one  hundred 
and  eleven  men.  Besides  the  officers  I  have  enumerated,  there 
were  three  or  four  field  officers ;  but  the  expedition  was  not  organ 
ized,  except  by  council  of  the  officers,  as  it  was  deemed  advisable 
to  defer  this  until  a  junction  could  be  effected  with  our  friends, 
who  were  beyond  the  enemy  to  the  south  of  Palmyra. 

Capt.  Brown  was  in  camp,  but  had  only  some  twenty  men,  and 
had  twenty-seven  prisoners;  so  his  hands  were -pretty  well  tied. 

Capt.  Shore  had  about  forty  men  encamped  at  the  back  of 
Prairie  city ;  and  Capt.  Lenhart,  with  some  twenty  of  the  wildest 
and  most  daring  young  free-state  guerillas,  was  a  few  miles  fur 
ther  west.  With  this  company  were  Cook,  Hopkins,  and  others 
who  have  officiated  as  guerilla  captains.  This  latter  force  was 
the  free-state  guerilla  force,  and  included  nearly  all  the  free-state 


358  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

guerillas  south  of  the  Kaw.  They  were  a  harum-scarum  set,  as 
brave  as  steel,  mostly  mere  boys,  and  did  not  consider  it  a  sin  to 
"  press  "  a  pro-slavery  man's  horse.  At  various  times  they  have 
made  more  disturbance  than  all  other  free-state  men  together. 
They  were  under  no  particular  restraint,  and  did  not  recognize 
any  authority  —  military,  civil,  or  otherwise  —  any  further  than 
suited  their  convenience.  While  they  went  round  the  county 
skirmishing,  and  carrying  on  the  war  against  the  pro-slavery  men 
on  their  own  hook,  and  in  their  own  time  and  way,  they  were  at 
the  same  time  quite  willing  to  lend  a  hand  in  more  systematic  and 
important  fighting  when  there  was  an  opportunity.  These  boys 
have  been  most  bitterly  maligned,  and  the  free-state  men,  or  con 
servative  free-state  men,  were  not  slow  to  denounce  them.  Reso 
lutions  were  passed  by  the  sensitively  moral  free-state  people,  or 
the  sensitively  timid,  declaring  that  these  daring  young  guerillas 
were  a  nuisance,  and  that  they,  the  conservative  class,  did  not 
wish  to  be  held  responsible  for  them.  To  all  this  moralizing  these 
young  braves  turned  up  their  noses,  ironically  recommending  all 
who  were  too  cowardly  to  fight  to  "keep  right  on  the  record."  For 
their  own  part,  they  regarded  the  war  as  begun,  and  would  wage 
it  against  the  pro-slavery  men  as  the  pro-slavery  men  waged 
it  against  their  free-state  friends. 

This  was  the  state  of  affairs  near  Hickory  Point  on  the  morning 
of  the  5th  of  June.  Whitfield  was  camped  behind  Palmyra  with 
near  three  hundred  men.  The  free-state  camps  mustered,  or  mus 
tering,  on  that  day,  were  about  two  hundred  strong,  and  two  com 
panies  were  marching  from  Topeka  with  fifty  more,  who  arrived 
the  day  after. 

With  a  full  knowledge  of  this  state  of  affairs,  our  companies 
from  Lawrence,  constituting  part  of  the  force  above  enumerated, 
marched  that  morning  on  Hickory  Point.  It  was  a  hot  summer's 
day,  and  the  sun  shortly  after  it  rose  blazed  down  in  all  its  force. 
As  we  marched  through  the  prairies  the  men  would  occasionally 
be  halted,  and  go  through  the  Crimea  rifle  drill,  to  try  its  opera 
tion  on  ground  broken,  or  rolling,  or  flat.  This  and  the  marching 
(nearly  all  our  men  were  on  foot)  was  hot  work,  and  the  perspira 
tion  rolled  clown  in  fearful  style.  That  day's  march  lay  through 


NIMROD   WHITFIELD.  359 

a  perfect  Arcadia  of  natural  loveliness.  There  could  not  be  a  more 
beautiful  landscape  in  nature  than  was  then  presented.  Coal 
creek  at  your  feet,  with  its  feathery  strip  of  timber  to  mark  its 
windings;  a  gently  undulating  country,  dotted  here  and  there 
with  a  bold  promontory  on  the  tributaries  that  meet  the  Waka- 
msa  from  the  south ;  away  to  the  north  and  east  glimpses  of  the 
densely-timbered  Wakarusa  among  the  breaks  of  the  prairie 
knolls ;  and  high  up  against  the  face  of  the  sky  the  double-peaked 
.Blue  Mound. 

I  have  not  seen  a  finer  part  of  Kansas  for  the  agriculturist  than 
that  which  lies  between  the  Wakarusa  and  the  tributaries  of  the 
Neosha.  Indeed,  I  do  not  think  there  is  a  richer  or  more  beauti 
ful  spot  on  the  continent.  The  prairies  are  small,  and  gently  undu 
lating  ;  and  the  streams  are  so  plenty  that  you  are  rarely  more 
than  a  mile  from  timber.  At  Hickory  Point  there  is  a  grove,  of 
many  thousand  acres,  stretching  over  the  hills  for  miles,  and 
densely  timbered. 

But  there  is  one  feature  that  the  country  then  presented,  and 
which  contrasted  the  beauty  of  the  scene  with  the  troubled  nature 
of  the  time.  Fields  are  scarce,  but,  scarce  as  they  are,  many  of 
them  were  not  cultivated.  Wild  weeds  were  springing  from  the 
deep  black  soil,  which  now  should  have  been  cherishing  the  blades 
of  the  young  corn,  or  waving  with  luxuriant  wheat  and  oats. 

Another  striking  illustration  of  the  times,  and  it  forcibly  re 
called  the  days  of  the  Revolution,  I  witnessed,  as  our  two  compa 
nies  marched  from  Lawrence  towards  the  scene  of  action  near 
Palmyra  and  Prairie  city.  Women  were  at  work  in  the  field; 
delicately-reared,  intelligent,  New  England  women,  working  vig 
orously  and  earnestly,  trying  to  get  in  crops,  while  their  husbands, 
fathers,  and  brothers,  were  under  arms  to  drive  the  hostile  maraud 
ing  bands  from  the  territory.  We  also  met  in  our  line  of  march 
at  least  a  dozen  wagons  loaded  with  families  and  household  goods. 
These  were  settlers  who  had  come  in  from  Illinois  and  Iowa. 
Tired  of  a  country  where  to  live  as  American  freemen  is  equiva 
lent  to  being  rebels,  and  in  which  to  be  "  law-abiding  and  reve 
rencing  the  powers  that  be  "  is  the  most  abject  slavery,  those  who 
are  most  weak  in  the  faith  left  the  struggle  of  freedom  to  others, 


Til  OF    KANSAS. 

and,  ha\  ing  "  pnt  their  hand  to  the  plough,  looked  back."     Mair 

ant,"  in  the  shape  of  those  gal 

hint  bands  of  ••  chivalry,"  rummaging  and  pillaging  their  houses 
One  team  contained  the  relatives  of  «lones,  who  was  so  cruel  b 
murdered  at  Wanton  Bridge.    Could  we  wonder  they  were  "goin 
gs"? 

These  relatives  \\vro  a  widowed  mother  and  younger  brother 
and  .sisters  ;  he  who  had  been  so  cruelly  murdered  being  their  staj 
and  support.  Ah !  it  was  no  wonder  they  were  flying  from  tin 
beautiful,  rutVian-vkUon  Kansas! 

That  a  decisive  battle  was  to  be  fought  on  that  oth  of  »lun< 

,;eral  opinion,  and  the  chanoes  were  certainly  in  its  favor 

Our  determination  was  to  march  as  closely  as  possible  on  th 

enemy,  and  endeavor  to  effect  a  junction  with  the  other  parties 

;n  a  point  of  attack  on  Whittield's  army,  with  them;  or,  ii 

.ould  happen  to  fall  in  with  the  pro-slavery  party  on  th 

-  as  likely  to  be  busy  as  we  were,  to  throw  our 

-vng  a  position  as  we  could,  and  fight  till  we  couh 

•;ce.     But  the  fates  or  Col,  Sunnier  had  willed  that  w 

should  have  no  tight  on  that  occasion. 

On  the  4th  Col.  Sumner  had  started  towards  Palmyra,  to  tak 

.Iragoons  then  in  that  vicinity 

-  in  the  neighborhood  of  l^rairi 
of  the  three  distinct  forces  being  within  four  mile 

different   points.     Col.  Sumner  wa 

.  under  tl-  .uion  to  prevent  fighting;  but  his  princj 

pal  business,  tor  the  ti  .ud  Capt,  Brown,  an< 

had  been  taken  prisoners  at  Iliad 

g  the  j\-  Shore's  company,  he  went  ant 

them  to  retire.     It  was  scarcely  likel; 

that  have  found  Capt.  Brown ;  but  he  got  prett; 

>i  from  some  of  the  settler 

•  said  he  wanted  to  see  Browr 

t  a  messenger 
>he\l  to  converse  with  : 

.0  hin 
luessenirer  to  tell  him  to  cor. 


CAMi'AKJMNU    JN    Till;    v, 

I  '  .•.  :•  i    i  "    •    oiffOtttnttftOOM  <  'aptaiii    BfOWn,  think  ing  it 
foroneo  between  military  men,  went  to  him  (ami,  \\!        [l 
old  "  Hull  of  tho  Woodf/1  as  the  dragoons  stylo  tfumn<T,  al!  ; 
tis  u  j'.-til.uii  loldiftfi  i  question  il'  In-  rv<T  acquitted  liini 
luntly  UK  Cuptftin  IJrown).     When  Hrown  went  out  to  th<-  i 
ho  was  u^ottL^od  to  Hml  himself  a  priiOflar.     Ool«n,. 
Oroorod  hiiu  to  sluu<l  by  his  stirrup  und  loud  thoui  iu<< 
lie  ftliO  t'-i'l  him  that  th(>ro  wus  u  dcjHity  slx'ril)  witli  hitn  who  had 
AH  arrest  for  him^uud  uddod,  "  Tuko  my  udvico  utid  Min<nd() 
yourself;  make  no  resistance." 

Under  tlxwo  olrouttyrtAOOei  the  drugoons  «r»d  the  depnt  \    h<  i  ill 
wont  into  the  camp  of  (/aptuin  Jtrown.     »So  rapidly  and  uu> 
o<lly  <lid  the  thing  oeour  that  there  was  no  opporf nun 
the  ariux  and  horses  taken  at  Hlaek  .luok.     Only  lifi<vn  <»!'  limwn'M 
tnen  were  in  the  <;ump  at  the  moment  they  ent<?i<  'I  it  ;  l»m  th.it 
camp,  (yolotitfl  Sumrier,  who  wus  astonished  at  il,  xuid   .-.  l'i«  - 
that  a  Mn.ill  gurrisori  eould  have  hold  against  a  thousun<l 
nnd,  from  the  poculiar  nature  of  the  ground,  artillery  eonld  n"i  In- 
brought  to  hear  on  it.     It  w  not  wonderful  that  hoili  SUMUHT  .md 
tho  deputy  sheriff  should  come  to  the  eon.  In  ion  thai  th<-  I. 
of  froe-^tuto  men  they  saw,  with  nearly  tliri- •  vu  HIUII|MT 

of  priKoncrs,  wus  only  a  part  of  Hrown's  foree.    Thry  Ix  lirv<'(l  that 
u  hundred  rifK'inon  must  bo  concealed  in  the  thickets  around  it  . 
oon*e<juently,  the  tone  of  these  g.ullunt  officers  and  <n ntl.  MM n  J-K  \v 
more  urbane  und  polite,     Colonel  Buinner  asked  deputy  l>o 
h«'  iiatj  not  i-ome  writs  of  urrest. 

JJogus  looked  carefully  around  him,  fixed  hi*  timi-l 
eyes  on  the  prisoners,  and  tho  tfmall  band  Captain   \>- 

nn,and  at  the  dense  an<l  mysterious-lo<  mimd 

him,  at>d  said,  in  a  hesitating  v 

11  \Vell,   J   b« 
•  uy  writ," 
ucloti't! 
m  \itn\  for?     \ 

"  \\ 

t  think  there  • 

81 


362  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Colonel  Sumner,  who  is  rather  blunt  and  off-handed,  and  not 
much  of  a  believer  in  humbug,  gave  deputy  bogus  an  objurgatory 
piece  of  his  mind,  which  I  need  not  inflict  on  the  reader.  He 
then  liberated  Captain  Pate  and  the  other  prisoners.  These  men 
had  been  treated  exceedingly  well  by  Captain  Brown.  They  were 
allowed  to  use  their  own  blankets  and  camp  equipage,  which  were 
much  better  than  anything  Brown  had ;  they  also  were  fed  while 
thus  held  captive  much  better  than  Brown  was  able  to  feed  his 
own  soldiers. 

Not  only  did  the  prisoners  get  their  liberty,  but  their  horses, 
arms,  equipage,  and  stores ;  nearly  all  that  had  been  taken,  and 
all  except  what  Brown  had  given  to  those  who  came  the  day  of 
the  battle  to  help,  or  was  in  the  hands  of  some  others  who  had 
been  there,  and  who  were  not  now  here. 

The  guns  these  men  had  were,  as  I  have  said,  United  States 
arms. 

"Where  did  you  get  these  arms?"  asked  Colonel  Sumner  of 
Captain  Pate. 

"  We  got  them  from  a  friend,"  was  the  reply. 

"  A  friend  !  "  growled  out  old  Bull  of  the  Woods.  "  What 
friend  had  a  right  or  could  give  you  United  States  arms?  " 

In  this  dilemma,  Captain  Pate  did,  as  many  a  wise  man  has 
done  before  him,  evaded  the  question  when  he  did  not  feel  it 
advisable  to  answer  it.  The  arms  in  question  were  the  public 
territorial  arms,  given  in  charge  of  the  federal  officers  of  the  terri 
tory,  for  the  use  of  the  territory,  and  by  them  given  to  the  Missou- 
rians.  This  not  being  exactly  a  story  fit  to  tell,  Pate  entered  into 
a  disquisition  on  the  general  subject  of  his  imprisonment,  and  told 
Sumner  that  he  was  acting  under  orders  of  Governor  Shannon, 
and  that  his  being  taken  prisoner  was  an  outrage. 

"  That  is  false,  sir !  "  said  Colonel  Sumner,  sternly ;  "  I  had  a 
conversation  with  Governor  Shannon  about  your  particular  case, 
and  he  declared  that  you  had  no  authority  for  going  about  the 
country  with  an  armed  force." 

There  was  no  replying  to  this,  and  the  enraged  and  silenced 
Pate  bit  his  lip.  Colonel  Sumner  went  on ;  he  denounced  him  for 
his  conduct,  and  told  the  ruffian  commander  and  correspondent  of 


CAMPAIGNING   IN   THE    WAR    OF   FREEDOM.  363 

the  Missouri  Republican  what  he  thought  of  him,  in  language 
more  pointed  and  succinct  than  complimentary.  He  wound  up 
his  remarks,  however,  by  allowing  Pate  to  take  everything  his 
company  had,  even  the  public  arms.  Captain  Brown  and  his 
company  were  then  ordered  to  disperse.  Brown  spoke  of  Whit- 
field's  army  close  by,  and  said  the  free-state  men  could  not  disband 
with  a  hostile  invading  army  at  their  doors,  threatening  their 
lives.  Colonel  Sumner  pledged  his  word  that  these  should  be  dis 
persed,  and  told  the  company  of  Brown  that  they  must  not  assem 
ble  again  unless  invaders  were  attacking  them. 

Colonel  Sumner  then  left  Brown's  camp  and  proceeded  to  the 
camp  of  General  Whitfield.  There  he  was  politely  received,  and, 
as  the  force  under  Whitfield  was  too  formidable  looking  to  be 
treated  with  disrespect,  Colonel  Sumner  was  courteous.  The  offi 
cers  of  the  pro-slavery  camp  deceived  Colonel  Sumner  in  a  very 
important  particular.  They  pretended  to  be  all  residents  of  the 
territory,  whereas  there  was  not  a  tithe  of  them  who  could  make 
any  pretence  to  a  residence.  One  company  lived  on  this  creek, 
another  company  lived  on  that  creek;  every  man  was  an  "  actual 
resident,"  to  believe  him.  Now,  Colonel  Sumner  was  not  particu 
larly  well  posted  as  to  the  geography  of  the  territory,  particularly 
its  modern  geography,  so  he  believed  all  this,  or  at  least  that  a 
part  of  it  was  true.  As  Pate  and  his  men  were  released,  and  as 
Colonel  Sumner  gave  his  pledge  that  he  would  disperse  all  parties 
of  the  settlers  of  Kansas  who  might  band  together,  or  arm  them 
selves  for  defence,  or  any  other  purpose,  they  promised  Colonel 
Sumner,  on  their  "  word  of  honor,"  to  disperse,  and  not  assemble 
again  in  arms.  Having  thus  negotiated,  Colonel  Sumner  fell 
back  towards  Prairie  city,  and  encamped.  Whitfield's  camp  broke 
up  from  their  position  near  Palmyra,  they  moving  down  the  Santa 
Fe  road,  and  camping  five  miles  below  on  Black  Jack.  It  was  at 
this  stage  of  the  game  that  Captain  Walker  and  myself  recon 
noitred  affairs  from  the  high  grounds  half  a  mile  from  Palmyra. 
The  smoking  camp-fires  of  the  enemy,  which  they  had  just  aban 
doned,  were  at  the  head  of  a  ravine  a  short  distance  off.  Down 
the  Santa  Fe  road  the  Missourians  were  going  toward  Black  Jack, 
although  many  of  them  had  halted  at  a  grocery  in  a  grove  half  a 


864  THE   CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

mile  from  us.  The  rascals  had  still  scouting  parties  flying  about. 
They  plundered  one  free-state  cabin,  and  took  one  of  our  boys 
prisoner,  while  falling  back  according  to  the  orders  of  Suni- 
ner. 

The  man  thus  captured  was  named  Cantral.  He  had  come 
from  Missouri  to  the  territory,  and  was  making  a  farm  near  Pal 
myra.  He  had  a  wife  and  young  family.  When  the  battle  of 
Black  Jack  was  fought,  Cantral  had  hurried  to  the  aid  of  the 
others,  and  had  been  seen  with  them  by  several  of  Pate's  men. 
This  was  one  cause  of  their  hatred  to  him,  and  another  was  the 
fact  of  his  being  a  Missourian  and  a  free-state  man.  These  are 
regarded  by  the  border  ruffians  as  traitors ;  a  most  absurd  idea,  as 
the  poor  white  men  of  the  slave  states  have,  of  course,  no  slaves; 
but  such  is  the  tyranny  of  opinion  in  slave-states  that  a  poor  man 
seldom  dares  to  oppose  the  slave  interest. 

Cantral  had  been  over  to  Prairie  city  for  some  butter,  and  was 
returning  home  to  his  family.  As  Colonel  Stunner  was  to  disperse 
all  parties,  he  supposed  there  was  to  be  peace.  He  was  taken 
near  his  home  and  carried  down  to  their  camp  on  the  Black 
Jack. 

Two  messengers  were  despatched  to  the  camp  of  Colonel  Sum- 
ner  to  inform  him  of  it,  and  get  his  release.  And  here,  as  Colonel 
Sumner  is,  by  the  unhappy  circumstances,  somewhat  implicated, 
justice  requires  that  I  give  the  account  of  the  affair  he  gave  to  me. 
He  said  that  his  dragoons  and  himself  had  been  in  the  saddle  all 
day,  and  had  just  camped  when  the  messengers  reached  him. 
General  Whitfield  and  the  other  pro-slavery  officers  had  pledged 
him  their  word  of  honor  that  they  should  disperse,  and  that  there 
should  be  no  more  trouble.  Believing  that  these  were  honorable 
men  he  deemed  that  Cantral's  imprisonment  would  be  merely 
temporary.  He  said  he  would  go  after  him  next  day,  if  not 
released. 

That  evening  Captain  Walker  and  myself  carefully  scanned  the 
position  of  the  enemy,  who  were  encamped  exactly  on  the  battle 
ground  of  Black  Jack.  Now,  while  this  was  a  strong  point  to  be 
attacked  from  the  prairie,  it  could  have  been  assailed  most  success 
fully  from  the  ravine,  by  a  party  coming  up  from  the  creek  that 


CAMPAIGNING   IN   THE   WAR   OF   FREEDOM.  365 

here  winds  through  the  timber  of  Hickory  Grove.  The  bottom 
of  the  Black  Jack  hollow,  besides  being  thickety,  has  water-runs 
and  ditches,  and  spreads  out  below  where  they  were  encamped,  so 
that  a  party  of  riflemen  could  have  come  up  on  each  side  of  the 
ravine,  in  a  sheltered  position,  and  have  got  the  enemy  in  a  cross 
fire. 

When  we  returned  to  camp  I  urged  a  night  attack  with  the 
force  we  had ;  but  as  we  had  not  heard  from  any  of  the  other 
camps,  and  did  not  know  that  Brown  was  disbanded,  the  others 
thought  it  would  be  injudicious.  Messengers  had  been  sent  after 
Captain  Brown  and  the  others,  but  they  had  not  returned.  It 
was  deemed  inadvisable  to  make  an  attack  on  a  force  so  much 
larger  until  our  friends  could  unite  with  us.  The  Missourians 
were  encamped  about  two  and  a  half  miles  from  us.  Our  camp 
was  put  under  close  and  careful  guard,  and  I  turned  in  reluctantly, 
as  did  many  of  my  companions,  fearing  that  the  dragoons  would 
spoil  our  sport  in  the  morning. 

Early  next  morning  about  one  half  of  General  Whitfield's  army, 
some  one  hundred  and  sixty  men,  under  Captain  Reed,  of  Inde 
pendence,  Captain  Pate,  Captain  Bell,  Captain  Jenigen,  and 
others,  started  for  Osawattomie.  Some  twenty  of  them,  with  a 
Captain  Sanders,  who  lived  on  Washington  creek,  in  the  territory, 
started  from  Whitfield's  camp  to  go  home,  halting  at  a  grocery 
near  Hickory  Point.  Whitfield  and  the  remainder  of  them  started 
buck  for  Westport,  carrying  several  prisoners  with  them. 

When  the  morning  came  I  went  out  again  to  reconnoitre,  in 
company  with  Major  Redpath  ;  I  had  a  terrible  headache,  and  but 
a  moderate  estimate  of  camp  comforts.  We  had  intended  to  be 
perfectly  still  in  our  camp  and  await  events.  If  Uncle  Sam  would 
drive  out  the  invaders,  good  and  well;  if  not,  we  would.  But  the 
gods  interfered  with  our  peace  intentions,  and  showered  down  a 
little  incident.  While  my  companion  and  myself  were  scanning 
the  face  of  the  country  and  the  passing  affairs  below  us,  four  horse 
men  galloped  up  from  the  enemy's  camp  to  Palmyra.  While  they 
approached  we  saw  two  men  leave  the  houses  at  Palmyra  and 
come  toward  the  timber  on  our  right ;  the  horsemen  then  left  the 
road  and  came  toward  the  timber  on  our  left.  As  the  houses  at 
31* 


366  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Palmyra  had  been  pillaged  by  the  pro-slavery  bands  and  deserted 
by  their  owners,  who  were  mostly  in  camp,  we  naturally  concluded 
that  both  parties  were  of  the  enemy,  and  the  design  was  to  cut  us 
off.  We  fell  back  into  the  timber,  and  we  two  posted  ourselves  at 
a  saw-mill  on  the  creek  (also  deserted).  While  there,  as  was 
natural  for  two  journalists,  we  fell  into  a  disquisition,  and,  for  the 
time  being,  forgot  the  enemy.  Redpath  jumped  up  in  the  middle 
of  the  argument,  cocked  his  rifle,  and  cried  "  Halt !  "  A  man  had 
popped  his  head  above  a  saw-log.  I  recognized  him  as  a  free-state 
man,  and  told  my  friend  to  put  down  his  gun. 

This  man,  and  another  just  behind  him,  were  the  two  we  had 
seen  leave  Palmyra.  They  had  gone  up  there  in  hopes  the  enemy 
had  been  driven  off,  as  they  lived  there ;  but  their  presence  had 
been  immediately  discovered ;  the  horsemen  we  saw  had  been  sent 
out  to  cut  them  off,  and  had  turned  off  toward  us  on  seeing  us. 
The  proposal  was  that  we  should  go  back  and  take  them,  but  our 
accession  of  numbers  had  no  arms,  and  wanted  to  go  back  and 
report.  I  thought  they  would  immediately  gallop  back,  and  that 
there  would  be  no  more  of  it.  Once  in  camp,  I  commenced  pen 
cilling  a  letter  for  The  Tribune  on  my  knee.  A  messenger  for 
Lawrence  was  about  starting,  and  held  a  fiery  horse  pawing  at  my 
elbow,  while  I  hastily  scribbled,  I  hardly  remember  what.  Before 
I  got  through  Major  Iledpath  had  taken  ten  men  out  on  a  scouting 
party.  They  were  back  in  an  hour.  They  had  crossed  the  creek, 
and,  having  got  near  the  spot  where  we  had  been,  saw  three  of  the 
horsemen ;  they  were  no  doubt  scouring  about  for  us.  The  men 
stretched  themselves  in  the  long  grass  before  they  were  observed. 
When  the  three  horsemen  got  near,  the  major  started  up,  cried 
"  Halt !  "  and  gave  orders  for  the  men  to  rise.  It  is  reported  that 
the  eyes  of  these  fellows  rolled  like  boiled  beans  at  sight  of  the 
ten  boys  with  Sharpe's  rifles.  They  made  a  virtue  of  necessity 
and  surrendered. 

While  the  prisoners  were  placed  in  file  and  marched  back  into 
camp,  the  fourth  man,  their  comrade,  who  had  been  in  sight  and 
observed  the  performance,  galloped  over  to  Colonel  Sumner,  and 
told  him  a  cock-and-bull  story  about  "  peaceable  people  going 
along  the  road,"  etc.,  and  the  sequel  followed. 


CAMPAIGNING   IN   THE   WAR   OF  FREEDOM.  367 

The  prisoners  thus  taken  were  Capt.  Sanders  and  two  of  his  men. 
They  were  examined  and  placed  under  guard.  It  was  about  the 
dinner  hour.  Cooks,  and  sub-cooks,  and  deputy-cooks,  were  at 
work  trying  to  make  what  provisions  we  had  eatable,  and  it 
was  almost  worth  a  dinner,  and  better  than  the  dinner  they  thus 
prepared,  to  see  them  manufacturing  corn  and  flour  flippers, 
and  roasting  beef  over  the  smoky  fires,  now  turning  a  flipper  or 
poking  a  beef-steak,  and  again  wiping  the  smoke  out  of  their 
eyes  with  their  dirty  sleeves.  Just  as  the  dinner  was  ready 
in  galloped  Mr.  P.  Robinson,  a  brother  of  the  governor,  and 
reported  an  armed  and  mounted  force  approaching  our  camp. 
Instantly  the  men  were  under  arms  and  in  line.  The  force  was 
approaching  by  a  road  that  led  into  the  timber,  and  ran  close  to 
our  cauip;  this  road  came  in  on  a  narrow  ridge.  The  force  was 
divided ;  a  small  number  (we  had  received  some  more  men,  and 
numbered  one  hundred  and  twenty)  were  left  to  guard  the  camp 
and  the  prisoners,  and  the  remainder  were  posted  in  two  divisions, 
one  on  each  side  of  the  ravine. 

Having  disposed  ourselves  after  the  Crimea  drill  pattern,  com 
manding  the  road,  we  watched.  Another  horseman  galloped  in  ; 
the  approaching  force  was  Uncle  Sam's  boys.  "  Confound  them !  " 
muttered  several.  "  Well,  we  don't  want  to  fight  United  States 
troops  till  they  fight  us,"  was  the  general  response ;  so,  with  a 
general  anathema  of  three-cornered  fights  and  third  parties,  we 
fell  back  a  hundred  yards  from  the  road  and  lay  down.  Soon  they 
came.  Galloping  down  the  shady  road,  with  their  sabres  clatter 
ing,  they  swept  past  us.  Little  did  they  think  that  they  were 
running  the  gauntlet  of  a  hundred  Sharpe's  rifles,  which  could  have 
annihilated  them  on  that  rash  entry  to  our  camp,  but  for  the  loyal 
reverence  to  United  States  authority  that  beat  in  every  heart,  and 
but  for  our  respect  for  Uncle  Sam's  livery  which  they  wore. 

Once  in  our  camp,  we  could  hear  the  hearty  laughter  of  the 
dragoons.  They  set  the  prisoners  at  liberty,  gave  them  their 
horses  and  arms,  and,  some  of  our  officers  having  gone  in,  the 
officer  in  command  said  we  must  disband  and  go  home.  That 
officer  was  a  pro-slavery  man,  and  rather  exceeded  his  duty.  One 
thing  which  he  said  (and  which  I  hope  was  gratuitous)  gave  gen- 


368  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

eral  offence  :  "  You  must  submit  to  the  territorial  laws,  or  leave 
the  territory."  What  business  had  an  officer  of  dragoons  with 
the  territorial  laws  ? 

After  keeping  our  poor  fellows  stretched  on  the  grass  for  an 
hour,  in  no  very  good  humor  at  such  an  interruption  to  the  dinner 
hour,  Uncle  Sam's  boys  at  last  thought  fit  to  leave,  clattering  off 
as  they  came,  the  released  prisoners  going  with  them. 

I  hate  these  three-cornered,  triangular  fights,  especially  when  the 
third  party  pretends  to  be  equally  hostile  or  equally  friendly  to 
both  parties,  —  free-state  men  on  one  side,  pro-slavery  men  on  the 
other,  and  Uncle  Sam's  men  pretending  to  keep  the  peace,  but  not 
able  to  do  it. 

As  no  one  had  promised  to  disperse  we  concluded  that  it  would 
not  be  proper  to  do  so  until  we  were  sure  that  the  enemy  had  left 
the  territory.  The  determination  was  to  keep  a  force,  sufficiently 
large  to  hold  these  Missourians  in  check,  close  to  them  until  they 
should  leave  the  territory,  —  to  evade  Uncle  Sam,  and  fight  the 
enemy  should  occasion  offer.  The  camp  was  therefore  shifted 
immediately  to  a  secure  spot  on  Coal  creekr  two  miles  from  the 
first  camp. 

When  Capt.  Sanders  left  the  dragoons  he  went  down  to  the 
lower  end  of  the  grove,  to  Conner's  grocery,  where  the  territorial 
part  of  the  pro-slavery  army  was.  They  then  rode  up  the  Santa 
Fe  road.  They  had  proceeded  up  for  a  considerable  distance, 
and  were  near  the  Willow  Springs,  when  they  ran  against  a  small 
circumstance.  As  I  have  stated,  two  companies  had  started  from 
Topeka  when  the  report  of  Whitfield's  army  marching  into  the 
territory  reached  them.  One  of  these  companies,  about  twenty 
men,  with  two  wagons,  were  hurrying  down  the  Santa  Fe  road, 
when  they  encountered  the  pro-slavery  men  under  Capt.  Sanders  ; 
both  parties  were  of  about  the  same  size. 

The  moment  the  Topeka  boys  saw  the  enemy  coming,  they  drew 
their  wagons  across  the  road,  and  drew  up  behind  them  in  line  of 
battle.  Their  opponents  looked  bewildered  and  not  at  all  anxious 
to  fight.  They  kept  at  a  respectable  distance,  and  by  "  signs  and 
wonders  "  and  all  the  peace  demonstrations  they  could  make,  suc 
ceeded  in  obtaining  a  parley.  They  then  explained  that  Sumner 


CAMPAIGNING    IN    THE    WAR   OF   FREEDOM.  369 

had  dispersed  them,  and  that  they  were  going  peacefully  to  their 
homes,  and  did  not  want  to  fight.  There  is  no  doubt  but  they 
would  have  been  much  more  warlike  if  they  had  found  a  party 
much  smaller  than  their  own ;  but,  under  the  circumstances,  the 
Topeka  boys  allowed  these  meek  "  law  and  order  "  men  to  pass 
and  drove  on  that  night  to  our  camp  on  Coal  creek. 

On  that  6th  of  June  a  deplorable  occurrence  happened  in  the 
camp  of  the  pro-slavery  men  who  had  started  for  Westport.  They 
had  taken  with  them,  amongst  other  prisoners,  Mr.  Cantral. 
When  camped  at  noon  on  Cedar  Creek,  some  fifteen  miles  below 
the  Black  Jack,  where  Whitfield's  army  had  divided,  they  pre 
tended  to  try  Cantral  for  treason  to  Missouri,  he  being  a  free-state 
man,  and  for  fighting  in  the  free-state  cause  in  Kansas.  Milt 
Magee,  of  Westport,  took  an  active  part  in  these  proceedings,  being 
chief  of  the  court.  Of  course  Cantral  was  found  guilty.  The  other 
prisoners  with  fear  saw  Cantral  led  out  of  the  camp  by  four  men, 
with  whom  was  Magee.  They  went  towards  a  ravine  close  by. 
Directly  after  Magee  was  seen  to  ride  away  from  the  ravine,  and 
just  at  that  moment  a  pistol-shot  was  heard,  and  Cantral's  voice 
crying, 

"  0  !  —  0,  God  !  they  have  shot  me  !  " 

Another  shot  was  heard,  followed  by  a  long,  piercing  scream, 
and  then  another,  and  all  was  still.  The  man  who  shot  is  sup 
posed  to  be  a  man  named  Forman,  of  Westport,  who  had  been  with 
Pate,  and  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  that  Sunday  at  Prairie 
city.  He  had  been  most  kindly  treated  while  a  prisoner  in  Capt. 
Brown's  camp. 

Several  others  of  the  prisoners  were  supposed  to  have  been 
murdered  in  the  same  way ;  seven  dead  bodies  have  been  reported 
found  at  that  place  and  the  next  creek  where  they  camped.  Two 
of  the  prisoners  they  had,  who  were  supposed  to  be  pro-slavery 
men,  were  allowed  to  leave  immediately  after  Cantral  was  shot. 
It  was  by  their  account  that  the  friends  of  Cantral  were  enabled 
to  find  his  body,  with  thcee  bullet-holes  in  his  breast,  and  bear  it 
to  his  agonized  widow. 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 

SACKING-    OF   OSAWATTOMIE. 

IT  was  Saturday  night.  I  had  been  scouting  around  the 
streams  and  hills  to  the  south  of  the  Wakarusa.  I  had  become 
convinced  that  the  large  force  I  had  seen  galloping  down  the  Santa 
Fe  road  from  Palmyra,  on  the  5th,  while  reconnoitring  with  Capt. 
Walker,  had  left  the  neighborhood,  and,  for  the  moment,  half  con 
cluded  that  the  dragoons  were  really  a  good  u  institution,"  when, 
about  six  o'clock,  a  messenger  came  in  from  Osawattomie,  asking 
for  help.  When  the  messenger  left,  the  enemy  was  encamped 
eight  miles  from  Osawattomie,  and  an  attack  was  feared.  Another 
messenger  immediately  followed  the  first ;  this  latter  had  started 
first,  but  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  enemy.  By  the  interces 
sion  of  Capt.  Bell  he  got  away.  He  told  us  that  Capt.  H.  C.  Pate, 
of  the  Missouri  Republican,  was  with  them.  The  captain  and  his 
company,  taken  prisoner  at  the  battle  of  Palmyra,  had  been  re 
leased  by  the  troops,  and  their  arms  restored  them.  The  messen 
gers  wanted  help.  It  was  thirty  miles  off;  besides,  there  were 
three  companies  of  dragoons  between  our  camps  and  Osawattomie. 
On  the  assurances  of  the  troops  the  companies  had  been  preparing 
to  disband. 

Col.  Sumner  bad  returned  to  Fort  Leavenworth.  One  company 
of  dragoons  was  left  at  Palmyra.  There  was  one  down- at  Middle 
Ottawa  Creek,  where  John  Brown,  junior,  Jason  Brown,  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  Mr.  Partridge,  and  other  three  free-state  men  from  Osawat 
tomie,  were  held  prisoners.  Another  company  of  dragoons  were 
stationed  close  to  Osawattomie,  having  been  there  during  the 
occurrences  narrated  in  last  chapter. 

When  the  appeal  for  assistance  reached  our  camp  that  evening 


SACKING    OF    OSAWATTOMIE.  871 

there  were  not  lacking  those  who  wished  at  once  to  make  a  niglit 
march  on  Osawattomie  j  but  hoping,  trusting  faith  prevailed.  As 
the  representative  of  the  camps,  I  started  for  the  nearest  company 

of  troops.     Capt. ,  of  Topeka,  went  with  me.     The  twilight 

was  setting  in  as  we  started.  Night  came  on  before  we  entered 
the  deep,  thick  woods  near  Hickory  Point,  but  although  the  path 
was  scarcely  visible,  we  galloped  on,  for  the  case  was  urgent.  It 
might  have  been  about  nine  o'clock  when  we  emerged  on  the  prai 
rie  highlands  near  the  Santa  Fe  road.  Away  to  the  right  we  could 
observe  the  glimmer  of  a  few  lights  at  Palmyra,  and  soon,  as  we 
galloped  on,  we  saw  the  camp-fires,  and  by  their  aid  the  tents  of  the 
dragoons  encamped  on  the  skirts  of  the  timber.  Within  a  hun 
dred  yards  the  sentinel  hailed  us.  The  usual  military  prelimina 
ries  were  gone  through,  and  we  were  led  to  the  officers'  tent.  My 
companion  did  not  alight,  and  the  master  of  the  guard  held  my 
horse  while  I  entered  the  tent.  It  was  small ;  the  fresh,  green 
grass  was  the  carpet ;  a  small  camp-pallet  lay  on  the  ground  ;  on 
this  the  occupant  reclined,  reading  by  the  light  of  a  lamp.  He 
motioned  me  to  a  trunk  in  the  centre.  It  was  Lieutenant  Mack 
intosh,  who  has  the  reputation  of  being  an  intelligent  and  gentle 
manly  officer.  He  told  me,  to  my  question,  that  Major  Sedgewick 
was  at  another  camp,  nearer  Osawattomie.  When  I  stated  my 
mission,  he  replied  that  he  had  received  some  report  of  the  kind, 
and  had  sent  an  express  down  that  morning  to  the  other  camps, 
which  were  near  the  spot,  informing  them  of  it.  I  told  him  of  the 
urgency  of  the  case.  He  replied  that  such  rumors  might  not  be 
well  founded.  I  said  our  friends  were  at  least  inclined  to  believe 
them ;  and  I  then  told  him  my  mission  fully  and  plainly.  We 
had  been  disbanded  with  the  assurance  of  protection ;  our  friends 
were  threatened  by  a  large  force,  part  of  the  same  we  had  under 
stood  were  to  be  driven  out.  We  had  force  we  could  soon  rally, 
and  who  were  ready  to  march  at  once  to  relieve  Osawattomie,  and 
I  came  to  tell  him  that  unless  they  took  immediate  steps  to  defend 
it  and  drive  these  Missourians  out,  we  would.  I  was  almost  sorry 
that  an  officer,  whom  I  believed  to  be  a  gentleman,  should  have  been 
so  far  under  the  influence  of  the  duty  he  was  sent  to  do  as  to 
question  me  at  this  point  relative  to  our  friends,  the  existence  of 


372  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

free-state  camps,  etc.  The  impending  fate  of  Osawattomie  made 
it  painful.  I  repeated  again  to  him  that  unless  I  could  carry  back 
gome  guarantee  that  all  the  troops  could  do  would  be  done  imme 
diately,  we  would  immediately  march  on  the  point  ourselves.  He 
then  assured  me  that  everything  they  could  do  would  be  done. 
He  would  start  immediately  for  the  other  two  camps,  one  of  which 
was  nine  miles  below,  and  the  other  near  Osawattomie,  and  that 
everything  that  could  be  done  would  be  done,  and  those  men 
driven  back  if  they  were  there  ;  he  did  not  wish  us  to  take  any 
steps.  I  conversed  with  him  while  he  prepared  to  leave.  He 
accused  the  free-state  people;  spoke  of  their  disinclination  to  obey 
the  territorial  laws,  —  as  if  resisting  these  tyrannous  enactments  was 
a  sin !  spoke  harshly  of  a  few  of  the  more  impulsive  of  the  Law 
rence  people,  who  had  treated  Sheriff  Jones  with  disrespect  in  the 
performance  of  his  duty !  It  was  evident  that  he  regarded  the  bo 
gus  law  as  law,  and  the  squatters  of  Kansas  as  a  species  of  rebels. 
I  saw  him  on  the  way  toward  Osawattomie,  and  returned  at  the 
gallop.  Our  friends  were  satisfied  with  the  result,  concluded  to 
abandon  the  field,  and  to  trust  the  dragoons  for  the  present. 

The  part  of  Gen.  Whitfield's  army  that  had  gone  down  to  Osa 
wattomie  numbered  one  hundred  and  seventy  men.  They  ap 
proached  the  place  as  rapidly  as  possible.  They  had  a  thirty 
miles'  march,  and  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  the  place,  or  some  five 
miles  to  the  east  of  it,  on  the  Indian  reserve,  across  the  Merode- 
sin.  They  had  sent  a  spy  ahead  of  them  into  the  place  to  recon 
noitre  it.  Next  morning  the  company  of  dragoons,  which  had 
been  stationed  close  to  Osawattomie,  left  that  place  and  took  a 
fresh  camp  day  up  in  the  direction  of  Ottawa  creek,  several  miles 
off. 

I  do  not  mean  to  insinuate  that  there  was  any  collision  in  this 
case  between  the  officers  of  the  troops  and  the  border  ruffians, 
although  the  movements,  taken  all  in  all,  look  decidedly  suspi 
cious.  Of  course  the  border  ruffians  were  soon  informed  of  the 
movement  of  the  troops  and  the  condition  of  the  town.  On  that 
day  there  were  but  few  over  a  dozen  men  left  in  Osawattomie. 
Nearly  all  the  residents  had  claims  out  in  the  county,  and  were  at 
work  on  them.  So  rapid  had  been  the  movement  against  them  that 


SACKING    OF   OSAWATTOMIE.  373 

they  did  not  expect  any  sudden  attack  on  the  town,  and  although 
they  had  heard  of  the  Missourians  being  over  in  the  Indian 
reserve,  only  a  few  men  thought  they  would  attack  the  place,  and 
it  was  these  who  had  sent  after  help.  The  general  impression 
was,  the  town  would  not  be  attacked,  and  that  these  invaders 
would  only  surround  the  town  to  cut  off  travellers  and  supplies  on 
the  road.  But  those  who  thought  so  were  mistaken.  That  more 
prompt  steps  were  not  taken  to  defend  Osawattomie  is  merely 
another  evidence  of  the  slow  process  by  which  free-state  settlers 
arrive  at  a  correct  conclusion  upon  border  ruffian  character. 

The  blow  aimed  at  Osawattomie  can  only  be  attributed  to  two 
things.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  a  thriving  free-state  town ;  in 
the  second,  the  law  and  order  ruffians,  or  those  of  them  in  this 
part  of  Whitfield's  army,  had  been  unable  to  get  any  booty  in 
their  recent  campaign,  and  it  was  hard  to  leave  the  territory  with 
out  it.  By  their  scouts  they  learned  that  there  were  few  men  in 
the  place,  and  those  few  making  preparation  for  defence.  Still 
the  ruffians  were  timid  and  cautious.  They  suspected  some  trick. 
They  thought  that  the  people  of  the  place  had  by  some  means 
obtained  information  of  their  presence,  and  that  some  force  was 
concealed,  and  that  they  would  fall  into  an  "  abolition  ambush." 
As  the  evidence  they  obtained,  however,  was  all  to  the  contrary, 
they  at  last  ventured  to  march,  leaving  a  small  force  at  the  camp 
they  had  made  to  guard  some  property. 

They  approached  the  town  by  the  road  from  Westport  to  Osa 
wattomie,  and  had  to  cross  the  Merodesin  close  to  the  town.  On 
the  east  bank  of  this  stream,  which  is  a  large  creek  or  small  river 
at  that  point,  they  halted.  They  were  fearful  that  an  ambush  lay 
in  the  thickets  near  the  ford.  At  last  some  of  their  number,  more 
resolute  than  the  rest,  dashed  into  the  stream  and  crossed  over,  and 
the  whole  party  entered  the  town,  which  is  separated  from  the 
stream  by  a  narrow  strip  of  timber.  They  entered  the  town  rap 
idly,  and  the  astonished  people,  the  few  men  in  town  and  the 
women  and  children,  saw  this  horde  of  pro-slavery  barbarians 
take  possession  of  their  town  almost  before  they  could  realize 
their  presence  or  their  object.  No  attempt  at  resistance  was 
made  by  the  people ;  in  fact,  it  was  out  of  the  question. 
32 


374  THE    CONQUEST    OF    KANSAS. 

Then  commenced  a  wholesale  work  of  pillage.  Dwelling-houses 
and  places  of  business  were  alike  ransacked.  All  the  horses  that 
could  be  found,  sixteen  in  number,  were  taken.  The  spy  who  had 
entered  the  place  the  day  before,  and  who  had  pretended  to  be 
sick,  and  had  been  kindly  treated,  led  the  way  from  place  to  place, 
showing  where  the  best  plunder  was  to  be  obtained.  All  the 
anus,  money  and  jewelry,  that  could  be  found,  was  most  anxiously 
sought  and  taken.  Their  object  was  evidently  to  take  all  they 
could  carry  on  their  horses,  and  to  carry  the  most  valuable  arti 
cles.  Trunks,  desks,  bureaus,  and  every  other  place  where  desira 
ble  articles  to  steal  could  be  found,  were  broken  into.  Liquor  was 
obtained  and  drank  freely,  while  they  indulged  in  the  fiercest 
threats  and  the  wildest  profanity. 

A  few  of  the  more  patriotic  tried  to  find  the  printing  press. 
There  was  a  printing  establishment  in  the  place,  but  it  had  not 
yet  seen  the  light.  The  press  had  never  committed  treason,  or 
rendered  itself  indictable  by  squeezing  a  free-soil  emphasis  on 
paper;  nor  had  the  unoffending  type  ever  been  defaced  by  "aboli 
tion  "  ink  ;  but  the  pro-slavery  ruffians  well  knew  that  a  printing 
press  is  an  incendiary  machine  at  best,  and  that  this  one  was  proba 
bly  in  hands  not  sufficiently  alive  to  the  glorious  principles  of  "  law 
and  order."  They  therefore  searched  indefatigably  and  vainly. 
The  whole  apparatus,  press  and  all,  was  carefully  boxed  up  and 
concealed.  They  threatened  several  persons,  and  hunted  for  the 
editor,  or,  rather,  he  who  was  to  be  the  editor ;  but  he  was  not  in 
town.  One  woman,  whom  they  felt  sure  knew  something  about 
it,  or  was  connected  with  it,  they  threatened  to  hang,  if  she  would 
not  tell  where  they  could  find  it.  She  treated  their  threats  with 
indifference,  and  they,  after  having  spoken  and  acted  violently  and 
insultingly,  had  to  give  it  up.  They  threatened  and  insulted  sev 
eral  other  ladies. 

In  their  investigations  they  entered  the  house  where  the  press 
was,  but  happening  to  fall  in  with  a  case  of  excellent  brandy  and 
some  wine,  they  proceeded  to  help  themselves  pretty  freely  to 
these  "  anti-abolition  "  articles.  After  drinking  freely,  they  con 
cluded  that  no  "  abolition  "  press  could  be  in  a  place  where  there 
was  so  good  brandy.  In  fact,  that  is  one  way  the  border  ruffians 


SACKING    OF    OSAWATTOMIE.  375 

have  of  judging  whether  a  man  is  "  sound  on  the  goose."  A  per 
son  who  does  not  drink  is  voted  an  "  abolitionist "  at  once,  without 
further  testimony;  and  the  presence  of  liquor,  especially  good 
liquor  and  an  abundance  of  it,  is  considered  as  a  sure  symptom, 
infallibly  tending  to  "  law  and  order." 

Not  content  with  robbing  stores,  and  men's  trunks,  and  private 
dwellings,  these  chivalrous  fellows  actually  took  the  women's  rings 
and  ear-rings,  and  some  of  their  apparel.  They  ought  to  have 
had  a  petticoat  apiece  as  trophies.  They  attempted  to  burn  the 
building  where  the  hotel  and  post-office  were,  and  one  or  two  other 
houses;  but  were  in  too  great  a  hurry  to  kindle  any  building 
thoroughly,  and  the  inhabitants  watched  them,  and  extinguished 
the  flames  before  they  could  do  any  damage. 

Having  got  all  the  plunder  they  wanted,  they  were  anxious  to 
be  off. 

"  Hurry,  hurry  !  "  they  said  to  each  other.  "  These  d — d  abo 
litionists  are  somewhere  not  far  off,  and  they  will  be  down  on  us 
the  first  thing  we  know."  They  accordingly  retreated  from  the 
ill-fated  town  as  rapidly  and  unmolested  as  they  had  entered  it, 
carrying  their  booty  with  them. 

When  they  got  to  their  camp  the  company  divided.  Half  of 
them  started  immediately  back  for  Westport,  and  the  remainder 
moved  off  and  camped  on  the  lower  part  of  Bull  creek,  some  eight 
miles  from  Osawattomie.  There  they  had  an  adventure. 

As  might  be  expected,  they  kept  a  sharp  look-out  for  aboli 
tionists.  Two  days  after  the  sacking  of  Osawattomie,  a  couple  of 
their  own  number  had  been  on  a  scout,  and  on  their  return  to'  the 
camp,  while  near  it,  fired  off  their  guns.  The  guard  in  that  direc 
tion  gave  the  alarm,  fired  his  gun  in  the  direction  of  the  two  men, 
and  cried  at  the  top  of  his  lungs,  "  The  abolitionists  are  coming ! 
—  the  abolitionists  are  coming ! "  Whereupon  the  whole  camp  got 
into  a  panic,  and,  without  taking  time  to  pack  up  their  effects, 
started  off  at  the  run.  There  were  some  horses  harnessed  to  wag 
ons  ;  these  were  hurriedly  taken  out,  and  off  the  whole  party  went 
in  a  helter-skelter  race,  outrivalling  John  Gilpin's.  Once  or  twice 
one  of  their  number  would  discharge  a  pistol  or  a  gun  behind 


oTb  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

him,  as  a  warning  to  abolitionists  to  keep  off,  which  had  the  effect 
of  keeping  up  the  fear  of  the  retreating  party. 

They  never  stopped  till  they  got  to  Battiesville,  an  Indian  sta 
tion  amongst  the  Weas.  The  Indian  store-keeper,  seeing  a  band 
of  wild-looking  fellows  galloping  up,  with  arras  in  their  hands,  and 
looking  very  terrible  from  fear  and  excitement,  closed  his  door, 
and,  in  spite  of  all  their  entreaties,  would  not  let  them  in. 

"  The  abolitionists  are  coming !  — we  want  to  come  in  to  defend 
the  place !  " 

The  Indian  happened  to  be  a  pro-slavery  Indian,  but  he  was 
moderately  suspicious  of  the  appearance  of  these  "  law  and  order  " 
men ;  so  he  grunted, 

"  Abolitionists,  heap,  bad  !  —  no  come  !  " 

"  Yes,  they  are  coming !  "  yelled  a  score  of  anxious  voices. 
"  G-d  blast  ye !  let  us  in  !  They  '11  be  here  in  a  minute  !  " 

"  Come  in  to-morrow,  may  be,"  was  the  cautious  answer. 

Time  was  pressing.  There  were  two  or  three  unoccupied  log- 
houses  close  at  hand ;  so  they  made  a  virtue  of  necessity  and  got 
into  them.  The  chinking  was  driven  out  for  port-holes,  and  the 
doors  were  barricaded ;  meanwhile  two  of  the  best  mounted  were 
despatched  in  hot  haste  to  Missouri,  one  to  Jackson,  and  the  other 
to  Cass  county,  telling  their  friends  to  come  up  quick,  for  the  abo 
litionists  with  great  force  were  besieging  them  in  Battiesville,  and 
that  they  would  endeavor  to  hold  out  till  they  could  come. 

A  party  of  men  did  start  up  to  the  rescue,  and  more  would  have 
gone  if  these  had  not  returned  and  reported  it  a  hoax.  This  mas 
terly  retreat  was  a  standing  joke  amongst  the  border  ruffians  in 
that  quarter,  who  taunted  their  comrades  about  their  "  holding 
out  against  the  abolitionists." 


CHAPTER    XXYIII. 

» 

A   CHAPTER   OF   OUTRAGES. 

DON'T  start,  reader,  at  the  ominous  heading  of  this  chapter.  A 
chapter  of  Kansas  outrages  !  Why,  there  could  be  a  book  as  big 
as  "  Webster's  Unabridged,"  and  more  frightfully  dreary,  written 
on  such  a  subject.  I  would  no  more  think  of  inflicting  an  account 
of  all  the  outrages  against  the  settlers  of  Kansas,  on  the  reader, 
than  I  would  of  all  the  free-soil  speeches  and  "  resolutions " 
passed  in  the  territory.  So  far,  I  have  confined  myself  to  what 
I  deemed  the  most  important  incidents,  and  those  most  necessary 
to  give  a  correct  outline  of  Kansas  history.  And  yet  there  are 
a  few  important  matters  and  decided  steps  in  the  Kansas  struggle 
that  can  be  best  exhibited  by  statements  found  in  this  chapter. 

Governor  Shannon  had  gone  down  to  Westport  to  see  the  com 
mittee  of  Congress,  still  there.  While  in  that  place  and  in  the 
adjoining  Kansas  city  he  saw  the  most  extensive  preparations  for 
another  invasion,  in  which  the  free-soil  settlers  of  Kansas  were  to 
be  "  wiped  out  this  time."  Whether  it  was  owing  to  fear,  or 
awakening  conscience,  or  resentment  at  the  marked  disrespect 
with  which  Governor  Shannon  was  treated  at  that  time,  is  uncer 
tain  ;  but  Governor  Shannon  was,  or  pretended  to  be,  hostile  to 
this  invasion.  He  returned  to  Fort  Leavenworth  by  the  river, 
and,  having  roused  Colonel  Sumner,  the  two  came  over  together, 
with  an  additional  force  of  dragoons  and  some  artillefy.  These 
men  he  posted  on  the  Shawnee  Reserve,  in  order  to  keep  the 
invading  army  out.  It  was  about  the  same  time  that  the  follow 
ing  letter  reached  Lawrence  by  the  post-office  : 

"  INDEPENDENCE,  Mo.,  Thursday,  June,  12,  1856. 
"  POSTMASTER,  LAWRENCE,  K.  T. :  There  were  some  men  here 
32* 


378  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

yesterday  trying  to  get  men  to  go  with  them  to  the  territory  for 
the  purpose  of  going  to  Topeka  to  burn  it  up.  Now,  for  God's 
sake,  send  an  express  immediately  to  that  place,  and  get  the  people 
there  to  send  for  the  United  States  troops  to  protect  them.  One 
of  the  men  that  were  here  was  named  William  Donaldson  (brother 
of  Postcript  Donaldson),  and  he  said  that  Shannon  had  left  the 
territory  and  gone  home,  leaving  Secretary  Woodson  as  acting 
governor,  and  that  he  would  let  the  pro-slavery  party  do  as  they 
pleased,  and  that  now  was  the  time  to  burn  out,  kill,  and  drive 
every  free-state  man  from  the  territory. 

"  I  am  a  pro-slavery  man  myself,  but  I  want  things  done  hon 
orably,  and  give  you  the  warning  now.  Do  not  delay,  for  they 
will  be  in  Topeka  in  a  very  few  days. 

"  Respectfully,  JAMES  BROWN. 

"  P.  S.  —  This  is  not  my  proper  name ;  but  what  is  said  is 
true." 

The  dragoons  were  not  remarkably  active  in  ferreting  out  the 
parties  of  border  invaders ;  for  the  force  that  had  plundered 
Osawattomie  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  Bull  Creek  for  a  week 
with  their  booty,  and  were  not  molested.  Several  other  bands 
of  these  men  had  returned  to  the  territory,  and  had  camped  on 
Turkey  and  Cedar  Creeks.  They  were  rather  cautious  in  their 
movements,  however,  as  they  were  not  sure  but  the  dragoons 
might  attack  them.  A  very  considerable  force  had  been  raised 
in  Missouri  to  invade  the  territory  once  more,  but  the  presence 
of  the  dragoons,  under  Colonel  Simmer,  acted  as  a  check.  The 
pro-slavery  bands  were  chiefly  confined  to  the  Indian  reserves 
close  to  the  Missouri  frontier.  Here  they  had  no  settlers  to 
molest  and  plunder,  and,  in  the  absence  of  any,  began  to  plunder 
from  the  Indians.  The  Shawnee  Indians,  having  been  robbed  of 
corn,  hogs  and  other  articles,  complained  to  their  agent,  Mr.  Gay, 
who  made  complaint  to  the  dragoons.  Under  these  circumstances 
the  dragoon  forces,  camped  on  Cedar  Creek,  went  down  to  Turkey 
Creek,  and  drove  out  a  large  company  of  the  invading  Missouri- 
ans.  These  latter,  when  they  saw  the  dragoons  corning,  hauled 
up  their  red  flag,  and  prepared  for  battle.  The  officer  in  com- 


A    CHAPTER   OF   OUTRAGES.  379 

mand  of  the  dragoons  rode  in,  and  told  them  he  would  give  them 
five  minutes  to  take  down  their  flag  and  leave.  He  then  posted 
his  cannon.  These  warlike  demonstrations  prevailed,  and  they 
retreated  into  Missouri.  Another  party  of  the'm  had  gone  up  to 
burn  Palmyra,  and  when  the  troops  came,  they  resisted  them, 
and,  the  dragoon  force  being  weak,  had  to  retreat  till  they  could 
receive  reinforcements,  before  they  could  be  driven  off.  This 
action  of  the  dragoons,  and  a  week  of  rainy  weather,  dissipated 
this  invasion.  Colonel  Buford,  whose  regiment  had  been  driven 
out,  felt  very  sore,  and  complained  to  Governor  Shannon.  The 
governor  sent  him  the  following  reply  : 

LETTER    TO    COLONEL   BUFORD   FROM    GOVERNOR    SHANNON. 

"  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  June  10,  1856, 
"  LECOMPTON,  K.  T. 

"Mr  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  favor  of  the  18th  is  received.  I  wrote 
to  you  some  days  ago,  which,  I  presume,  you  had  not  received  at 
the  date  of  your  last. 

"  You  can  have  no  difficulty  in  coming  into  the  territory  with 
bona  fide  settlers. 

"  I  have  resigned  my  office,  and  leave  for  St.  Louis  probably 
on  to-morrow.  As  soon  as  I  pass  the  line,  Colonel  Woodson  will 
be  the  acting  governor,  and,  if  you  have  any  difficulty  with  the 
troops,  you  will  address  him  on  the  subject.  I  repeat  that  my 
proclamation  has  no  application  to  bona  fide  emigrants  coming 
into  the  territory.  Yours,  with  respect, 

"  (Signed,)  WILSON  SHANNON! 

"  COL.  BUFORD. 

"  N.  B.  —  I  will  probably  see  you  as  I  pass  down." 

In  this  letter  Governor  Shannon  alludes  to  his  resignation. 
He  had,  indeed,  been  reduced  to  the  last  extremity  of  political 
degradation.  He  was  despised  and  hated  by  the  free-state  set 
tlers,  and  just  as  heartily  despised  by  the  pro-slavery  men  who 
now  threatened  him.  He  had  made  himself  the  tool  of  the  slavery 
extensionists,  at  the  instance  of  the  administration,  and  now  he 
had  rendered  himself,  and  the  administration  with  him,  so  odious 


880  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

to  a  large  class  of  people,  that  the  administration  hoped,  by  sacri 
ficing  him,  to  let  him  go,  like  the  scape-goat,  to  the  wilderness. 
Shannon  was  also  threatened  with  personal  violence  by  the  border 
ruffians.  Under  these  circumstances  he  left  the  territory.  He 
would  have  published  his  resignation  before  he  went,  but  Colonel 
Sunnier  advised  him  not  to  do  so  until  his  successor  could  be 
appointed,  so  that  there  would  be  no  interregnum.  At  St.  Louis 
Governor  Shannon  was  stopped  by  General  Smith,  who  advised 
him  to  go  back  again.  This  he  did,  publishing  a  card  in  the  city 
denying  the  report  of  his  intended  resignation.  He  returned  to 
the  territory  to  await  the  political  decapitation  the  national 
executive  had  in  store  for  him. 

During  all  this  time  pro-slavery  parties  stealthily  prowled 
through  the  territory,  or  hung  upon  the  Missouri  borders.  Out 
rages  were  so  common  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  enumerate 
them.  Murders  were  frequent,  many  of  them  passing  secretly 
and  unrecorded ;  some  of  them  only  revealed  by  the  discovery  of 
some  mouldering  remains  of  mortality.  Two  men,  found  hanging 
on  a  tree  near  Westport,  ill-fated  free-state  settlers,  were  taken 
down  and  buried  by  the  troops ;  but  so  shallow  was  the  grave 
that  the  prairie  wolves  dug  them  up,  and  partly  devoured  them, 
before  they  were  again  found  and  buried. 

Mr.  Upton,  sergeant-at-arms  of  the  committee,  was  taken 
prisoner  by  one  of  these  bands  on  the  road  from  Westport  to 
Lawrence.  They  treated  him  with  indignity,  and  threatened  to 
,hang  him.  Mr.  Oliver  interfered,  and  went  out  to  procure  his 
release. 

The  following  statement  of  Mr.  John  A.  Bailey,  which  is 
attested  by  three  respectable  gentlemen,  his  neighbors,  is  a  rather 
interesting  case : 

"  I  have  been  fourteen  months  in  the  territory ;  came  from 
Pennsylvania.  I  started  last  Tuesday  morning  for  Little  Santa 
Fe  after  provisions  for  myself  and  neighbors.  I  had  got  as  far  as 
Bull  creek  by  five  o'clock  in  the  evening,  when  a  man  came  up 
and  stopped  my  wagon,  telling  me  to  stop  there  for  the  night. 
This  man  was  Coleman,  the  murderer  of  Dow.  He  had  twenty 


A   CHAPTER   OF   OUTRAGES.  381 

men  encamped  where  I  met  him,  among  whom  I  recognized  Buck 
ley,  Hargus,  Jones,  Conelly  and  the  Gumming  brothers ;  the  two 
first  being  also  accomplices  in  the  murder  of  Dow,  and  all  of  them 
in  the  posse  of  Jones  which  took  Branson.  In  the  night  my  horses 
were  stolen,  their  halters  cut.  In  the  morning  these  men  made 
pretence  of  sympathy,  and  said,  '  It  was  too  bad  for  people  to 
steal  horses  from  their  friends.'  They  told  me  I  could  find  them 
in  the  camp  at  Cedar  creek,  and  three  of  them  volunteered  to  go 
with  me.  I  borrowed  a  pony,  and,  leaving  my  wagon  with  the 
others,  started. 

"After  going  about  half  way  to  Cedar  creek,  we  met  a  large 
company  of  not  less  than  two  hundred  men.  They  took  me 
prisoner,  and  ordered  me  to  dismount.  After  taking  me  for  some 
distance  in  a  wagon,  well  guarded,  I  was  again  compelled  to 
mount  my  pony,  and  the  three  men  who  came  with  me  from  the 
other  camp  held  a  consultation  with  the  officers  of  this.  I  over 
heard  Coleman  say,  'There  may  be  treachery  used,'  but  could 
gather  nothing  definite  of  their  intentions  further,  save  that  these 
three  men,  who  had  volunteered  to  help  me  find  my  horses,  were 
sent  to  take  me  to  Westport.  The  company  went  on  over  the  hill 
in  the  prairie.  Shortly  after  they  disappeared  these  men  led  me 
off  the  road  a  hundred  yards  into  the  prairie.  They  made  me 
dismount,  and  demanded  my  money.  I  gave  them  all  I  had, 
forty-five  dollars,  without  a  word.  One  of  them  then  raised  his 
gun  as  if  to  shoot  me.  It  was  a  United  States  musket,  I  told 
him,  if  he  meant  to  kill  me,  he  would  kill  a  better  man  than  him 
self.  Lowering  his  gun,  he  said,  '  I  wish  you  to  take  off  them 
pantaloons  for  fear  they  should  get  dirty.'  I  told  him  they  were 
mine  as  long  as  I  was  alive.  lie  again  raised  his  musket,  but  while 
he  was  in  the  act  of  firing,  I  dodged.  The  ball  hit  me  in  the  side, 
glancing  along  my  ribs,  and  through  the  cartilages,  and  lodging  in 
my  back.  I  fell.  He  then  struck  at  my  head  with  the  butt  end  of 
his  musket,  and  missed,  only  grazing  it.  As  he  struck  at  me  the 
other  two  men  rode  off  as  fast  as  possible  after  the  company  that 
had  gone  over  the  prairie.  He  struck  at  me  again,  when  I  caught 
the  musket  in  my  hands,  and  held  on  to  it.  He  held  to  the  other 
end,  and  jumped  on  my  body,  stamping  on  my  head  and  face ; 


382  THE    CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

but,  as  lie  wore  Indian  slippers,  he  did  not  hurt  me  much.  He  then 
tried  to  jerk  the  musket  from  me,  and,  in  doing  so,  pulled  me  to 
my  feet.  I  still  held  on  to  it,  and,  dealing  him  a  blow  with  my 
fist,  he  let  go  the  musket.  He  then  ran  after  the  others,  calling 
them  to  come  back,  but  they  had  gone  some  distance,  and  did  not 
hear  him.  He  ran  after  them,  and  I  ran  after  him ;  he  com 
menced  running  harder,  and  soon  disappeared.  I  then  turned,  ran 
some  distance  into  the  prairie,  and  hid  in  the  grass.  Three  hours 
passed  quietly,  when  I  left  my  hiding-place,  and  wandered  toward 
home. 

"  At  ten  o'clock  I  came  to  the  branch  of  timber  where  the  road 
crosses  to  go  to  Blanton's  Bridge.  I  there  saw  two  sentries  on 
horseback.  I  passed  so  as  not  to  be  seen  by  them,  expecting  to 
get  across  at  another  place.  I  heard  cow-bells  clinking  and  dogs 
barking.  I  thought  I  was  coming  to  a  dwelling ;  but  in  a  short 
time  I  found  that  the  noise  moved,  and  that  there  was  no  house 
there.  I  then  went  to  the  upper  end  of  the  grove,  hoping  to  get 
across  there.  At  this  point  I  heard  the  same  noises.  Further  up 
I  came  on  their  camp  in  the  timber.  It  was  nearly  day-break, 
and  I  moved  away  and  hid  in  the  grass,  where  I  could  watch  their 
actions.  In  the  morning  they  were  called  in  by  the  sound  of 
cow-bells.  While  there  I  heard  some  one  cry,  '  Are  you  going  to 
hang  me  ?  '  I  heard  no  reply  to  this,  except  the  noise  of  two 
rings  of  the  cow-bell.  In  about  five  minutes  I  heard  a  shot,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  something  like  a  boatswain's  whistle  to  lower. 
(Bailey  has  been  a  sailor.)  After  that  I  heard  six  shots  fired  at 
intervals  of  five  minutes.  I  heard  no  more  till  night  came.  I 
lay  in  the  thicket  all  day.  At  night  I  crawled  out  and  contrived 
to  travel  about  two  miles.  My  side  was  so  sore  I  could  scarcely 
walk. 

"  I  walked  up  to  the  Santa  Fe  road,  and  found  that  also 
guarded.  I  went  to  the  Wakarusa,  and  remained  hid  there  all 
day.  While  there  I  saw  a  wagon  stopped  by  five  men.  I  could 
not  see  well,  as  they  were  at  some  little  distance;  but  they 
appeared  to  be  quarrelling.  I  heard  angry  words,  when  there 
was  a  shot  fired.  All  was  then  peaceable,  and  the  men  went  down 
the  road  with  the  wagon  and  team.  At  nightfall  I  found  my 


A    CHAPTER   OF   OUTRAGES.  383 

way  to  the  house  of  Dr.  Stills,  at  the  Blue  Mound.  During  the 
three  days  I  was  exposed  I  had  nothing  to  eat,  and  took  nothing 
but  stagnant  water;  my  side  was  very  painful  and  stiff  where  I 
was  wounded,  and  I  was  very  weak.  While  in  the  camp  where  I 
was  first  taken,  I  heard  the  men  there  say  that  they  intended  to 
kill  and  drive  out  the  free-state  men  from  the  territory ;  they 
spoke  very  bitterly  of  the  battle  of  Palmyra,  some  of  them  hav 
ing  been  in  it ;  they  were  determined  to  have  revenge.  They  took 
from  me  forty-five  dollars  in  money,  and  they  have  my  team, 
wagon,  and  several  other  articles  in  it. 

"  JOHN  A.  BAILEY." 

I  subjoin  another  statement  of  a  person  who  was  driven  from 
the  territory.  It  was  published  by  him  in  the  Chicago  Tribune : 

"CHICAGO,  Wednesday,  June  11,  1856. 

"  I  wish  to  make,  for  the  benefit  of  your  readers,  a  true  state 
ment  of  the  manner  in  which  free-state  men  in  Kansas  are  treated 
by  the  mob  which  has  now  possession  of  the  territory,  and  Mis- 
sourians  on  the  border,  as  proved  by  my  own  case. 

"  I  emigrated  to  Kansas  in  March  last,  and  settled  in  Lawrence, 
where  I  took  no  part  in  the  political  troubles  by  which  the  terri 
tory  has  been  convulsed.  In  all  respects  I  endeavored  to  demean 
myself  as  a  good  citizen  and  an  honest  man. 

"  On  Thursday,  the  fifth  of  the  present  month,  I  had  occasion 
to  go  to  Kansas  city,  Missouri,  with  my  oxen  and  wagon,  for  a 
load  of  freight,  consisting  of  household  goods  for  an  emigrant  in 
my  employ,  who  was  with  me.  On  my  return  with  the  load  I 
was  obliged  to  pass  through  Westport.  When  about  a  mile,  or  a 
mile  and  a  half,  from  that  village,  I  came  upon  a  camp  occupied 
by  sixty  or  seventy  Missourians  and  Alabamians.  Here  I  was 
met  by  a  squad  of  these  men,  armed  with  muskets,  rifles,  and  side- 
arms,  who  demanded  of  me  to  stop. 

"  i  Here 's  a  d — d  abolitionist ! '  was  the  cry  ;  'let  us  have  him, 
anyhow.' 

"  I  produced  a  pass,  which  had  been  given  to  me  by  United 
States  Marshal  Donaldson  ;  but  they  swore  it  was  a  forgery. 
They  proceeded  to  break  open  the  boxes  in  the  wagon  and  to 


384  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

scatter  the  goods  about  in  the  road.  While  this  was  going  on  I 
was  sent  into  their  camp,  where  I  was  questioned  thus : 

"  *  What 's  your  name  ? ' 

«  '  0.  H.  Barlow/ 

"  '  Where  do  you  live  ? ' 

"  *  In  Lawrence.' 

"  '  Where  are  you  from  ? ' 

"  '  Waterbury,  Connecticut.' 

"  '  What  are  your  politics  ? ' 

"  '  I  am  a  free-state  man.' 

"  '  How  much  money  did  that  d — d  Emigrant  Aid  Society  give 
you  to  come  out  here  ? ' 

"  '  None  ;  I  came  out  with  my  own  money.' 

"  '  Who  gave  you  a  rifle  —  Beecher  or  Silliman  ? ' 

"  '  Neither.     I  brought  no  gun  of  any  kind  to  the  territory.' 

<l « What  the  hell  did  you  come  out  here  for  ? ' 

"  '  Why,  to  get  a  home,  and  make  money.' 

"  '  And  to  make  Kansas  a  free  state  ?  " 

"  '  That 's  my  intention,  now  I  am  here.' 

"  '  Why  did  n't  you  go  to  Nebraska  ?  That 's  a  good  country, 
and  you  d — d  Yankees  may  have  it.  But  Kansas  you  will  have 
to  fight  for,  and  we  '11  whip  h — 11  out  of  you,  but  we  '11  get  it, 
Union  or  no  Union.' 

"  '  That's  a  game  that  won't  win,  I  'm  thinking.' 

"  After  much  more  of  this  sort,  interlarded  with  impious  oaths 
and  ruffianly  threats,  I  was  asked  : 

"  '  If  we  '11  let  you  go,  will  you  take  a  gun  and  march  with  the 
pro-slavery  party  ? ' 

"  To  this  I  had  but  one  word  in  reply,  and  that  was,  '  NEVER.' 

"  Immediately  there  was  a  cry  for  '  The  ropes,  boys  —  the 
ropes  ! '  These  were  speedily  brought,  and  a  noose  was  thrown 
over  my  head  and  around  my  neck,  and  I  was  dragged  to  the 
nearest  tree. 

"  I  exclaimed,  *  You  do  not  intend  to  kill  me  in  this  manner, 
do  you  ? ' 

"  '  Yes,  Gr — d  d — n  your  abolition  heart,  and  all  like  you  ! ' 

"  I  begged,  if  I  was  to  be  sacrificed  to  their  fury  and  causeless 


A    CHAPTER   OF   OUTRAGES.  385 

hate,  that  I  might  have  time  to  collect  my  thoughts  and  arrange 
my  worldly  affairs.  I  was  told  that  if  I  had  any  property  to  dis 
pose  of,  or  my  peace  to  make  with  God,  that  I  would  be  allowed 
just  ten  minutes  for  both. 

"  I  gave  a  man  among  them,  who,  I  learned,  was  called  Bled- 
soe,  and  who  seemed  to  think  that  I  was  to  be  killed  without 
cause,  a  schedule  of  my  effects,  and  asked  him  to  send  it  to  my 
brother-in-law  at  the  East,  whom  I  named. 

"  At  the  expiration  of  the  little  time  given  me  I  was  again 
dragged  to  the  tree,  the  rope  was  thrown  over  a  swinging  limb, 
and,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  Bledsoe  and  of  Treadwell, 
who  also  began  to  plead  my  cause,  I  was  jerked  from  the  ground 
and  suspended  by  the  neck,  —  I  cannot  tell  for  how  long,  but  prob 
ably  for  a  brief  period  only,  —  when  Treadwell,  who  was  called 
major,  and  appeared  to  have  command,  peremptorily  ordered  me 
to  be  let  down. 

"  I  was  again  questioned : 

"  '  Will  you  leave  the  territory,  if  we  '11  spare  your  life  ? ' 

"  To  this  I  demurred,  saying  that  I  had  offended  no  law,  nor 
infringed  any  man's  right. 

"  The  leader  again  interposed,  and  told  me  that,  unless  I  would 
promise,  he  could  not  save  my  life.  He  told  his  men  that  I  was 
guilty  of  no  crime,  except  that  of  being  a  free-state  man ;  that  I 
had  a  right  to  be,  though  he  would  admit  that  I  had  no  right  to 
such  opinions  in  Kansas. 

"  At  last,  his  ruffian  followers  extorted  from  me  the  promise 
they  required,  giving  me  just  twelve  hours  to  make  the  promise 
good. 

"  I  was  then  sent  with  a  guard  to  Kansas  city,  to  see  that  I  did 
not  escape.  My  oxen  and  wagon  were  taken  possession  of,  and  I, 
with  less  than  five  dollars  in  my  pockets,  was  forced  to  take  the 
next  boat  and  leave  the  country. 

"  In  conclusion,  I  declare  that  I  am,  and  have  been,  a  law- 
abiding  and  peaceful  man  ;  that  my  mission  to  Kansas  city  was 
one  perfectly  lawful  and  proper ;  and  that,  so  far  as  I  know,  I  am 
driven  out  of  the  territory  only  because  of  my  political  opinions 
—  my  desire  to  make  Kansas  a  free  state.  My  case  is  not  a  soli- 
33 


THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

tary  one.  Every  man  of  my  opinions  who  falls  into  the  same 
hands  is  liable  to  the  same  abuse  ;  and  this,  in  Kansas,  is  called 
'law  and  order.'  "  (Signed,)  C.  H.  BARLOW." 

It  was  now  that  the  Missourians  carried  out  a  new  system  of 
warfare.  Heretofore  their  great  aim  had  been  to  "  wipe  out " 
free-state  settlers ;  but  it  now  occurred  to  them,  as  a  heavy  emi 
gration  began  to  pour  into  the  territory  in  the  summer  of  1856, 
that  the  easiest  way  to  do  it,  or,  at  least,  the  first  thing  to  do,  was, 
to  keep  out  those  who  might  want  to  enter.  In  accordance  with 
this  conclusion,  the  roads  leading  to  Missouri  were  blockaded,  and 
emigrants  from  the  free  states  stopped  and  sent  back. 

The  subjoined  is  the  statement  of  an  Illinois  emigrant  who  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  ruffians : 

"  STATEMENT    OF   JAMES    C.   BALDWIN. 

"  Eight  families,  with  twelve  teams,  started  from  McLean 
County,  Illinois,  for  Kansas,  on  the  twenty-second  of  May. 
These  consisted  of  the  families  of  John  Veteto,  two  of  'his  sons 
with  their  families,  Benjamin  Draper  with  his  family,  John  Woos- 
ter  and  family,  James  Hancock  and  family,  R.  Roberts  and 
family,  M.  Dibble  and  family.  Three  teams  from  Iowa,  consist 
ing  of  two  families,  overtook  them  in  Missouri,  and  travelled  with 
them.  The  men  who  started  from  Illinois  had  feur  prairie  ploughs, 
and  a  variety  of  farming  implements,  and  articles  of  household 
furniture,  travelling  in  the  style  in  which  Western  emigrants 
usually  travel.  They  travelled  unmolested  until  they  reached 
within  four  miles  of  Platte  city,  intending  to  cross  the  river  at 
Leaven  worth.  On  Tuesday,  twenty-fourth  ult.,  in  the  morning, 
while  travelling  on  the  state  road,  the  emigrants  were  stopped  by 
an  armed  band  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and  most  of  whom 
were  armed  with  United  States  muskets  and  bayonets,  the  re 
mainder  having  shot-guns  and  revolvers,  and  two  having  Sharpe's 
rifles.  They  asked  the  emigrants  where  they  were  going,  and 
where  they  were  from.  On  replying  to  this  the  captain  said : 

"  *  I  suppose  you  've  hearn  that  we  don't  allow  any  movers  to 
go  through  into  the  territory.' 


A   CHAPTER   OF   OUTRAGES.  387 

"  Witness,  who  drove  the  first  team,  replied  that  he  had  not, 
when  the  captain  rejoined  : 

"  '  Yes,  we  stop  them  all.' 

"  They  then  said  they  would  have  to  search  the  wagons  to 
see  if  there  were  any  arms  on  board.  One  man  from  Iowa 
objected,  when  they  told  him  he  had  better  be  quiet ;  and  one 
man  drew  a  revolver,  and  told  him  to  *  hold  on.' 

"  They  then  searched  all  the  wagons ;  and,  after  searching 
them  once,  were  not  satisfied,  but  searched  them  again.  They 
took  what  arms  they  could  find.  There  was  about  one  gun  to  a 
wagon,  these  being  mostly  Western  rifles,  some  few  being  shot 
guns,  such  arms  as  they  happened  to  have.  It  was  reported  that 
they  took  money  from  some  of  the  emigrants.  They  gave  receipts 
for  the  arms  taken  in  the  following  form  : 

"  '  Received  of (so  many  guns  described),  to  be  deposited 

with  the  County  Clerk  of  Platte  County,  to  be  delivered  up  at 
the  end  of  the  war.' 

"  These  were  signed  by  two  men,  who  they  said  were  respon 
sible.  We  were  detained  nearly  two  hours,  when  the  company 
increased  to  nearly  five  hundred,  a  large  proportion  of  whom  were 
armed  with  United  States  arms.  They  told  emigrants  that  they 
could  not  be  permitted  to  go  on,  but  would  be  guarded  back  till 
they  got  through  the  state.  After  taking  the  guns,  they  took  a 
vote  as  to  whether  they  should  allow  them  to  take  back  their 
guns  with  them.  Nearly  all  of  the  men  voted  that  they  should 
have  the  guns ;  but  the  leaders  were  opposed  to  their  getting 
the  arms,  and  overruled  the  popular  vote.  The  emigrants  asked 
permission  to  stay  IB  Platte  County  until  they  could  get  over  into 
the  territory,  but  could  not  be  allowed  unless  they  would  promise 
to  buy  farms  and  settle  permanently  in  Platte  County ;  in  which 
case  they  were  assured  they  would  be  *  taken  care  of.' 

"  The  evening  before  this  attack  the  emigrants  had  been  vis 
ited  by  their  spies,  who  asked  them  a  great  variety  of  questions, 
and  told  them  they  would  be  a  great  deal  of  trouble  in  the  terri 
tory,  and  a  good  deal  of  it  before  they  got  there.  After  taking 


388  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

them  they  detailed  a  guard  of  eight  men,  under  command  of  Robert 
Pate,  who  escorted  them  back  to  Liberty,  Mo.  Here  they  were 
delivered  up  to  the  leading  men  of  Liberty,  among  these  Judge 
Thompson.  The  first  guard  returned,  and  the  emigrants  went  out 
to  the  back  of  the  town,  where  they  could  get  water  and  grass  for 
their  teams.  They  were  told  shortly  after  that  they  could  go 
where  they  pleased ;  that  they  were  at  liberty,  so  that  they  did 
not  go  into  the  territory.  They  staid  there  two  days,  when  some 
friendly  people  advised  them  not  to  stay  there,  for  if  anything 
happened,  or  '  devilment '  was  done,  they  would  be  held  responsi 
ble  for  it,  and  get  into  trouble.  They  started  back  some  ten  miles 
on  the  road  toward  Illinois ;  they  there  rented  houses  and  went 
into  them,  and  were  there  awaiting  the  cessation  of  hostilities. 
"Witness  left  the  rest  of  the  emigrants  and  came  on  on  foot.  His 
father  was  in  the  territory,  and  he  waited  to  see  him,  and  also  to 
see  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  territory,  and  what  would  be  the 
chance  of  getting  into  it.  He  was  questioned  by  several  on  the 
road  as  to  '  where  he  came  from,'  and  replied -that  he  was  staying 
in  Missouri  (a  fact  to  his  sorrow),  and  got  over  the  river.  After 
he  got  into  the  territory  he  had  no  molestation." 

While  the  emigration  from  free  states  was  thus  stopped,  the 
fragments  of  Buford's  regiment,  and  the  reinforcement  arriving 
from  the  South,  were  entering  the  territory  in  small  parties  or 
bands.  A  few  of  them  clustered  about  the  pro-slavery  towns  and 
cities,  and  the  remainder  camped  on  the  creek  here  and  there, 
exhibiting  but  little  indication  of  making  permanent  improvement 
or  location.  They  operated  as  a  terror  and  a  scourge.  As  an 
illustration  of  this  I  subjoin  a  copy  of  a  letter,  written  rather  later 
than  the  time  of  which  I  have  been  writing  : 

**  BLUE  SPRING,  NEAR  TECUMSEH,  K.  T.  ) 
July  2m,  1856.  > 

"  MR.  W.  G-.  SIIERWIN  :  Dear  Sir  —  We  take  this  method  of 
acquainting  you  with  the  sad  fate  of  your  friend.  Yesterday 
morning,  we — my  friend  Rooks  and  myself — were  going  to  Tecum- 
seh,  but  when  about  eleven  miles  from  that  place,  we  were  appalled 
by  the  t-ight  of  the  body  of  a  murdered  man,  tied  firmly  to  a  tree, 


A   CHAPTER    OF   OUTRAGES.  389 

near  the  road-side.  He  was  tied  with  his  back  to  tne  tree,  with 
his  hands  and  feet  partially  around  it.  He  had  been  shot  just 
above  the  left  eye,  with,  we  suppose,  a  rifle  ball.  A  huge  hunting 
knife  was  sticking  in  his  breast.  It  had  been  driven  clear  through 
him,  and  the  point  was  two  or  three  inches  in  the  tree.  He  was  evi 
dently  murdered  yesterday  or  the  day  before.  There  was  a  toad 
stool  tied  to  the  handle  of  the  knife,  on  which  the  following 
inscription  was  written :  '  Let  all  those  who  are  going  to  vote  against 
slavery,  take  warning !  '  We  went  to  the  nearest  house,  which 
was  about  a  mile  and  a  half,  and  got  some  help  and  some  tools, 
and  buried  him.  He  was  a  stranger  to  all  of  us,  except  Mr.  More, 
who  says  he  has  been  boarding  at  his  house  eleven  or  twelve  days. 
His  name  was  Laben  Parker,  and  he  came  from  Cleveland. 

"  He  had  repeatedly  said  at  the  boarding-house  that  he  did  not 
intend  to  resort  to  force,  but,  so  far  as  his  influence  at  the  polls 
went,  he  was  going  to  use  it  for  making  Kansas  a  free  state.  A 
company  of  armed  men  from  South  Carolina  have  been  staying 
around  Tecumseh  three  or  four  days.  A  squad  of  them  was  down 
this  road  yesterday  and  day  before.  We  don't,  any  of  us,  know 
where  his  relations  live,  but,  among  the  papers  in  his  pocket,  we 
find  a  letter  from  you,  written  on  the  sixth  of  May,  and  that  is 
the  reason  we  direct  this  to  you. 

"  Yours,  &c.         "  MARTIN  RULEX, 
"J.  E.  MORE, 
"  FREDERICK  ROOKS. 
"  Lane  County,  Kansas  Territory" 

A  systematic  and  remorseless  legai  warfare  had  been  waged 
against  the  free-state  settlers  of  Kansas.  Not  only  were  Governor 
Robinson  and  other  influential  men  of  the  territory  held  prisoners, 
and  subjected  to  a  severe  and  degrading  confinement,  under  charge 
of  United  States  dragoons,  but  there  was  a  systematic  persecution 
of  this  kind  all  over  the  country,  by  which  every  man  who  took  a 
prominent  position,  or  showed  himself  to  be  useful  or  necessary 
to  the  free-state  cause,  was  seized  or  persecuted  by  officers  in 
search  of  them.  I  gubjoin  an  editorial  of  a  pro-slavery  paper  on 
the  subject,  written  at  the  time  of  which  I  write : 
33* 


390  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

"  We  understand  that  the  grand  jurors  of  Doniphan  and  Atchi- 
son  Counties  have  found  true  bills  of  indictment  against  all  the 
persons  acting  in  the  late  disorganizing  election  in  their  respective 
counties. 

"  We  hope  the  other  counties  will  follow  suit,  and  teach  the 
abolition  traitors  that  the  laws  are  now  in  force,  and  that  all 
attempts  to  ruin  this  country  will  be  strictly  dealt  with  by  law." — 
Squatter  Sovereign. 

But  the  war  in  which  Kansas  was  to  be  conquered  was  waged 
in  every  direction,  and  no  means  of  securing  it  to  slavery  were  left 
untried.  The  war  which  Missouri  had  waged  against  the  free-state 
settlers  in  Kansas  had  aroused  the  feeling  and  indignation  of  their 
friends  in  the  free  states.  I  deem  it  unnecessary  to  take  the  trouble, 
or  use  space  in  this  work  to  show  what  that  feeling  was,  and  how 
exhibited.  The  same  sentiment  existed  in  the  Southern  states. 
It  was  a  warring  of  conflicting  interests  as  well  as  conflicting 
opinions.  Money  was  raised  in  both  sections  to  support  the 
struggle,  and  aid  was  given  to  emigration,  so  that  a  sufficient 
number  of  men  of  the  proper  kind  should  settle  in  Kansas.  And 
here  the  Southern  states  found,  as  they  ever  must  and  will,  that 
the  energy  and  nerve  of  the  free  states  as  far  exceed  them,  and  is 
so  much  healthier  in  its  exercise,  that  it  would  be  utterly  impossi 
ble  to  cope  with  them.  The  violence  they  had  already  used  had 
destroyed  the  specious  plea,  under  which  they  got  Northern  poli 
ticians  to  concede  so  much  contrary  to  their  convictions ;  namely, 
that  they  would  "  dissolve  the  Union  "  if  the  others  did  not  do  so 
and  so,  and  thus  they  were  impelled  by  the  policy  they  were  bent 
on  pursuing,  as  well  as  by  feeling,  to  resort  to  violence.  The 
Missouri  river  was  blockaded.  Governor  Price,  of  Missouri,  gave 
the  artillery  belonging  to  the  state  to  the  bands  along  the  river 
and  on  the  border,  to  carry  on  the  war.  Batteries  were  made, 
and  guns  planted  along  the  river,  and  the  free-state,  or,  as  they 
termed  it,  the  "  abolition "  emigration,  was  stopped.  As  the 
difficulties  existed  in  the  territory,  and  were  contemplated  before 
these  men  left  home,  they  came  armed  and  prepared  for  the  emer 
gency,  as  they  had  a  constitutional  right  to  do,  and  as  the  nature 
of  the  case  required.  They  were  disarmed,  and  in  many  cases 


A    CHAPTER    OF    OUTRAGES.  391 

robbed  and  sent  back.  This  violence  continued  until  the  river 
was,  in  point  of  fact,  closed  against  emigration  from  free  states. 
The  following  choice  morsel  is  an  account  of  one  of  these  outrages, 
from  a  border  ruffian  journal : 

"  MORE   ABOLITIONISTS   TURNED    BACK. 

"  The  steamer  Sultan,  having  on  board  contraband  articles,  was 
recently  stopped  at  Leavenworth  city,  and  lightened  of  forty-four 
rifles,  and  a  large  quantity  of  pistols  and  bowie-knives,  taken  from  a 
crowd  of  cowardly  Yankees,  shipped  out  here  from  Massachusetts. 
The  boat  was  permitted  to  go  up  as  far  as  Weston,  where  a  guard 
was  placed  over  the  prisoners,  and  none  of  them  permitted  to  land. 
They  were  shipped  back  from  Weston  on  the  same  boat,  without 
even  being  insured  by  the  shippers.  We  do  not  approve  fully  of 
sending  these  criminals  back  to  the  East  to  be  re-shipped  to  Kan 
sas  —  if  not  through  Missouri,  through  Iowa  and  Nebraska.  We 
think  they  should  meet  a  traitor's  death,  and  the  world  could  not 
censure  us  if  we,  in  self-protection,  have  to  resort  to  such  ultra 
measures.  We  are  of  the  opinion,  if  the  citizens  of  Leavenworth 
city  or  Weston  would  hang  one  or  two  boat  loads  of  abolitionists, 
it  would  do  more  towards  establishing  peace  in  Kansas  than  all 
the  speeches  that  have  been  delivered  in  Congress  during  the 
present  session.  Let  the  experiment  be  tried." 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

DISPERSION   OP  THE  LEGISLATURE. 

As  the  fourth  of  July  approached,  day  after  day  witnessed  some 
new  effort  of  the  pro-slavery  party  to  prevent  the  state  Legislature 
from  assembling  at  that  time.  Several  members  of  that  body 
were  languishing  in  state  prisons,  and  others  had  to  keep  in  places 
of  concealment  to  avoid  arrest.  Gov.  Robinson,  the  life  and  the 
soul  of  the  free-state  men,  was  in  prison.  The  gallant  Lane  had 
a  warrant  hanging  over  his  head,  and  dared  not  enter  the  terri 
tory.  Lieut.  Gov.  Roberts  was  in  Washington  city,  engaged  in 
the  hopeless  task  of  getting  the  pro-slavery  administration  to  relent 
in  its  purpose.  Those  whom  the  people  had  called  to  public 
posts,  to  take  the  lead  and  infuse  courage  and  give  direction,  were 
thus  not  at  hand  at  the  trying  moment. 

The  Missourians  had  threatened  to  bring  up  another  army,  and 
declared  that  the  state  Legislature  should  not  meet.  They  thought 
that  this  would  be  the  last  step  in  the  conquest  of  Kansas.  Every 
other  power  seemed  to  be  crushed  out.  That  the  general  govern 
ment  would  interfere  to  do  this  the  most  sanguine  of  the  ruffians 
had  not  hoped.  They,  therefore,  began  to  nerve  themselves  for 
another  invasion  and  another  struggle,  in  which  not  only  should 
the  Legislature  be  prevented  from  assembling,  but  a  fatal  blow 
struck  at  Topeka  and  Lawrence. 

In  anticipation  of  this  many  active  and  influential  men  exerted 
themselves  to  induce  all  the  free-state  men  in  the  territory  to  as 
semble  at  Topeka  on  the  third  of  July.  For  this  purpose  a  mass 
convention  of  the  people  was  called  to  deliberate  at  that  time  and 
place  on  the  condition  of  the  territory.  The  convention  had  neces 
sarily  no  connection  with  the  Legislature ;  but  it  was  the  inten- 


DISPERSION    OF   THE   LEGISLATURE.  393 

tion  of  those  by  whom  the  call  was  issued  to  have  a  body  of  citi 
zens  thus  around  the  Legislature,  to  protect  it  if  necessary. 

It  was  the  design,  as  it  was  the  expectation,  of  the  originators  of 
this  movement  to  have  at  least  two  thousand  settlers  at  Topeka 
during  the  third  and  fourth  of  July,  who  should  be  under  arms  in 
drill-parade,  as  is  customary  in  the  fourth  of  July  celebrations 
throughout  the  country.  Several  causes  interfered  to  prevent  this. 
At  that  time  there  was  scarcely  a  newspaper  in  the  territory.  Al 
ready  had  the  border  ruffians  destroyed  three  prominent  presses  in 
the  territory  by  mob  violence,  the  Herald  of  Freedom,  Free  State, 
and  Territorial  Register,  and,  although  other  two  had  a  sort  of 
nominal  existence,  their  issues  were  prevented  by  the  want  of 
paper,  their  supplies  being  cut  off  by  the  blockade  of  the  Missouri 
river.  Thus  the  most  direct  mode  of  communicating  with  the 
people  was  cut  off.  Travelling  in  the  territory  was  not  very  safe 
at  that  time,  as  bands  of  Southern  guerillas  infested  the  roads. 
At  the  instance  of  Col.  Sumner  some  influential  free-state  men 
had  recalled  the  free-state  guerillas,  on  his  promise  that  he  would 
keep  peace  in  the  territory.  This  had  only  the  effect  of  recalling 
the  best  and  most  useful  of  these  guerillas ;  the  remainder  keep 
ing  the  field  on  their  own  account,  and,  being  the  very  wildest, 
they  carried  on  the  war  more  for  their  individual  aggrandizement 
than  the  interests  of  the  cause. 

In  spite  of  all  difficulties,  some  few  active  men  succeeded  in 
visiting  certain  portions  of  the  territory  and  urging  the  citizens 
to  come  to  Topeka  the  third  of  July.  There  was  one  great  cause 
of  hindrance  even  with  those  who  had  been  notified.  Guerillas 
were  prowling  about  the  territory,  and  were  the  people  to  leave 
their  homes  they  would  only  expose  them  to  be  robbed,  and  their 
families  to  be  insulted,  perhaps  murdered.  Many  thus  remained 
at  home  who  anxiously  desired  to  meet  with  their  friends  at 
Topeka. 

Thus  it  was  that  besides  the  Legislature  there  were  less  than 
eight  hundred  persons  assembled  at  the  free-state  capital.  Several 
settlements  and  towns  sent  a  delegation  of  one  or  two  persons  to 
see  what  was  to  be  done,  and  send  word  to  those  they  represented 
if  their  assistance  was  to  be  needed,  as  it  was  a  busy  season. 


394  THE   CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

Many  of  those  who  did  arrive  came  unarmed,  and  perhaps  not 
more  than  four  hundred  men  could  have  been  mustered  in  an 
available  force.  Besides  these  causes  to  reduce  the  force  assem 
bled  at  Topeka,  several  persons,  who,  by  their  former  zeal  as  free- 
state  men  had  received  no  small  share  of  the  public  confidence,  used 
their  influence  to  prevent  an  assemblage,  urging  that  the  present 
moment  was  an  unpropitious  one,  and  that  if  the  Legislature  was 
to  adjourn  it  would  not  weaken  or  injure  the  free-state  move 
ments.  In  this  opinion  they  might  be  right ;  or  it  might  merely 
be  a  want  of  courage  to  meet  the  issue  that  had  to  be  met  sooner 
or  later. 

While  this  was  going  on  the  other  side  was  not  idle.  The  first 
intention  had  been  to  assemble  a  force  of  Missourians  and  Buford's 
men,  and  once  more  invade  the  territory ;  but  the  leaders  and  think 
ing  portion  of  the  slavery  extensionists  saw  the  danger  of  this.  They 
had  succeeded  by  force  and  fraud,  and  by  the  power  of  the  general 
government,  in  acquiring  power  and  the  semblance  of  legal  author 
ity  in  the  territory,  and  had  thus  far  kept  it.  They  were  well 
aware  that  there  would  be  a  force  at  Topeka  with  which  it  would 
be  difficult  to  cope.  War,  thus  precipitated,  might  rob  them  of 
all  the  fruits  of  their  ursurpations.  The  battles  and  skirmishes  of 
the  early  summer,  if  the  course  of  victory  had  not  been  checked 
by  the  federal  troops,  would  soon  have  liberated  Kansas  from  the 
Missouri  pro-slavery  yoke.  It  was  prudent  in  these  men  to  pause 
in  such  a  state  of  affairs,  and  not  stake  their  all  on  a  throw  in 
which  they  might  gain  little,  and  possibly  lose  much.  So  far  it 
was  all  in  their  own  hands,  and  it  would  not  do  to  play  rashly 
merely  for  the  sake  of  gratifying  their  personal  hate  on  the  free- 
state  settlers.  Besides  all  this  the  federal  appointees  in  the  terri 
tory  were  deeply  interested.  A  lost  battle,  or  a  series  of  losses  on 
the  part  of  the  pro-slavery  men,  would  place  them  in  imminent 
peril.  They  had  forgotten  duty,  honor,  the  public  safety,  and 
every  other  consideration,  in  order  to  play  into  the  hands  of  the 
Missourians  and  their  allies.  They  had  been  sent  to  protect  the 
people  of  the  territory,  and,  instead  of  doing  so,  had,  in  obedience 
to  the  corrupt  administration  that  had  appointed  them,  oppressed 
and  grievously  wronged  them.  In  case  of  reverses  to  the  cause 


DISPERSION   OF   THE   LEGISLATURE.  395 

for  which  they  had  sold  themselves,  their  situation  would  have 
been  critically  perilous.  In  these  circumstances  they  conferred 
with  the  border  ruffians,  and  urged  that  there  be  no  fresh  invasion 
at  this  time,  and  gave  assurance  that  the  federal  troops  would  be 
employed  to  disperse  the  Legislature.  From  this  course  everything 
was  to  be  gained.  If  the  federal  troops  were  resisted,  war  would 
thus  be  begun,  and  the  whole  military  power  of  the  government 
would  thus  be  firmly  secured  to  the  pro-slavery  alliance.  Such 
was  the  policy  determined  on,  and,  under  the  circumstances,  it 
was  by  far  the  soundest  policy  for  them.  Our  republican  govern 
ment  would  thus  take  the  first  steps  towards  becoming  a  military 
despotism,  by  overthrowing  of  civil  rights  under  the  constitution. 
Startling  though  this  might  appear,  the  slavery  extensionists  were 
assured  that  "  the  step  would  be  taken,  and  had  been  contemplated 
by  the  administration."  In  fact,  secret  orders  on  this  very  point 
had  been  issued  not  only  to  the  territorial  authorities  but  from 
the  war  department. 

A  military  force  was  thus  assembled  round  Topeka  as  the  day 
approached.  Col.  Sumner,  with  several  companies  of  dragoons, 
the  Fort  Leavenworth  force,  encamped  close  to  Topeka,  on  the 
south  of  the  town.  Four  companies  from  Fort  Riley  marched  on 
Topeka  and  took  their  position  in  the  timber  of  the  Kaw  bottom, 
to  the  north.  While  this  was  going  on  the  people  were  greatly  at 
a  loss  to  know  what  steps  their  enemies  meant  to  pursue.  An 
invasion  from  Missouri  had  been  threatened,  and  was  generally 
expected,  but  as  the  day  approached,  and  no  large  army  from  the 
state  was  seen  marching  upon  them,  they  were  puzzled.  Pro- 
slavery  conventions  to  celebrate  the  fourth  had  been  called  at 
different  points  near  Topeka.  These  had  been  projected  as  a 
means  of  organizing  before  the  intention  of  invasion  was  aban 
doned  ;  but  it  soon  became  evident  that  no  adequate  force  was 
assembling  there.  Rumors  were  rife  that  it  was  the  design  to 
destroy  the  settlements  when  the  people  were  at  Topeka,  and,  as 
the  Buford  guerillas  were  at  work,  there  was  a  good  deal  of  prob 
ability  in  this. 

On  the  second  of  July  the  people's  convention  began  to  assemble. 
It  was  soon  evident  that  there  would  be  none  of  those  present  who 


396  THE   CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

should  have  taken  the  lead  in  an  emergency.  Gov.  Robinson  was 
a  political  prisoner  ;  Lieut.  Gov.  Roberts  was  in  Washington ;  Mr. 
Minard,  Speaker  of  the  House,  had  not  arrived;  and  it  was 
understood  that  he  had  been  intimidated  and  so  prevented  from 
attendance,  as  had  been  several  other  members.  Under  these 
unfavorable  circumstances,  a  meeting  was  held  by  a  few  of  the 
most  influential  men ;  and,  as  the  difficulties  were  great,  and  the 
prospect  threatening,  the  next  officer  in  authority  took  the  respon 
sibility  of  issuing  the  following 

"PROCLAMATION. 
"  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  TOPEKA,  July  2,  1856. 

"Whereas  I  am  in  possession  of  reliable  information  that 
certain  portions  of  our  state  are  infested  with  parties  of  freebooters, 
robbing  our  citizens,  burning  houses,  stealing  and  destroying  prop 
erty,  and  murdering  innocent  men;  and  believing  that  some  of 
these  parties  are  now  approaching  the  capital,  and  soon  will  be 
upon  us  to  burn  our  houses,  invade  the  sanctity  of  our  homes,  and 
sack  this  town ;  and 

"  Whereas  the  law  fails  to  clothe  me  with  proper  authority 
to  provide  means  of  defence  against  such  invasions :  Now, 
therefore, 

"  I,  John  Curtis,  acting  Governor  of  the  State  of  Kansas,  feel 
it  to  be  my  imperative  duty  to  call  the  General  Assembly  imme 
diately  together,  that  they  may,  in  their  wisdom,  enact  such  laws 
as  the  exigencies  of  the  case  demand.  The  members  of  both 
Houses  are  hereby  directed  to  meet  at  eight  o'clock,  A.  M.,  of  the 
third  instant,  at  the  Council  Rooms,  Topeka. 

"  Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  this  second  day  of  July,  1856. 

"JOHN  CURTIS, 
"Acting  Governor  of  the  State  of  Kansas. 

"  PHILIP  C.  SCHUYLER,  Secretary  of  State" 

In  accordance  with  the  above  proclamation,  both  branches  of 
the  Legislature  assembled  on  the  third  of  July  for  special  session,  the 
adjournment  having  been  to  the  fourth  day.  When  convened  they 
transacted  a  considerable  amount  of  business  in  the  forenoon  and 


DISPERSION    OF   THE   LEGISLATURE.  397 

afternoon  sessions  relative  to  their  present  condition.  It  was  now 
evident  that  there  was  no  other  force  menacing  them  except  the 
federal  troops.  There  was  too  much  difference  of  opinion,  and 
the  aspects  of  the  case  were  too  embarrassing  and  critical  to  be 
easily  acted  upon ;  and  both  branches  adjourned  on  the  evening 
of  the  third,  having  made  no  provision  for  action  with  regard  to 
the  troops,  and  having  merely  agreed  that  they  should  convene  at 
noon  next  day,  for  the  regular  session,  according  to  the  adjourn 
ment  in  March. 

On  the  evening  of  the  second  a  committee  of  gentlemen  waited 
on  Col.  Sumncr,  and  subsequently  corresponded  with  him  relative 
to  the  warlike  demonstrations  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
Dragoons. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  sent  by  Col.  Sumner  to 
the  people  assembled  at  Topeka.  through  the  committee  appointed 
to  confer  with  him : 

"HEAD  QUARTERS,  FIRST  CAVALRY,      ^ 
CAMP  AT  TOPEKA,  K.  T.,  July  3,  1856.  > 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  In  relation  to  the  assembling  of  the  Topeka 
Legislature  (the  subject  of  our  conversation  last  night),  the  more 
I  reflect  on  it  the  more  I  am  convinced  that  the  peace  of  the 
country  will  be  greatly  endangered  by  your  persistence  in  this 
measure.  Under  these  circumstances  I  would  ask  you  and  your 
friends  to  take  the  matter  into  grave  consideration.  It  will  cer 
tainly  be  much  better  that  you  should  act  voluntarily  in  this  mat 
ter,  from  a  sense  of  prudence  and  patriotism,  at  this  moment  of 
high  excitement  throughout  the  country,  than  that  the  authority 
of  the  general  government  should  be  compelled  to  use  coercive 
measures  to  prevent  the  assemblage  of  that  Legislature. 

"  I  am,  gentlemen,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"E.  V.  SUMNER, 
"  Col.  First  Cavalry  Commanding" 

During  the  third,  some  of  the  timid,  or  conservative  persons 

used  all  the  influence  they  possessed  to  induce  the  Legislature  to 

adjourn,  in  order  to  avoid  any  cause  of  difficulty.     It  was  the 

wish  of  the  great  majority,  however,  that  the  Legislature  should 

34 


398  THE    CONQUEST1  OF   KANSAS. 

meet.  It  was  urged  by  a  few  determined  spirits  that  the  town 
be  at  once  placed  in  an  attitude  of  defence,  and  that  Colonel 
Sumner  be  notified  that  the  people  of  Kansas,  while  they  had  the 
utmost  respect  and  loyalty  to  federal  authority,  could  not  permit 
even  that  authority  to  trample  upon  their  rights  under  the  consti 
tution  ;  that  any  power  threatening  those  rights  was  no  better 
than  a  mob,  and  that  he  must  not,  on  any  account,  bring  his 
troops  into  Topeka,  or  attempt  to  disperse  the  Legislature.  Had 
such  a  position  been  taken  it  probably  would  have  triumphed  ;  but 
it  was  overruled,  and  it  was  determined  that  no  steps  for  defence 
should  be  taken ;  that  the  troops  should  quietly  be  permitted  to 
trample  on  their  rights  in  this  violent  and  despotic  way,  and  trust 
to  the  patriotism  of  the  country  to  sustain  them  in  thus  making  a 
sacrifice  for  the  public  tranquillity.  As  there  was  a  rumor  that 
many  of  the  representatives  had  been  intimidated  by  the  repre 
sentations  of  fearful  and  nerveless  free-state  men,  the  following 
resolution  was  introduced  to  the  popular  convention  by  Mr.  Wm. 
Hutchinson : 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of  the  Kansas  Legis 
lature  to  meet,  as  per  adjournment,  on  the  fourth  instant,  and  pro 
ceed  at  once  to  the  work  of  their  office,  and  persevere  until  our 
state  code  is  complete ;  ever  recognizing  the  eminent  danger  of 
PUTTING  IN  FORCE  any  statute  that  will  procbee  a  collision  with 
the  federal  authorities ;  and  that  no  sacrifice,  less  than  life  itself, 
should  deter  them  from  this  duty,  for  which  they  will  ever  be  held 
responsible  by  their  constituents." 

During  the  afternoon  of  the  third,  and  the  forenoon  of  the 
fourth,  this  resolution  was  under  discussion.  Having  taken  part 
in  that  discussion  in  favor  of  the  resolution,  I  decline  further  allu 
sion  to  it.  The  utmost  interest  was  manifested  in  the  debate  by 
the  people. 

Besides  this  effort  to  arouse  the  legislators  to  a  full  sense  of 
their  duty  in  the  emergency,  there  was  a  voice  from  the  state- 
prisons  of  Kansas  eloquently  imploring  the  Legislature  to  go  on 
with  their  work,  and  pay  no  attention  to  any  threats,  come  from 
what  quarter  they  might.  Besides  the  name  of  G-OV.  Charles 
Robinson,  Judge  Gr.  W.  Smith,  Gren.  Dietzler,  Capt.  John  Brown, 


DISPERSION    OF  THE   LEGISLATURE.  399 

Jr.,  Mr.  Jenkins,  and  Mr.  Williams  (all  prisoners  of  state),  were 
attached  to  this  document,  —  their  severe  confinement  and  threat 
ened  peril  not  having  dissuaded  them  from  this  patriotic  expres 
sion,  even  though  it  should  give  their  enemies  another  tongue  to 
use  against  them. 

The  morning  of  the  fourth  of  July,  1856,  broke  in  a  cloudy,  dap 
pled  sky  on  Topeka ;  but  soon  the  fresh  breezes,  which  had  swept 
without  a  bound  or  limit  from  the  base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
dispersed  the  canopy  of  clouds,  and  left  the  glowing  sun  to  blaze 
down  through  a  sky  of  unbroken  blue.  The  stillness  of  the  morn 
ing  was  broken  by  a  thundering  salute  from  the  artillery  of  the 
dragoons;  a  tribute  to  the  memory  of  a  glorious  struggle  for 
liberty,  half  forgotten,  and,  at  the  same  time,  a  threat  to  those 
who  were  now  struggling  in  another  cause  of  liberty,  in  which 
those  rights,  purchased  by  the  blood  that  flowed  in  "  seventy-six," 
were  to  be  asserted  and  rescued  from  encroaching  despotism.  It 
was  a  strange  blending  of  the  memory  of  dead  liberty  and  living 
tyranny ;  an  exhibition  which  ought  to  startle  the  American  people 
from  their  lethargy,  and  make  them  search,  ere  it  be  too  late,  for 
the  last  landmarks  of  our  glorious  constitution. 

It  was  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  when  U.  S.  Marshal 
Donaldson,  accompanied  by  ex-Judge  Elmore,  arrived  in  Topeka. 
It  had  been  ascertained  earlier  in  the  morning  that  a  conclave  of 
pro-slavery  propagandists  and  territorial  officers  had  assembled 
in  Colonel  Sumner's  camp,  and  were  plotting  mischief  against  the 
free-state  settlers.  As  Gov.  Shannon  had  left  the  territory  with 
the  intention  of  resigning,  Secretary  Woodson  was  acting  governor. 
Woodson  was  with  others  in  Colonel  Sumner's  camp.  It  was  with 
the  results  of  this  exercise  of  collective  wisdom  that  Donaldson 
entered  Topeka.  The  popular  convention  was  in  session  when  the 
marshal  intimated  that  he  had  something  to  communicate.  He 
was  invited  to  the  stand,  and,  having  got  upon  it,  he  announced 
in  a  weak  and  hesitating  voice  that  he  had  sundry  proclamations 
to  read  to  them ;  but  that,  as  he  was  no  speaker  (a  self-evident 
fact),  Judge  Eimore  would  read  them.  Upon  this,  Judge  Elmore 
got  upon  the  stand.  He  was  rather  flustered  at  first,  but  proceeded 
more  calmly.  He  read  President  Pierce's  proclamation  of  Feb- 


400  THE    CONQUEST   OF  KANSAS. 

ruarj,  in  which  his  Excellency  declared  that  the  usurping  terri 
torial  laws  of  Shawnee  Mission  manufacture  would  be  sustained 
by  the  whole  force  of  the  government.  Then  he  read  the  latest 
of  Gov.  Shannon's  numerous  proclamations.  This  had  been  issued 
a  month  before ;  had  relation  to  the  dispersion  of  armed  bands, 
and  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Legislature.  The  important  part 
of  this  proclamation  was  Secretary  Woodson's  proclamation,  the 
others  being  read  merely  as  preparatory  exercises,  justifying  or 
expletive.  Here  it  is : 

"PROCLAMATION   BY   THE   ACTING   GOVERNOR   OP   KANSAS. 

"  Whereas  we  have  been  reliably  informed  that  a  number  of 
persons  claiming  legislative  power  are  about  to  assemble  in  the 
town  of  Topeka  for  the  purpose  of  adopting  a  code  of  laws,  or  of 
executing  other  legislative  functions  in  violation  of  the  act  of 
Congress  organizing  the  territory,  and  of  the  laws  adopted  in 
pursuance  thereof,  and  it  appears  that  a  military  organization 
exists  in  this  territory  for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  this  unlawful 
legislative  movement,  and  thus,  in  effect,  to  subvert  by  violence  all 
present  constitutional  and  legal  authority ;  and 

"  Whereas  the  President  of  the  United  States  has,  by  procla 
mation  bearing  date  eleventh  February,  1856,  declared  that  any 
such  plan  for  the  determination  of  the  future  institutions  of  the 
territory,  if  carried  into  action,  will  constitute  insurrection,  and 
therein  commanded  all  persons  engaged  in  such  unlawful  combina 
tions  against  the  constituted  authority  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas, 
or  of  the  United  States,  to  disperse  and  retire  to  their  respective 
places  of  abode ;  and 

"  Whereas  satisfactory  evidence  exists  that  said  proclamation 
of  the  President  has  been,  and  is  about  to  be,  disregarded  :  Now, 
therefore, 

"  I,  Daniel  Woodson,  acting  Governor  of  the  Territory  of 
Kansas,  by  virtue  of  the  authority  vested  in  me  by  law,  and  in 
pursuance  of  the  aforesaid  proclamation  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  the  end  of  upholding  the  legal  and  consti 
tuted  authorities  of  the  territory,  and  of  preserving  the  peace  and 
public  tranquillity,  do  issue  this,  my  proclamation,  forbidding  all 


DISPERSION    OF   TUE   LEGISLATURE.  401 

persons  claiming  legislative  power  and  authority  as  aforesaid  from 
assembling,  organizing,  or  attempting  to  organize,  or  acting  in  any 
legislative  capacity  whatever,  under  the  penalties  attached  to  all 
unlawful  violation  of  the  law  of  the  land  and  disturbers  of  the 
peace  and  tranquillity  of  the  country. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  subscribed  my  hand, 
and  caused  to  be  affixed  the  seal  of  the  territory,  this  4th  day  of 
July,  1856,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the 
eightieth. 

[SEAL.]  "  DANIEL  WOODSON, 

Acting  Gov.  of  K.  T." 
* 

"  The  proclamation  of  the  President,  and  the  orders  under  it, 
require  me  to  sustain  the  Executive  of  the  territory  in  executing 
the  laws  and  preserving  the  peace.  I  therefore  hereby  announce 
that  I  shall  maintain  the  proclamation  at  all  hazards. 

"  E.  V.  SUMNER, 
Col.  First  Cavalry  Commanding  " 

Having  got  through  with  this  ceremony,  all  of  which  was  lis 
tened  to  attentively  and  quietly,  the  two  gentlemen  prepared  to 
leave,  and  the  convention  resumed  its  business  where  it  had  left 
off.  Marshal  Donaldson,  who  had  evidently  expected  some 
remarkable  indication  of  public  sentiment,  or  a  moral  earthquake, 
to  follow  his  announcements,  was  evidently  chagrined  at  the  indif 
ference  with  which  they  were  received.  He  halted  in  the  crowd, 
and  asked  if  they  had  any  communication  to  send  to  Col.  Suniner. 
The  President  of  the  Convention,  Mr.  Currier,  asked  if  a  reply 
from  this  convention  was  desired.  Donaldson,  on  consultation 
with  Judge  Elmore,  replied,  "  No ; "  but  added  that  if  they  had 
anything  to  send  he  would  carry  it.  He  was  then  informed  that 
this  convention  was  not  the  Legislature,  to  which  the  proclamation 
was  addressed,  and  that  the  convention  had  no  reply  to  make. 

It  was  nearly  noon.  The  convention  was  still  busy  at  work. 
The  hour  for  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature  approached,  and  sev 
eral  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature  had  entered  the  hall.  The 
two  military  companies  of  Topeka  which  had  been  on  drill  were 

a** 


402  THE    CONQUEST  OF   KANSAS. 

drawn  up  in  front  of  the  legislative  hall  to  receive  a  banner  from 
the  ladies.  A  band  of  music  was  stationed  at  the  end  of  the  line, 
and  was  making  the  place  echo  with  martial  strains.  It  was  a 
hot  summer's  day,  the  thermometer  standing  at  100°  in  the  shade, 
and  yet  the  streets  were  crowded.  It  was  known  that  the  troops 
might  be  expected  at  every  moment,  and  yet  not  only  men,  but 
women  and  children,  in  gala  dresses,  were  near  the  legislative 
hall,  and  in  the  street  in  front  of  the  hotel  where  the  convention 
was  held.  It  was  at  this  moment  that  a  young  man  hurried  into 
town,  and  announced  to  the  convention  and  to  the  people  in  the 
streets  that  Col.  Sumner,  with  his  force  of  dragoons,  was  rapidly 
approaching  Topeka  in  battle  array.  This  announcement  caused 
no  visible  change  in  the  aspect  of  things ;  perhaps  there  might  be 
a  fluttering  of  some  anxious  hearts,  and  a  tremulous  anxiety  at 
the  possibility  that  the  brilliant  panorama  then  presented  in 
Topeka  might  be  in  a  few  moments  blotted  out  in  blood.  Who 
could  tell  what  an  administration,  capable  of  so  much  political 
villany,  could  contemplate? 

Such  was  the  aspect  of  affairs  when  the  head  of  the  advancing 
column  of  dragoons  was  seen  rapidly  turning  into  Kansas  ave 
nue,  about  one  hundred  yards  above  the  legislative  hall, —  the 
popular  convention  being  in  the  same  thoroughfare,  which  was 
crowded,  between  the  hall  of  the  Legislature  and  the  place  where 
the  convention  was  held.  Col.  Sumner  and  his  staff  came  first; 
at  his  right  the  military  band,  and  close  behind  nearly  two  hun 
dred  dragoons  in  three  squadrons.  The  military  battle-flag  flut 
tered  in  the  breeze.  The  dragoons  entered  the  town  rapidly, 
dashing  up  to  the  legislative  hall,  where  the  two  Topeka  compa 
nies  of  volunteers  were  drawn  up.  As  they  approached,  those 
companies  stood  firm.  The  band  played  on;  a  little  boy  was 
beating  on  the  kettle-drum,  and  neither  he  nor  his  older  compeers 
stopped  playing  until  the  dragoons  rode  on  to  them,  the  horses' 
noses  coining  up  to  the  drum-sticks,  when  Sumner,  who  was  evi 
dently  much  agitated,  leaned  towards  them  with  his  gloved  hand, 
and  begged  them  to  desist  for  the  present.  His  shriil  voice  was 
then  heard  crying,  "First  squadron,  form  into  line!  "  and  as  the 
troops,  under  that  and  other  orders,  formed  into  battle  array 


DISPERSION   OF   THE   LEGISLATURE.  403 

around  the  hall,  and  along  the  street  facing  it,  the  crowds  in  the 
street,  and  those  at  the  convention,  saw  a  couple  of  cannon  posted 
up  the  street,  on  a  rise  about  one  hundred  yards  off,  where  they 
had  just  been  planted,  with  their  muzzles  pointing  down  the  street, 
the  gunners  at  their  stations,  and  the  slow  matches  lighted  and 
burning.  An  army  surgeon  also  came  with  them,  his  case  of 
instruments  open  and  ready  for  use.  Three  other  companies  of 
dragoons  at  the  same  time  approached  the  town  from  the  other 
side,  and  were  only  concealed,  while  the  force  that  entered  came 
up,  by  the  strip  of  timber  along  the  valley  of  the  Kansas. 

It  was  a  brilliant  and  startling  spectacle  which  was  thus  pre 
sented,  —  the  dragoons  with  their  flashing  sabres,  the  officers  giv 
ing  orders,  and  the  men  wheeling  into  position,  and,  above  all,  the 
star-spangled  banner  floating  from  Constitutional  Hall,  as  if  in 
mockery  of  the  scene  beneath. 

After  the  dragoons  were  placed  so  as  to  suit  Col.  Sumner's 
taste,  he  dismounted  and  walked  towards  the  Assembly  rooms. 
Both  Senate  and  House  stood  adjourned  to  meet  at  twelve  o'clock, 
a  fact  of  which  Col.  Sumner  appeared  to  be  aware.  He  was  at 
once  informed  that  the  companies  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  hall 
were  there  merely  to  receive  a  banner  from  the  ladies.  He  said 
he  did  not  wish  to  interfere  with  their  assembling  on  the  Fourth 
of  July.  Three  cheers  were  given  for  Col.  Sumner;  Mr.  Iledpath 
shouted,  "Three  cheers  for  Gov.  Robinson!"  which  were  given 
with  a  will ;  and  some  one  else  cried,  "  Three  cheers  for  Liberty  ! " 
which  was  also  heartily  cheered.  Col.  Sumner  entered  the  hall 
of  the  Legislature,  and  the  crowd  rushed  in  behind  him  and  soon 
filled  it.  The  speaker  was  absent,  and  Mr.  F.  S.  Tappan,  first 
clerk,  rose  and  called  order  by  striking  with  the  gavel  on  the 
desk.  It  was  scarcely  twelve  o'clock,  and  the  Legislature  had  not 
yet  convened,  when  Sumner  entered.  He  went  up  to  the  platform, 
and  they  offered  him  a  chair,  which  he  pulled  to  one  side,  saying, 
"Do  you  want  to  make  speaker  of  me?"  (Great  laughter  and 
sKouts  from  the  crowd.)  Mr.  Tappan,  in  a  strong,  sonorous  voice, 
proceeded  to  call  the  roll,  and,  as  there  was  not  a  quorum  present, 
he  called  the  sergeant-at-arrns  to  bring  in  absentees.  Mr.  Pratt, 
recording  clerk,  then  called  the  roll  again,  and  marked  absentees. 


404  THE    CONQUEST    OF   KANSAS. 

Only  seventeen  answered  the  call,  although  there  were  some  thirty- 
three,  more  than  a  quorum,  in  or  about  the  house. 

Considerable  anxiety  was  manifested  to  have  all  the  members 
answer  to  their  names,  but  some  were  tremulous  and  timid ;  per 
haps  their  response  would  be  the  signal  for  violent  arrest  and 
severe  imprisonment.  Those  who  answered  did  so  boldly,  and  the 
little  band  clustered  around  the  stand,  and  stood  prepared  for 
what  might  come.  Col.  Sumner  arose  from  his  seat,  and  said : 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  I  am  called  upon  this  day  to  perform  the  most 
painful  duty  of  my  whole  life.  Under  the  authority  of  the  Presi 
dent's  proclamation  I  am  here  to  disperse  this  Legislature,  and 
therefore  inform  you  that  you  cannot  meet.  I,  therefore,  order 
you  to  disperse.  God  knows  that  I  have  no  party  feeling  in  this 
matter,  and  will  hold  none  so  long  as  I  occupy  my  present  posi 
tion  in  Kansas.  I  have  just  returned  from  the  borders,  where  I 
have  been  sending  home  companies  of  Missourians,  and  now  I  am 
ordered  here  to  disperse  you.  Such  are  my  orders,  and  you  must 
disperse.  I  now  command  you  to  disperse.  I  repeat  that  this  is 
the  most  painful  duty  of  my  whole  life." 

Judge  Schuyler  asked  —  "Col.  Sumner,  are  we  to  understand 
that  the  Legislature  are  driven  out  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  ?  " 

Col.  Sumner  —  "I  shall  use  all  the  forces  in  my  command  to 
carry  out  my  orders." 

The  representatives  had  dispersed,  and  Col.  Sumner,  who  did  not 
appear  to  be  particularly  enlightened  on  legislative  matters,  had 
got  on  his  horse  to  go,  when  he  learned  that  the  Senate  was  still 
to  disperse,  and  that  the  Senate  Chamber  was  up  stairs.  He 
forthwith  dismounted  again,  and  proceeded  to  Constitutional  Hall. 
He  entered  the  Senate  Chamber.  There  was  a  quorum  present ; 
the  hour  for  convening  had  arrived,  but  the  President  of  the  Sen 
ate  had  not  convened  it  when  Sumner  entered.  Orders  had  been 
issued  the  evening  before  to  the  door-keeper  to  admit  no  visitors. 
The  door-keeper  allowed  Col.  Sumner  to  enter,  but  told  Marshal 
Donaldson  he  could  not  let  "him  in.  Donaldson  said  he  was  United 
States  Marshal,  and  had  official  business.  The  door-keeper,  Mr. 
Fuller,  told  him  to  " show  his  papers;  "  he  exhibited  his  commis 
sion,  ancl  the  door-keeper  let  him  pass. 


DISPERSION   OP   THE   LEGISLATURE.  405 

Col.  Sumner  did  not  pause  to  inquire  whether  the  Senate  was  or 
was  not  in  session,  but  proceeded  to  tell  them  that  by  virtue  of 
the  orders  of  the  President  he  was  there  to  disperse  them,  and 
ordered  them  to  disperse.  Having  said  so,  Col.  Sumner  looked  at 
them  to  see  how  they  took  his  announcement.  The  members  of 
the  Senate  were  standing  in  a  circle,  looking  at^him  respectfully, 
but  they  did  not  move.  There  was  a  long  and  disagreeable  pause, 
which  Sumner  broke  by  asking, 

"  Well,  gentlemen,  do  you  consider  yourselves  dispersed?  " 

Mr.  Thornton,  President  of  the  Senate,  replied  thus : 

"  Col.  Sumner,  the  Senate  is  not  in  session,  and  cannot  make 
any  reply  to  you;  neither  can  any  member  of  it." 

Mr.  Thornton  then  asked  if  Col.  Sumner,  after  his  orders  to  dis 
perse,  would  permit  them  to  convene,  so  as  to  receive  any  commu 
nication  he  might  have  to  make. 

The  colonel  said,  "  No ;  my  orders  are  that  you  must  not  be 
permitted  to  meet,  and  I  cannot  allow  you  to  do  any  business." 

There  was  an  embarrassing  pause.  The  senators  were  drawn 
up  in  a  circle,  looking  respectfully  at  Col.  Sumner,  but  never 
uttering  a  word,  when  Marshal  Donaldson,  who  had  been  standing 
unnoticed  in  the  corner,  began  to  suspect  that  "law  and  order" 
was  likely  to  suffer,  and  stepped  forward.  He  confronted  the 
members  of  the  Senate,  and  holding  his  hat  in  one  hand,  and  rais 
ing  the  other,  gesticulated  with  the  point  of  his  finger,  as  he  said, 
in  a  tremulous,  squeaking  voice, 

"Well,  I  want  all  o'  you  members  to  promise  that  you  won't 
meet  here  again.  If  you  don't,"  —  and  here  the  U.  S.  Marshal 
shook  his  head  menacingly,  —  "  I  '11  arrest  every  one  o'  ye  — 
every  member ! " 

The  Senate  paid  no  attention  to  this  outrageous  proceeding,  in 
which  a  United  States  officer  threatened  with  a  conditional  arrest, 
in  the  hope  of  extorting  pledges,  the  yielding  to  which  might  be 
fatal  to  the  cause  of  freedom  in  the  territory. 

One  of  the  members  of  the  Senate  exhibited  a  little  of  the  feel 
ing  that  such  trying  circumstances  may  awaken,  and  said : 

"  When  my  country  calls  me  to  disperse,  by  her  troops,  I  yield 
to  that  authority." 


406  THE    CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

Here  Hon.  Mr.  Pillsbury  said,  "  Col.  Sumner,  we  are  in  no 
condition  to  resist  the  United  States  troops ;  and  if  you  order 
us  to  disperse,  of  course  we  must  disperse."  Col.  Allen  said  that 
he  would  suggest  to  his  brother  senators  that  Mr.  Pillsbury's 
statement  be  considered  the  expression  of  the  whole,  which  was 
assented  to. 

Col.  Sumner  then  left  the  hall.  When  he  got  out  on  the  street 
he  assured  many  of  those  who  gathered  round  him  that  he  did  not 
wish  to  interfere  with  the  convention  as  then  assembled  there ; 
that  he  had  merely  been  sent  to  disperse  the  Legislature,  and 
recognized  their  right  to  meet  on  the  4th  of  July.  Three  cheers 
were  again  proposed  for  Col.  Sumner,  and  given.  Three  cheers 
for  John  C.  Fremont  were  then  given. 

At  this  point  the  dragoons  were  filed  off  in  marching  order; 
three  cheers  were  given  for  "  theTopeka  Convention  and  the  State 
Legislature."  Some  of  the  pro-slavery  officers  looked  round  rather 
fiercely  when  this  was  given ;  but  Sumner's  sharp  voice  was  heard 
giving  the  order,  "  Forward  —  march !  "  and  just  as  that  military 
band  who,  under  the  American  flag  which  waved  from  the  hall  of 
the  Legislature,  had  committed  one  of  the  most  grievous  outrages 
recorded  in  our  history,  spurred  their  horses  to  leave  the  streets 
of  Topeka,  three  groans  were  given  for  Mr.  Pierce,  and  so  deep 
and  loud  were  they  that  the  sound  startled  the  dragoons,  and  made 
them  break  from  line  as  they  defiled  past. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

CONDITION   OF   CONQUERED   KANSAS. 

KANSAS  was  now  politically  prostrate.  Her  Legislature  was 
dispersed  by  federal  troops;  her  leading  men  languishing  in 
prison.  The  Missouri  river  was  closed  to  emigration  from  the 
free  states,  and  the  tedious  and  uncertain  route  through  Iowa  was 
menaced,  and  the  only  security  by  that  route  was  by  companies, 
sufficiently  strong  and  determined  to  take  care  of  themselves. 
The  free-state  movement  being  crushed  for  the  time,  or  pre 
vented  from  securing  defence  for  the  settlers,  there  was  no  legal 
security  for  free-state  men.  The  territorial  officers  imposed  by 
the  general  government,  and  the  local  officers  thrust  on  the  people 
by  the  Legislature  of  the  Shawnee  Mission,  were  tools  of  the  slave 
power,  and  active  co-workers  in  the  task  of  making  Kansas  a  slave 
state.  The  leaders  of  the  free-state  movement  had  a  prison  for  a 
reward.  The  promulgation  of  free-state  sentiments  was  branded 
"  TREASON,"  and  the  federal  troops  enforced  the  usurpation  of  Mis 
souri  and  the  slave  power. 

It  is  a  grand  fact,  that  never  must  be  forgotten  by  the  Ameri 
can  people,  military  power  is  and  ever  must  be  inimical  to 
popular  institutions.  Speculating  on  the  political  principles  of  a 
military  officer,  who  is  mainly  taught  to  regard  government  as  a 
necessary  pay-master,  and  political  authority  as  something  con 
nected  with  promotion,  is  like  trusting  to  the  manhood  of  a  dough 
face,  or  appealing  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  usurer  of  the  tribe 
of  Levi.  To  expect  a  delicate  discrimination,  a  nice  balancing  of 
social  and  political  rights,  a  careful  watch  and  protection  of  the 
people  of  Kansas,  to  flow  from  the  mere  fact  of  turning  some  si^ 
or  seven  hundred  dragoons  loose  to  manage  ^he  territory,  is 


,N 

is  this  <«j>edfc$M5  would  act  a* 

sha  v\>u4Jttr\v$  peace*  u*&y  bo 

A*itoabfc  IVM  the  result  p*vve$  th&t  the- 

«.:  :>-o  u.vv.c  ,  f  ,t  :-.vY 
.ui 


;  >BS 
i*dt  no  haad  itt 

J>»^j!u 
r  S^r^v  aiid  j.vpa]ur  r%&Lt»  aw  wuu<?*iiiag  and 

» 

•'•   .  -    ,        •  .    .  -     _  -        s         -        /  ,         /  .     .-,-  a 
te  pwuwcwit  and  p*K&     Attached  w  the  general  ^overaaiM^ 

$fiate^  r&rtjl^  evtaee>  and 
S>HliimTO.  stia6*s  aever.  —  tbev  v.vu'.d  20 

WWBfecy*  bv  t^w  evwimictxv  ,>f  their  wreaks  aud  the 

,•  >xt^k.  o:  L.i'.viviice  aud  ether 
-  ,>:  Kansas  by  the  slave 

power  >  of  their  sufferings,  they 

wtsoed  wouud  work,  the  .  reaee  ot*  the  country 

and  tfee  welI4x  \.  -.11^3  would  promptly  receive  th«  only 

iMMidiiin-  Ute*  could  mee*  rf«  c««  .>.ey  waited  aad 

w  a  yaw  b  was  before 

On  ai  Kansas  ; 

y  and  pe.-.  9  territory. 

In  that  barrier 
stood  not  c 

httft  tb     i  ¥er  oac  c-  :iere  was  a  corrupt  terr 

govemaieiife,  cor  ,^veru- 

ment, 
- 

In  aH  tfce     .     -   -    «  *er  yielded 

an  mch.  of  ground.     A  :  even 

- 

TlllBiKTlV. 


.  •  -  •  '    ..... 

*&**#>  k  \  fa 
~>.-  -.;..•.>-     .:.. 


of 

p& 
„    L  ••»•*?• 


.:t--    '.u»     ^-:-.,.i^..     •>'„';-. 

'  i:r       .il:  ;*i-  .....    ;    .;•;.,„      ,.    fc    -.jin.  ;..".....:;,  'J  i.  •..       . 

: 

TSr*^*fe  HJiiiiiHiiiBX  («^t^  aoc  «$*i.  ••#*&$ 

Will  DOC  aooi4£  w  ;  aac  1;. 


..  -:.:.,,    ,--,.:.,!.-    <s*->y"*r  •-;;  ^--        ^-«'- 


ipfttrig  tmfc  1r*e  wir 

i.-i'.       .        : 


;-,;..- 

..... 

ai  JEHT  ..ii* :  w. 


ttt    flttiy  df&OK:  fl 

Jfe  ntffrv  Wff-  SWOP"  tofc  JfCiuftJ   \ 

wa&Bn.  met-  VKtfo*  •**& 

Pi    An_«Mjf    fuv     inMMiw^   -ii^-    Ma^Bf^      iMtfirti"  MfcWfc    V^tf 


410  THE    CONQUEST  OF   KANSAS. 

greedy  for  political  power,  were  willing  to  sacrifice  their  own 
honor,  as  well  as  the  interests  of  those  they  represented,  for  the 
chance  of  power  and  place.  For  this  they  straggled  to  blindfold 
and  deceive  those  they  had  robbed  of  their  political  birthright ; 
for  this  they  were  false  to  the  country  that  had  trusted  them,  and 
the  constitution  they  had  sworn  to  protect. 

Not  content  with  filching  civil  rights  from  the  people,  these  cor 
rupt  popular  leaders  undertook  to  demonstrate  that  republicanism 
is  a  humbug,  by  corrupting  the  popular  opinion  on  which  it  rests. 
The  term  "  popular  sovereignty  "  was  made  the  foundation-stone 
of  American  despotism,  and  the  weapon  by  which  the  people  were 
defrauded  of  those  civil  rights  on  which  the  prosperity  of  the  state 
depends  was  called  "  allowing  the  people  to  settle  their  local 
affairs  for  themselves." 

The  idea  of  the  free-state  and  slave-state  interests  quietly  decid 
ing  "  their  own  local  institutions  for  themselves  "  is  as  infernal  a 
piece  of  political  rascality  as  ever  imposed  on  the  American  peo 
ple.  The  two  systems  are  the  antipodes  of  each  other.  They 
cannot  live  together.  They  cannot  breathe  together.  They  cannot 
merge  their  differences.  If  Kansas  is  a  slave-state  no  free-state 
man  can  remain ;  for,  in  order  to  bolster  up  slavery  among  the 
population  now  here,  the  laws  would  have  to  be  so  oppressive  and 
despotic  that  freedom  could  not  live  under  them.  This  talk  of  the 
"people  settling  the  question  of  slavery  for  themselves"  is  merely 
a  pretext  under  which  the  antagonistic  elements  in  our  government 
are  invited  to  a  warfare  on  a  coveted  battle-ground.  0,  you  have 
but  to  see  the  hatred  with  which  men  there  regard  each  other,  to 
feel  this ;  the  suspicion  with  which  one  traveller  regards  another, 
to  feel  its  weight !  If  slavery  triumphs,  the  principle  on  which 
our  government  is  founded  is  virtually  overthrown.  If  freedom 
triumphs,  the  greatest  evil  in  our  country  is  kept  in  bounds. 

Murder,  rapine,  highway  robbery,  were  committed  in  the  name 
of  "  law  and  order,"  and  the  appeals  of  an  oppressed  people  fell 
unheeded  and  unanswered  on  the  ears  of  a  corrupt  administration. 
Not  satisfied  with  all  the  villany  that  had  been  done,  and  all  the 
outrages  by  which  the  conquest  of  Kansas  to  slavery  was  consum 
mated,  a  party,  calling  itself  a  democratic  party,  had  the  hurdi- 


CONDITION   OF   CONQUERED    KANSAS.  411 

hood  to  make  these  usurpations  and  crimes  the  platform  on  which 
they  stood,  and  the  argument  by  which  they  dared  to  appeal  to 
the  people  for  their  suffrages.  The  cry  of  "  save  the  Union  "  was 
raised;  that  cry  under  which  the  stability  of  our  institutions  had 
already  received  the  most  fatal  stabs.  "  Saving  the  Union  "  had 
been  the  blind  and  the  whip  under  which  coercive  and  unfair 
legislation  was  smuggled  in;  and,  having  accomplished  this,  the 
same  cry  was  raised  to  cover  up  the  designing  schemes  of  nullifi 
cation  and  secession. 

The  pro-slavery  party  were  jubilant  in  their  triumph.  Flushed 
with  a  victory  in  which  fraud  rather  than  military  power  had 
triumphed,  they  gave  way  to  rejoicings.  The  portion  of  the  South 
ern  regiment,  stationed  at  Atchison,  joined  with  the  Missourians 
and  pro-slavery  men  of  the  territory  in  a  celebration,  of  which  I 
give  the  following,  from  the  account  of  the  Atchison  pro-slavery 
paper : 

"  At  the  head  of  the  table  hung  the  '  blood-red  flag,'  with  the 
lone  star,  and  the  motto  of  '  Southern  Rights  '  on  the  one  side,  and 
1  South  Carolina  '  on  the  other.  The  same  flag  that  first  floated  on 
the  rifle  pits  of  the  abolitionists  at  Lawrence,  and  on  the  hotel  of 
the  same  place,  in  triumph,  now  hung  over  the  heads  of  the 
noble  soldiers  who  bore  it  so  bravely  through  that  exciting  war. 

"  The  following  are  among  the  toasts  drank  : 

"Kansas:  our  chosen  home  —  stand  by  her.  Yes,  sons  of  the 
South,  make  her  a  slave  state,  or  die  in  the  attempt !  (This  toast 
was  received  with  loud  and  continued  applause.) 

"  Disunion :  by  secession  or  otherwise  —  a  beacon  of  hope  to 
an  oppressed  people,  and  the  surest  remedy  for  Southern  wrongs. 
(Enthusiastic  cheers.) 

"  The  city  of  Atchison  :  may  she,  before  the  close  of  the  year 
'57,  be  the  capital  of  a  Southern  republic.  (Cheers.) 

"  Kansas  :  we  will  make  her  a  slave  state,  or  form  a  chain  of 
locked  arms  and  hearts  together,  and  die  in  the  attempt. 

"  The  distribution  of  public  lands  :  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres 
to  every  pro-slavery  settler,  and  to  every  abolitionist  six  feet  by 
two." 


412  THE   CONQUEST   OF   KANSAS. 

And,  also,  the  following  from  the  proceedings  of  a  celebration 
of  slavery  in  South  Carolina : 

"  Kansas :  already  stained  with  the  blood  of  Southern  martyrs 
in  the  cause  of  justice  and  our  most  sacred  rights.  May  her 
streams  become  rivers  of  blood,  and  her  forests  charnel-houses, 
before  her  soil  shall  be  contaminated,  and  her  atmosphere  polluted, 
by  the  free-soil  partisans  of  the  North. 

"  Kansas :  it  has  risen  like  the  ghost  of  Banquo,  to  sear  the 
eyeballs  of  rampant  fanaticism ;  but,  ere  they  clutch  it,  they  must 
cross  many  Brooks,  whose  caney  growth  will  resist  them. 

"  Kansas : 

'  Strike  while  the  iron  's  hot,  — 
Strike  with  men  and  means  ; 
And  let  the  Yankees  see  we  've  got 
The  right  to  hold  the  reins.' 

"  Kansas :  the  battle-ground  upon  which  is  to  be  decided  the 
fate  of  Southern  rights  under  the  Union." 

Alas,  these  were  not  idle  and  unmeaning  words !  Every  line 
and  every  syllable  have  been  attested  by  fraud  and  crime  in  Kan 
sas;  and,  while  I  write,  they  are  echoed  by  the  complaints  of 
enslaved  freemen,  the  wail  of  bereaved  widows,  and  the  unheeded 
plaint  of  political  prisoners  who  languish  in  captivity,  for  loving 
freedom  fearlessly  and  well.  Liberty  stands  aghast  at  the  fearful 
prospect,  and  asks,  if  these  things  be  done  under  republican  rule 
to-day,  what  will  our  popular  institutions  be  worth  to-morrow  ? 

But  Kansas,  though  conquered  by  Missouri  and  her  allies,  is 
not  yet  subdued.  Every  vestige  of  popular  liberty  and  constitu 
tional  privilege  has,  indeed,  been  stricken  down,  but  a  liberty- 
loving  people  remain.  Until  that  freedom-loving  race  has  been 
"  wiped  out,"  there  can  be  no  peace  and  security  for  the  power 
that  has  thus  trampled  on  their  rights,  or  for  the  institution  of 
negro  slavery,  for  the  sake  of  which  all  this  villany  and  wrong  has 
been  done.  Liberty  and  independence  do  not  exist  in  Kansas  to 
day,  but  a  people  loving  these  is  upon  her  soil.  "  Truth  crushed 
to  earth  will  rise  again."  Our  political  elements  have  become 
very  corrupt,  because  we  have  forgotten  principle  in  remembering 


CONDITION    OF    CONQUERED    KANSAS.  413 

party ;  but  there  is  a  shaking  in  the  "  valley  of  dry  bones,"  and, 
perhaps,  the  suffering  that  has  been  undergone  has  purchased  a 
watchfulness  on  the  part  of  the  people,  worth  all  the  blood,  and 
treasure,  and  heart-wrung  agony  it  has  cost. 

Yet  it  is  possible  that  the  war  of  conquest  may  be  followed  by 
a  war  of  extermination.  Perhaps  the  struggling,  liberty-loving 
TREASON  in  the  territory  may  furnish  the  apology  for  an  attack, 
in  which  not  only  freedom,  but  the  love  of  freedom,  will  be  blotted 
out.  The  slavery  extensionists  well  know  that  without  this  the 
fruit  of  their  conquest  will  turn  to  ashes  on  their  lips.  They 
know  this,  and  God  in  heaven  only  knows  what  the  corrupt  men 
who  have  been  the  most  active  participators  in  this  warfare  may 
not  attempt.  The  spirit  that  has  so  far  triumphed  is  exhibited  in 
the  following  paragraph  from  a  border  paper : 

"  Several  parties  have  inquired  of  us  why  the  law  has  not  been 
put  in  force  at  Topeka,  as  well  as  at  Lawrence,  against  abolition 
newspapers.  Topeka  is  no  better  than  Lawrence  ;  it  is  also  demor 
alized  ;  but  it  is  not  so  well  known  abroad.  If  both  Topeka  and 
Lawrence  were  blotted  out,  entirely  obliterated,  it  would  be  the 
best  thing  for  Kansas  that  could  happen.  The  sooner  the  people 
of  Topeka  sound  their  death-knell  the  better ;  they  are  too  corrupt 
and  degraded  to  live.  We  would  like  to  be  present  and  raise  our 
Ebenezer  in  the  funeral.  It  is  silly  to  suppose,  for  an  instant,  that 
there  can  be  peace  in  Kansas  as  long  as  one  enemy  of  the  South 
lives  upon  her  soil,  or  one  single  specimen  of  an  abolitionist  treads 
in  the  sunlight  of  Kansas  territory." 

The  foregoing  is  but  one  of  many  such  paragraphs  which  might 
be  given.  Such  sentiments  are  a  fearful  indication  of  the  corruption 
of  the  popular  mind. 

But  if  that  war  of  extermination  is  begun,  it  will  prove  the  war 
of  freedom.  The  suffering  settlers  in  Kansas  have  been  driven  to 
extremity,  and  are  now  nerved  to  fight.  Kansas  was  settled,  in 
great  part,  by  a  peace-loving  people ;  a  people  in  whom  delicate 
sentiment,  and  a  refinement  which  hates  the  horrors  of  blood,  are 
strongly  rooted.  Imagine  an  over-sensitive  Englishman  moralizing 
over  the  dead  body  of  a  llu^ian  whom  he  has  slain  in  the  trenches 
35* 


414  THE    CONQUEST    OP   KANSAS. 

of  Sevastopol,  and  you  have  a  picture  of  the  free-state  settler  in 
Kansas,  contemplating  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war,  which  he  would 
suffer  much  to  avert.  They  have  suffered  much,  perhaps  too  much 
to  avert  it ;  they  appeal  from  their  wrongs  to  the  great  American 
brotherhood  to  right  those  wrongs.  In  the  vindication  of  justice, 
peace  may  yet  be  secured,  but  without  it  there  will  surely  be  war 
and  bloodshed,  and  with  these  the  triumph  of  freedom ;  for, 

"  Freedom's  battle  once  begun, 

Bequeathed  from  bleeding  sire  to  son, 
Though  baffled  oft  is  EVER  wox." 

Kansas,  the  Italy  of  America,  the  debatable  ground,  has  still 
much  to  tempt.  Landscapes  of  unsurpassed  loveliness,  a  soil  of 
unmatched  fertility,  with  the  richest  natural  elements,  exhibit  the 
value  of  the  future  empire  whose  fate  was  tossed  recklessly,  by 
unscrupulous  politicians,  in  the  scale,  to  vibrate  between  the  con 
flicting  claims  of  freedom  and  slavery. 

There  is  a  healthy  freshness  and  vitality  in  the  atmosphere 
of  Kansas  as  favorable  to  pulmonary  weakness  as  the  table  lands 
of  Mexico.  As  you  inhale  the  vigor-giving  breezes,  you  acquire  a 
nerve  and  elasticity,  in  the  possession  of  which  you  might  forget 
that  the  rights  of  American  freemen  had  been  subdued,  in  order 
that  slavery  might  be  planted  upon  its  soil ;  or,  if  it  cannot  make 
you  forget  this,  it  may  inspire  you  with  the  thought  that  freedom 
can  reconquer  what  she  has  lost.  What  matters  it  that  free 
speech,  and  a  free  press,  are  "  treason  "  in  Kansas  ?  What  mat 
ters  it  that  the  judiciary  is  the  obedient  slave  of  slavery  ?  What 
matters  it  though  the  federal  troops  hold  in  their  iron  grasp  the 
Kansas  that  Missouri  and  slavery  conquered?  There  is,  thank 
God,  still  a  spirit  and  vitality  in  the  American  character  which 
will  rise  above  all  these  obstacles,  and  will  yet  write  KESURGAM  ! 
on  the  tomb  of  Kansas  Liberty. 


0 


\JUL. 


